VIII. of the four articles of the Assembly of the Clergy (of

France) in 1682 ? Is it from the affirmation of the Legend of
47
Gregory VII., coined in our own days by Clement XI. and Benedict XIII ?
The books we have cited arc those of the most learned and most talented theologians of the Society of Jesuits — those, that the Jesuit Beatrix, rector of the College of Rouen, in his Chrono- logical Tables, printed 1644, placed in the rank of fathers of the Church. They drew all their theology from those sources ; they write 110 new books, but they make new editions of those old ones.
Where can we find any abjuration of those opinions recorded by the Society ? Is it in the theses, which Jesuits have held in several schools of this kingdom ? Is it in the multiplied editions of Busembaum,* and above all, in the edition, which was printed in France in 1729, with the Commentaries of La Croix, a Jesuit ? Is it in the Journal de Trevoux of that same year, which lavishes~vX on that book the highest praises ? or is it in the reprint, in 1757, of that detestable book, published under what circumstances ? Is it in the apologies, made for it during the mission to Nantes by the Jesuit Dessulpont, who only a few months afterwards bad to disavow it before this tribunal ? Is it in the works of the Jesuit Zacharias, who wrote in 1758, in support of that execrable work, and to attack the decisions, which had proscribed it?
Here is a question of facts. Will any one undertake to efface from the memory of men facts which are stereotyped in history, arid make us forget these recent facts, which have passed under our own eyes ?
I think that Popes of this day have neither the wish, nor any occasion to assert ambitious pretensions in opposition to any king, but this is rather a pious presumption on my part, than a demon- strated fact ; and one can hardly expect princes to be satisfied with felicitous presumptions, and make no better provision for their own safety.
If this species of fanaticism, derived from the system of the infallibility of the Pope, and his right to rule temporalities, is diminished in France, we owe it to our parliaments, who have
* The work of Liguori, which has been recently approved by the Pope, and which was authoritatively recommended by Cardinal Wiseman, is a paraphrase of Busemltatuu's work. — Editor.
48
preserved their sacred charge of the liberties of the nation, and to the Sorbonnc, to the body of French clergy, who made the cele- brated declaration of 1682, and to the edict which Louis XIV. issued in consequence.
The second fundamental principle of the constitution of the Jesuits is, that the Pope, as the rightful sovereign over all things, both spiritual and temporal, has communicated his absolute power to the Society of Jesuits in the person of their General, for the preservation and propagation of the spiritual and temporal good of the Society.
This fanatical principle is as absurd as that from which they attempt to deduce it.
They say, a sovereign who may do anything he pleases, has given to the General all the power he had for the advancement of the Society. When he has given away his power, the gift is complete and irrevocable. If the giver should repent, it is too late ; his power is gone, and the general has only to keep it without the help of the Pope, and in spite of him.
But now, if one could believe, that Christ had given sovereign power to the Pope, does it follow, that such power is transferable, or that any Pope having it, could give it away and deprive his successors of it ?
Men accept gifts generally without questioning the authority and competence of the donor. Perhaps the Jesuits have never considered, whether the Popes could confer on a religious order the power to create rights for themselves, prerogatives and privileges above, and adverse to, all other, and even to the injury of the Pope himself; for all that is given away from others is valid, according to their constitutions ; and nothing, which is granted to others, is valid against them.
I have said that the constitutions of the Jesuits are founded on
; two principles ; the absolute power of the Pope, and his comniu-
i nication of an absolute power to the Society. You will see, that
the system of the Society and its government, both interior and
exterior, and the particular regulations of the constitutions, flow
naturally from those two principles, i.e., that the Pope has
absolute power, and that he has communicated it to the Society.
All that concerns kings and princes, their persons, their autho-
49
rity, the episcopate, curates, universities, companies, both secular and regular, are derived from the first.
The second compi-ehends the authority of the General, both interior and exterior, the means that he has a right to employ, the institution and the education of members of the Society, that of youths confided to its care, the laws and rules of morality of dis- cipline, and of police, of which the Society makes use.
Generally these two principles are united, and seek the same object; sometimes one of these powers is sufficient to provide for the preservation and the extension of the Society. Sometimes these two sovereign authorities find themselves at variance. We have seen what may happen by the shock of these two powers.
I do not attempt to report the laws of the institution in detail. In attempting it I could only repeat what has already been said more than once. I show the principles, and consider the spirit of the institution ; and it will be seen that particular facts unite themselves with these naturally.
I will show, when I come to discuss the murderous doctrines respecting kings, how that depends on the first principle. I will now proceed to that which affects the authority of govern- ments. We need not ask the Jesuits, why they did not present their constitutions, their laws, and the Bulls confirming the consti- tutions and their privileges, to the sovereigns, in whose dominions they establish themselves. It was because the Pope had authorized them, and they believed that, as the Pope had a power direct or indirect over princes, all Catholic sovereigns were obliged ! to receive them in their dominions, and that it was their duty to ' give them the full enjoyment of all the privileges and prerogatives that they had obtained ; that princes could not do otherwise, without failing in the respect they owed to the visible head of the Church, and without incurring the anger of God and the Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul. So run the Bulls.
The following is not a conjecture. Gregory XI V., in a Bull confirmative of the institution of the Jesuits given in 1591, on the petition of their General, Aquaviva says, that no one, excepting the sovereign Pontiff, shall meddle with the religious Orders, approved of by the Holy See, and forbids any person, whatever his authority, whether regular or secular, to attempt it. Paul III.
E
50
had granted to the Jesuits leave to build and acquire property in every part of the Avorld without the consent of any power, either ecclesiastical or secular. (Privileg. p. 17.) It is on the same principle of the sovereignty of Popes over the temporal concerns of all Christian kings, that the Society, its members and its pos- sessions, are declared to have passed into the possession of St. Peter, and to belong to the Holy Apostolic See.
Their persons and their possessions are exempted from all taxes, tithes, impositions, gabels (the excise on salt), taillas (succession duties), dons, (forced gifts), collections (levies), subsidies, even for the most commendable purposes, as for the defence of the country. No kings, princes, dukes, marquises, barons, soldiers, nobles, laymen, corporations, magistrates, commanders of towns or fortresses, shall dare to impose these.
It was not enough that the persons and the possessions of the Society should be freed from all jurisdiction ; they thought fit to create judges to preserve their privileges, and to endow these with the necessary power to prevent any encroachment upon them.
Popes have given them these " Conservators " in all countries; or rather, they have enabled the Jesuits to appoint and choose them for themselves.
That privilege is the acme of madness of fanaticism.
A Conservator, provided that he has any ecclesiastical dignity, or a canonry, may act as an ordinary judge for the Jesuits, " Judex Ordinarim" He may judge without any judicial formality : it is forbidden to any one to give a contradictory judgment, and if given, it is null and void.
The Bulls grant to this Conservator all power, even over tem- poral affairs and secular persons. He may inflict pecuniary penalties, and even lay interdicts on places to which enemies of the Society retire. He may repress all constituted authorities, whether secular or ecclesiastical, whatever they may be, even pontiffs or kings, who may molest the Society and disturb them in their possessions, their privileges, or their reputation openly, or privately, directly or indirectly, secretly or otherwise, on any pretence whatsoever.
The Jesuits may summon before their Judge-conservators all sorts of persons, either ecclesiastics or laymen, when it is a
51
question of manifest injury or violence against the properties, privileges, or members of the Society personally. It is sufficient for this, that the injury should be manifest by the evidence of fact, or it may be taken as proved, so there is no need of judicial investigation.
The Jesuits, to complete their wild pretensions, were not satisfied, that the Conservators should be chosen by themselves ; they insisted over and above this, that they should be able to change them at their pleasure ; and their privilege is recorded, that the Society may have a cause decided by one Conservator, which has been commenced by another, even when there is nothing to prevent the first judge from going on with it.
I must observe in regard to these pretended Judge-conser- vators, and the power given to them to punish by legal means, and by violent measures, that in the first Bulls obtained by the Jesuits for the establishment of these judges, legal means only were mentioned ; and that it was in a Bull issued in 1571, that the permission to use violence was added ; an addition which is by no means in accordance with the usual style of those writings ; it is added on purpose. And, I ask, for what purpose could such a clause be added? I see no proofs of the actual existence of such Judge-conservators in France, nor of any judg- ments passed by them. Their formal establishment would have been a direct attack on the sovereignty and laws of the State, and it would be almost impossible to obtain proofs of judgments given without any of the formalities of justice, by certain pretended and unknown judges, who have never taken legal oaths before any judicial tribunal, who are nowhere publicly registered, and who act in secret.
We find, however, in the reports on the affair of the Bishop of Pamiers, the Ordinance which that bishop issued against the Jesuits, forbidding them to hear confessions, and the Act in which they signified on the 24th of December, 1667, to his promoter, that if he persisted in such attempts, vexations, and molesta- tions against the Society, they would carry their complaints to the Pope for justice, or to the Judge-conservators, as was customary and reasonable.
The Popes, acting on their pretended right of sovereignty over
E 2
temporal affairs, have allowed the Society to create notaries for all their affairs, and have given the General the right to elevate the Jesuits into public officers, that they may be placed in a position to inform all persons, both secular and ecclesiastical, all and every one, of the privileges of the Society. And the acts of these Jesuit notaries must have full credence even in courts of justice. Some Bulls have made a civil law for the Jesuits with regard to statutes of limitation, which these Bulls prolong to sixty years ; even with regard to possessions, which would otherwise be limited to a shorter perid of time.
They have established special forms of procedure for the affairs of the Society, and subjected secular judges to those forms. They have exempted the Jesuits from the laws with regard to damages altogether, when they commit injury, even when it is the fault of their superiors ; an arrangement, which tends to render their obli- gations illusory whenever their interest makes them think, that they are injured.
I add one important point concerning the General only, which interests civil society, — that of contracts and legacies.
The General only, as has been already stated, has the power of making contracts. "Penes generalem omnisfacultas agendi quosvis contractus." " Lcs contrah ne peuvent etre faits que suivant la coutume et les privileges de la Societe." Contracts can only be made according to the custom and privileges of the Society. And declarations exist, which prevent these engagements from binding the Society, although the other contracting party is bound by them.
One of these articles enacts, that, though the General may have conceded powers to the superiors of religious houses and also to inferiors, he may yet confirm or negative their agreements as he pleases, and order anything he thinks fit.
He may alter the destination of legacies, left to colleges or houses, and apply them to any other purpose, provided that it can be done without creating scandal to persons interested.
The laws and constitutions of the society having overridden the rights of sovereigns, we need not ask, why they pay no regard either to episcopal jurisdiction or to rights of incumbents, nor to the rights of universities, nor to those of other religious orders ; on the ground, that the Pope having sovereign spiritual power,
53
could of .course rule, as he chose, and order everything he thought useful or necessary, without troubling himself about the rights of bishops, who are only his delegates, and have no jurisdiction, but that which he gives them ; because the Pope may despise the rights of incumbents, and of universities and of all religious orders ; and because, being above law and canons, he may dispense with, all canons, and being superior to the General Council, he may negative their regulations. By the Bull of Paul III. 1549, the Society and its members are declared exempt and free from all superiority, jurisdiction, and correction of the ordinaries. No bishop can excommunicate a Jesuit, or suspend him or interdict him. This privilege extends to all their out-of-door servants and workmen.
Any Jesuit chosen by the General has the right to preach everywhere, to hear the confessions of all the faithful, to absolve them from all sins, even in the cases reserved for the Holy See, and from censures. It is enjoined on all ordinaries to facilitate their full exercise of these privileges. By a Bull cited among their privileges, bishops cannot prevent Jesuits from administering the sacrament of penance, from Palm Sunday to the first Sunday after Whitsuntide. And they must allow Jesuits, who are priests, to perform this function throughout their dioceses generally, and without distinction or limitation of time, place, or persons.
Bishops cannot interdict an establishment of Jesuits without consulting the Holy See, nor even any individual Jesuit, (to whom they had previously given permission, without limiting the period of that permission) nor oblige him to be subjected to a fresh ex- amination, unless some new cause has occurred belonging to the confession itself. Bishops cannot prevent Jesuits from preaching in churches which belong to their Society. Every believer, who goes to mass, to a sermon, or to vespers in the churches, belonging to the Society, is understood to have fulfilled all his parish duties and all the offices of the Church.
The General has a right to summon congregations of all sorts and kinds in his houses, to distribute and create indulgences for those congregations, to make any statutes he pleases, and to change them at his will in such sort, that it is to be understood, that all is done with the approbation of the Holy See. Bishops have
54
no right, according to the Bulls, to visit their houses, nor to in- terfere in their administration, unless in exceptional cases.
Several of the Bulls diminish the authority of councils, whether General or Provincial Councils. There is noted in the Compen- dium, p. 285, that privileges granted since the Council of Trent, are valid, although they are contradictory to that council.
It is forhidden to appeal from the ordinances of this society, and to all judges to receive such appeals.
Every college of Jesuits is erected into a university, and the superior or prefect is authorised to confer degrees on strangers as well as on Jesuits, with all the privileges of graduates in the universities. All universities and persons opposing this rule, are \ to lose their own privileges, and rights, and are to be cited hefore the Conservator, and excommunicated. Jesuit pupils must not graduate in the universities on account of the oaths taken there.
Magistrates must execute the will of the rector, and protect the persons he recommends.
The Jesuits, fearing that the privileges, of which I have made a short enumeration, would not be enough, obtained in one single Bull from Pope Pius V., all the privileges, past, present, or future, which all the Mendicants of all habits, and both sexes, have ever obtained, or that ever hereafter they may obtain ; all the prerogatives, which may have been granted to them, how many soever they may be, even those especially notified. All the immunities, exemptions, faculties, concessions, privileges, spiritual and temporal graces, that may be given in future to their congregations, convents, chapters, to their monks or nuns, to their monasteries, houses, hospitals, and other places, are granted to the Jesuits, ipso facto, without further particular con- cession.
By this Bull the Pope ties his own hands, and the hands of all his successors, by forbidding, that any of these privileges should ever be retracted. For if they were, the General of the Society might restore those rights to himself, or to the Society, as they existed at any date he may choose for such restitution.
What a mass of abuses heaped one over the other ! or rather, what extravagant nonsense !
55
Violations of the right of all nations and of all civil society, attempts on the jurisdictions of all the sovereigns of the whole world, and pains pronounced on their sacred persons — what an abuse of ecclesiastical authority ! A spiritual ruler, who has received only spiritual authority from Jesus Christ, takes the command in all temporal concerns over all Christendom, as if it was his territory !
Can one hear those things without shuddering at such a source of fanaticism ? or rather, is it not fanaticism itself ? Was I wrong when I stated to you that the constitutions of the Jesuits, their systems and laws, declarations and decrees, are fanaticism reduced to rule and principle ?
I will not give any further details of the abuses which result from these privileges ; it is but too evident that they directly attack common law, the laws of the kingdom, the liberties of the Gallican Church, the canons of the universal Church, the rights of bishops, and those of incumbents ; the prerogatives of universities, and of all other religious orders ; in one word, all societies, both political and religious. You see that all these evils are derived from the fatal maxim of the absolute power of the Pope in all things both spiritual and temporal.
The Society of the Jesuits will say, perhaps, that other religious orders have obtained exorbitant power ; and that, moreover, the Jesuits have never used (in France) the greater part of those powers which seem so odious.
I wish it was possible to judge of the constitutions of the Jesuits as leniently as of other collections of monastic laws ; and I own, that was my first idea when I began this examination. There are vices and abuses in several of the laws of other religious orders ; I learnt that in the compendium of the privileges, which the Jesuit Society only cites in order to adopt them.
But I have been obliged to abandon a comparison, which at first sight seemed equitable, but which cannot be sustained. It is plain, that having concentrated in their order all the preroga- tives of all the other orders, they have adopted all the vices with them, that can be found in all the other constitutions ; so that the fruit of their ambition has been to find themselves burdened
56
in relation to the State, with all the abuses incident to all the other orders together.
Besides, if the laws of other orders are vicious, those vices are abuses which should be reformed; not examples to be imitated.
They say that they do not intend to make use of most of their privileges in France. They are men who wish to enjoy the rights of citizens, without being citizens ; who ask and obtain exorbitant privileges from a power, which they hold to be superior to all other powers, and then choose among those privileges which of them they like to make use of, and which to lay by. And is the State to wait patiently to see what these men are going to be pleased to do, while they think themselves very moderate in not vigorously using all these rights which they ostentatiously display ? Mean- time, in the editions they publish of their rights and powers for the edification of all the houses of their Society, without deigning to make mention of any respect due to the laws of the sovereign of their country, they graciously consent not to make use of these privileges where they find obstacles ; but never have they re- nounced the principle, from which their pretensions are derived ; and that is the direct or indirect power of the Pope over the temporal power of kings.
One fact will answer all the protestations of submission which the Jesuits made to the conditions, imposed on their recall to France, and to all their pretended renunciations of the privileges with which they were reproached.
In 1593 and 1594, the Jesuits of Spain and Portugal com- plained of the government of Aquaviva, and demanded a reforma- tion of the Society. They were backed by the courts of Spain and Portugal, and had carried their complaints to the Pope.
It was against them that Aquaviva called the Fifth Congrega- tion. There they were treated as prevaricating children, seducers, disturbers of peace ; who under the cloak of zeal and public good, dared to prefer their own views to the opinions of the whole Society. It was ordered that they should be punished and banished, and that all others, who were suspected of similar machinations should be obliged to swear humbly to all the constitutions and decrees of the general congregations, and all the Bulls of sovereign pontiffs which confirm or explain the constitution, expressly those
57
of Julius III., Gregory XIII., and Gregory XIV., that they would never act in any way contrary to them under any pretence whatsoever ; and that they would never allow any alteration to be made in the constitution of the Society, but would at all times be ready to defend them at the price of their blood.
In 1603, they were recalled to France. Every one knows the conditions on which they were allowed to return. It is on those conditions, that they now boast of their voluntary resignation of all the exorbitant contents of the Bulls of Julius III., and Gregory XIY.
The conditions of their recall were not ratified by Aquaviva, although the Pope had approved of them. An essential formality according to their constitution, to render the renunciations valid was withheld; and therefore the General might enforce the observance of those Bulls on any occasion and at any time he pleased.
But what put an end to all doubt on that point was, that three years after their recall to France in 1606, Aquaviva presented a supplication to the Pope (Paul V.), and obtained another Bull from him, authorising the decree of the Fifth General Congrega- tion, of which I have already spoken, in which they declared, that they would never allow of any alteration of the institutions on any pretext whatsoever, nor of any derogation from the privileges granted to the Society by the Bulls of Pope Julius III., Pope Gregory XIII., and Pope Gregory XIV.
Aquaviva, in the general congregation, which was held on the 21st of February, 1608, that is to say, five years after their recall to France (a congregation at which the deputies of France assisted), then caused the decree of the Fifth Congregation, which had been confirmed by the Bull of Paul V., to be renewed ; and he induced them to declare, secondly, that the decree of that Fifth Congregation ought to be so extended as to include all the members of the Society.
What conclusions could the Jesuits draw from renunciations which, according to their maxims, must be void : not only because they had never been ratified by their General, but against which he had appealed, and which he had persuaded the Pope to annul by his supplication to Paul V., and by the Bull issued in con-
58
sequence three years after their recall on conditions, against which he formally protested, in the Sixth General Congregation held in 1608, five years after their recall ?
Will they say, that notwithstanding the obstinacy of their General and the Bull of Paul V., they still think themselves bound to fulfil the conditions? And will they dare to pretend that they have fulfilled them in regard to bishops? And will they dare to give the lie formally to the memorials of the clergy of France ? (See the circular letter of the assembly of clergy in 1650, and the Proces Verbaux, vol v. of Memorials.)
We know, moreover, that one of the principles of their con- stitutions is, That if anything has been effected by any person whomsoever, of whatever rank or condition, prejudicial to the rights and privileges of the Society, the act is nil in itself, and it is not necessary to obtain any formal withdrawal.
I see in many parts of the Compendium, that they make a dis- tinction between the public and the private use of their privileges. They are warned not to use their privilege, which is good for the interior, excepting when they find no impediment, out of doors. (Passim.)
When men think their rights and privileges are legitimate, in their inward conscience; when they are persuaded that notwith- standing contrary usages, they are still in full force — " in suo vigor e " et plena roborc firmitatis permanent," — they resolve to use them when they meet no hindrance ; and if they find any, they only try to remove or surmount the obstacle.
Thus, it is not because Jesuits ought not to use all their privi- leges that they do not make use of them, but simply because they cannot. What inference can we draw then from a renunciation which is rather negative than positive, and which, so far from being a formal abdication, is only a reclamation against the superior force of authority ?
Another fact, which completes 'the destruction of all the pre- tences of renunciations made by the Jesuits, is the way in which the Jesuits renounced, in 1587, three of their privileges in favour of the Inquisition of the king of Spain.
General Aquaviva obtained a brief from the Pope to revoke the two first, and had himself given letters patent to forbid the
59
use of the third. They were asked in the name of the king, that the Fifth General Congregation should promulgate decrees on that subject ; and the congregation ordered that it would not make any use of those three privileges in Spain. (Decret. v., Yol. i., p. 548. Compendium, p. 267.)
If the Jesuits have similar act, briefs of the Pope, letters patent 'of their General, and decrees of general congregations, which revoke privileges that are contrary to the laws of the king- dom of France, they ought to produce them ; or they ought to offer them now. But so long as they continue to produce none, and make no offer to resign those privileges, they cannot say, with any shadow of truth, that they have renounced them, and all their professions of submission and obedience are vain and illusory, even if facts did not evidence against them.
Who could fail to wonder at the mass of censure and excommu- nications, issued in such profusion at the will and pleasure of the Society, for the preservation of these very privileges? These, common, worthless, and abusive as they are, alarm the minds of timid persons, and disturb the consciences of the weak, the stupid, or the bigoted.
I present you with an abridged catalogue of these excommuni- cations, and a very imperfect one of the persons, who are to be excommunicated : —
All kings, princes, or administrators, who would impose any tax or charge on the Society, on their persons or properties.
All those who cause any damage to the Society.
All those who oblige the Society to lend their churches or houses for the performance of Mass, for ordination, or for pro- cessions, assemblies, or ecclesiastical synods, or any other kind of assemblies, or who place garrisons in them.
All who should dare to gainsay any of the concessions made to the Jesuits.
All who refuse the office of Conservator to the Jesuits, or who having accepted, shall exercise the office negligently.
All who should attack their houses with violence.
These excommunications comprehend, in short, all and every person whether priest or monk, of whatever order, in whatever position of rank or pre-eminence they may be placed, bishops,
60
archbishops, patriarchs, cardinals, — all who have any secular dignity or authority whatsoever, who may attack the institution, the constitutions, the decrees, or any of the articles of the Society, or anything concerning them, even under the pretext of con- troversy, or of zealously desiring the truth, directly or indirectly, publicly or secretly ; or who may wish to alter or change the above, or to give them another form.
All who may attempt to injure the reputation of the Jesuits.* Heads of universities, and all others who may molest the rectors and professors of their colleges.
All who oppose themselves to the privileges of the colleges of the Jesuits' universities, degrees, etc.
All who may lodge or give refuge to Jesuits, who may have left their houses without permission of the general.
All who may dare to retain anything belonging to members of the Society, their houses or their colleges, even money, unless on receiving notice from this Society, he should return it in three
days
All who should violate the sanctuary of their houses. All fathers who choose to use their parental authority to pre- vent their children from entering into the Society.
^//members of the Society, who may appeal from the ordinances of the superior without the special permission of the Pope are excommunicated.
There is an infinite number of other excommunications, too long to report. (See Cent, and Prsecept. Compend. Bull, passim.}
As the privileges claimed by the Society are very extensive, and as they may be imparted by the General without limit, excommu- nications may also be multipled infinitely.
They have also privileges shielding them from excommunica- tions. In places which are under interdict, Jesuits have the privilege of immunity from excommunication or interdict.
All sentences of excommunication, suspension, and interdict, which ordinaries or others may pass upon them, their houses, or any persons belonging to them, are null, ipso facto, with respect to
* This article is ordered to be read once every year at table, in all the houses of the Society. Vol. i., p. 1.
61
themselves ; and with respect to others, on their account, they may be annulled.
What a mass of censures ! Is there any one in Europe, above all, in France, who must not now be in danger of excommunica- tion ? It is quite useless to ask, whether any government can co-exist with this institution.
No government can ally itself with any establishment, the laws of which are in contradiction to the laws of the State. I know no country or nation, either monarchical, aristocratic, or demo- cratic, with which the laws and the constitutions of the Jesuits permit their being allied.
A king holds a very precarious sovereignty, when he has a multitude of men in his dominions, who do not depend upon him for the security of their lives and fortunes. He is not independent, when a great number of men, exempted from his jurisdiction, conscientiously believe, that they have a right to bring him and the magistrates, his adherents, who exercise justice in his name, before other judges chosen by themselves, and to reprehend and punish by legal means, or by violent means, as they think best.
Jesuits, however, have always maintained themselves more effectually in monarchies than in other governments. Rome in past ages had most influence in great monarchies. It is easier to flatter one man than many. Monarchies are the residence of great men and courtiers. But even in those states Jesuits have always been engaged in contests with all other bodies of men whether of ecclesiastics or of layman ; and most of all with those, who were the guardians of the laws of the State. Therefore they always seek to ally themselves with the sovereign authority, which allows itself to be entrapped ; for being naturally benevolent, and seeing no meditated mischief in the favour which the Jesuits solicit, it is almost always ready to grant it. Whereas the ordinary tribunals of justice set themselves to consider and discuss what is fit to be granted or refused according to the law.
The action of absolute authority is always convenient for intrigue, inasmuch as it is silent and concealed. Its traces are not perceived by the public or by posterity, so that it is easy to disavow boldly the means of attack and defence, that are employed.
62
Jesuits are less secure in republican states. It is almost impos- sible, that their constitutions and manners should agree with the laws of such governments, or with republican customs.
There are few countries, where they have been more frequently attacked than in Venice ; from thence they have actually been banished.
The only temporal power, with which the constitutions of the Jesuits can agree is Rome. The institution has one common principle with that court, the sovereign power of the Pope, both in temporal and spiritual affairs ; but you have seen, that the Society has found means to limit even that power, and to make itself an independent power. The Pope, as a temporal prince, has few complicated interests, either of finance or of commerce, and the Society is more able to forward his spiritual interests by residing away from Rome, than if it confined itself to _his dominions.
The second principle of the constitutions of the Jesuits is the communication of the power of the Pope to their Society in the person of their General.
I have already said that in order to extend and maintain his spiritual and temporal power, the Pope has increased and pro- tected religious orders. You have seen that the special vow of obedience to the Pope, made by St. Ignatius and his companions, induced Pope Paul III. to confirm their institution.
The despotism of the General of the Jesuits was one of the means, which Popes made use of to extend and maintain their own.
This, Messieurs, is not a matter of conjecture ; it is to be found in the formal text of the Bull, issued by Pope Gregory XIV., and granted to General Aquaviva at his request in 1591.
This Pope, who during his short pontificate, did his utmost to favour the enterprises of the Leaguers in France, after having explained and confirmed the immense prerogatives of the General of the Jesuits, said that " Among other advantages and conveni- ences which ivould result from it, is the fact, that the whole order, being disciplined to monarchical government, its members being always perfectly united in sentiment, and however dispersed in all parts of the world, remaining bound to their chief by the rule of
63
implicit obedience, would be more easily led and directed by the sovereign head, the vicar of Christ on earth, to perform the different functions, that he may assign to each of them according to the special voiv, which they have made" Qnoniam ratio ipsa docet. That is to say, reason teaches that the government of the Jesuits must be monarchical, and that of the other orders aristocratic.*
This declaration is clear, simple, and without equivocation, and we have not to seek in probabilities the designs and intentions of the court of Rome ; nor is there any need, that we should repre- sent to you the consequences, which followed in Christian states from the action of Popes and of this Society. Experience has taught it to us, too well.
As some may maintain, that the authority of the General of the Jesuits is only monarchical, and that I falsely consider it as despotic, I ought to propound what I mean by despotism.
Despotism and slavery are relative terms, which explain each other ; when one knows what a slave is, then one knows what a despot is.
Not to have power over one's own possessions, that is slavery. Not to have personal liberty is the greatest slavery known to .. civil law. That degree of human degradation supposes the highest degree of despotism. Not to have liberty of mind, of one's own judgment, of one's own will, is a state of servitude, which approaches to moral death. Civil laws do not recognise it ; or rather they cannot know it. It was reserved to monastic constitutions to furnish examples of that excess of despotism.
Civil despotism is a bad thing ; it is naturally repugnant to reason. Spiritual despotism is impious ; it is an attempt against the gift of God.
A spiritual despot can only establish his power by imposing his own imaginations as divine inspirations. He is then really a fanatic. He has the true character of fanaticism, and his fanaticism
* This inference is partly based upon facts which M. de la Chalotais has not stated. But it must be remembered, that both he and the Parliament, he was addressing, were intimately acquainted with the constitution of the Ecclesiastical Orders, other than the Jesuits, at that time publicly existing in France ; he did not therefore describe them in detail. — Editor.
64
is the more incurable in that he entertains it in his own person, and feeds upon it himself.
For a purely spiritual authority pretending to have sovereign temporal power, to communicate to monks a sovereign power, independent, and in its very nature incommunicable, because it pretends to be divine, is, let us not fear to say it, utter madness. It is the last excess of fanaticism.
Let us see, whether that is the character which the Con- stitutions give to the authority of the General.
The kind of despotism that he exercises is to be ascertained by the nature of the obedience which is required. The Constitutions throughout put the General in the place of God and of Jesus Christ. This assumption is so marked in this respect, that I think there are in the Constitutions more than 500 places, in which expressions are used similar to the following: —
"We must always see Jesus Christ in the General; be obedient "to him in all his behests, as if they came directly from God "himself. That obedience must be complete in action, in the " will, in the understanding ; you must feel convinced, that every- " thing which the superior commands, is the precept and the will " of God ; you must always see God himself and Jesus Christ in "the superior, whoever he may be."
This sort of obedience is not possible for men, and this kind of despotism ought not to be allowed ; because absolute submission of heart and mind is due to God alone.
I should nevertheless observe, that in the Constitutions them- selves, even where the most blind obedience is demanded, there are some corrections and restrictions noted, that should not be passed over.
In the Epistle of St. Ignatius on Obedience, where its obser- vance is so exaggerated, he cites a passage of St. Bernard in these terms, " Ubi tamen Deo eontraria non preecipit homo." I find in the Constitutions, P. Art. III. c. i., where obedience is spoken of, " Ubipeccatum non cerneretur in omnibus rebus ad quas potest cum " charitate se obedientia extendere."
The Declarations on these Constitutions intimate — " Ubi nuttum manifestum est peccatum ; " and in the same place, " Ubi dcftnlri non possit aliquod peccati genus intercedere."
65
These expressions doubtless express some limit to the stupid obedience, which results from the comparison of the stick and the corpse, and the example of Abraham, cited by St. Ignatius. I should add, that in some of the rules of other monastic orders, the same expressions are used.
I ought also to say, that ascetic books, or books of devotion, should not be understood literally. They should rather be inter- preted favourably ; we should not expect to find in them the precision and exactitude, which is never required in them, and which is not compatible with the ardour of zeal.
"Why, then, you will ask, are the constitutions of the Jesuits not to be judged with the same leniency ?
It is because the obedience, which those constitutions require, is not obedience to some law that is at all times binding and powerful ; but it is obedience to the varying caprice and arbitrary will of a superior, whoever he may be. He must not only be obeyed immediately, quickly, without answer or remonstrance, but his subject is required to believe inwardly, and to believe firmly, that this superior, who may be fanciful or .capricious or unjust, is entirely right, and that it is Almighty God, who speaks by his mouth ; that what he orders is a precept of the Almighty, and his holy will. All the members of the Society are bound to execute everything that the General shall prescribe, with the same full consent and submission, as the dogmas of the Catholic faith. When he orders anything, it is not allowable to consider whether the act prescribed is sinful or not.
If that is not complete fanaticism, I should like to hear a better definition of it. It is evidently either fanaticism or madness.
If the constitutions of some other orders contain similar expres- sions; if it is said, for instance, in the rule. of St. Benedict, that there must be obedience even in things that are impossible ; if it is said in the rules of the Chartreux, that the members must immolate their will, as a sheep is sacrificed ; if the monastic constitutions of St. Basil decide, that monks must be in the hands of their superiors like the axe in the hands of the woodcutter ; if it is said in the rules of the unshod Carmelites, that they must execute the commands of their superior, as though the omission to do so, or repugnance to do it, was mortal sin ; if St. Bernard
66
assures us that obedience is a blessed blindness, which causes the soul to see the road to salvation ; if St. John Climacus says, that obedience is the tomb of will — that under obedience we discern nothing and make no resistance ; lastly, if we find in St. Buenaventura that a really obedient man is like a corpse, which allows itself to be touched, moved, and removed without making any resistance : — these are strong expressions made use of in monastic writings which are unauthorized by the Church. But they are all collected in the constitutions of the Jesuits, more strong, more frequent, and multiplied ; and consequences, even the most absurd, are formally deduced from them. And, after all, one abuse, whatever it may be, does not legalise another, which nothing can justify. Its being brought into observation should only cause all such abuses to be reformed.
This proves what I stated at first — that everything done under the cloak of religion passes current ; imaginations^gradually become heated ; and, as has been said by the Abbe de Fleury in his 8th Discourse, this heat has gone on increasing in intensify, and by means of examples and similitudes, the most absurd and strange ideas have become consecrated ; even from one form of abuse to another. Governments are on the point of being obliged either to tolerate every species of disorder, or to unsettle everything.
If passive obedience is always dangerous, it is most essentially so in the hands of a political order, governed by a permanent General, who has means of knowing the most intimate thoughts >of all its members from the time of their infancy.
The few correctives and restrictions that I have noticed would form very weak defences against so absolute a power as that of the General.
To secure and ensure a despotism it must be durable in the same person. An empire liable to change its despot must be a weak one. The General of the Jesuits preserves his power as long as he lives. Pope Paul IV. wished to make the command of the General triennial. I have spoken of the manoeuvres of Laynez to render it perpetual, and that the complaints against that perpetuity burst forth under Pius V. Their effect was escaped through his death : his death rendered them useless. These efforts were re- newed under Sixtus V., whe died before he had achieved what he
67
had begun. At last Aquaviva consummated the work of despotism, and the perpetuity of the generalship, under the pontificate of Gregory XIV. One of the reasons alleged for it by Aquaviva was that papacy and royalty are also perpetual.
In other Orders, assemblies and chapters exist, that are barriers against the authority of a perpetual superior ; but among the Jesuits there is no chapter nor assemblies, nor any fixed time for deliberations.
General congregations alone are above the General, in the same manner that an oecumenical council only is superior to the Pope.
They say, that the General is not absolute, because he may be deposed by a general council. It is true, that he might be deposed if he became mad or imbecile, and in five other cases, which hardly can happen, because the acts must be openly proved.
1. Copula carnalis. 2. Wounding some one. 3. Taking some part of the revenues of the college for his own defence. 4. Making gifts to any one, not belonging to the Society ; and this last case may be modified, as we have seen in the constitutions. 5. Maintaining bad doctrines.
It is said that General Gonzales was on the point of being deposed, but that proves nothing. A cabal nearly deposed that General because he attacked probableism, one of the favourite doc- trines of the Society, which he wished to proscribe. But fanaticism claimed its rights, I mean uniformity of opinion in the order ; so that one kind of fanaticism was on the point of destroying another.
Despotism refuses all connections ! it does not attach itself to persons, but it binds persons to itself. The contracts of despotism are never reciprocal, and engagements are absolute or conditional according to its interest.
A Jesuit pronounces his first vows to the Church, thereby placing himself in the hands of a superior, or some one appointed to receive them. Those vows are not made, they say, in the hands of any person — in nullis manibns fieri dicuntur — because they are only made to God. The intention is, they say, that these should not be solemn vows, although they are made in a solemn manner. They cease to be binding to the contractors whenever the General pleases. He
r2
68
dispenses with them at his will, and when he liberates a subject he declares him free from any engagement. But (the answer is, that) the individual is strictly bound to the Society by that vow, and if he endeavoured to retract it himself he might be treated as an apostate, and excommunicated. He might be prosecuted as such, if he obtained his liberation by any false statement ; never- theless, the Society is not bound to him, because that vow having been made in the intention of the constitutions, " Omnia inteUi- genda juxtd ipsius societatis const itutiones, the Society has only received him under the tacit condition, as far as it thought good, Si societas eos tenere volet. He can never leave the Society after his first vows without the permission of the General, but the General may dismiss him at any time, even after he has made the last vows, to whatever grade or dignity he may have attained ; and that dismissal may be made without consulting any one, for secret reasons — l'0b secretas causas," — for reasons which do not suppose any sinfulness ; and even without providing him with any means of subsistence.
One sees the spirit, which has dictated laws such as these ; and though the case may very rarely occur, that last rule nevertheless characterizes the most terrible despotism, as much as all the stringent precepts of passive and absolute obedience. The first want of man is to live, and his strongest fear is to die of hunger. Civil slavery is nothing to that.
Spiritual despotism, or fanaticism, has no object but a selfish one ; it would be contrary to its nature to have any other.
Thus, although we read in their Constitutions, that the object of the Society, is the glory of God ; it is evident from its history, that the first object and the last end of the system, has long been the advancement of the Society, its glory, and its extension.
This despotism is necessarily ambitious, but the pride of occu- pying high offices does not satisfy it. It endeavours to dominate over minds — a much higher ambition; and if it avoids the ordinary paths of ambition it is only to seek for more distinguished conquests.
St. Ignatius had shut the door to prelacies. Laynez opened another road to ambition. In the first council he held, he ordered, that is any of his Society should be elevated to the dignity of a
69
prelate, he should promise always to follow the advice of the General, or of such Jesuits as he should appoint to represent him. It is true, he added this saving clause to that promise : " If I feel, that, what he may advise is preferable to my own opinion, adding to this all being understood according to the con- stitutions and declarations of the Society "
One sees by this, that the Jesuits did not seek to become pre- lates, because St. Ignatius had forbidden it ; but if such prefer- ment should be conferred, the prelate must remain subject to the Society or to the General, and must obey his suggestions, as if he was still a Jesuit.
If ordinary ambition is odious, when it embraces everything spiritual or religious, ambition is still more odious, when it unites the appearance of good with the injustice of usurpation, and wishes, with its usual greediness, to enjoy the consideration, which is due to virtue alone.
Temporal despotism does not necessarily imply moral corrup- tion ; but then all despotism corrupts those who exercise it, if that despotism is both spiritual and temporal ; this requires a plastic morality, which will satisfy everybody. A rigid morality would be unsuitable. It cannot combine with anything.
One would have supposed, that principles would govern every- thing ; but here on the contrary, the will of man reigns supreme.
What suits spiritual despotism is a versatile morality (if I may so express myself), severe or relaxed, according to circumstances, admitting of interpretations, the limits of which are elastic.
We must, however, allow that the morality of the Constitutions is pure and wise. St. Ignatius contemplated the attainment of evangelical perfection ; the crowd of accommodating casuists arose later in the annals of the Society; they corrupted the pure morality of the founder by subtleties, and policy took advantage of their logic.
Despotism acts by inquisition and denunciation ; all its views are concealed ; thence the necessity for spies and informers.
The despot needs to know the characters of his subjects, their talents, and the qualities of their hearts and heads, even their tempers, in order that he may employ them where they will be most useful.
70
Their inmost consciences ought, if possible, to be laid open to him.
He must keep his subjects in perpetual distrust of each other, in order that tbey may confide in him only, and that his power alone may be felt.
In a state of slavery everything is vile and low ; it does not allow of elevation of mind, or of liberty of thought ; under the influence of spiritual despotism and of fanaticism, everything is actuated by the dominant impressions of a stranger.
No laudable project can be conceived in the mind of a slave ; it is not possible, that minds degraded by servitude, and espionage, and denunciation, by an inquisition menacing incessantly, can conceive great ideas ; if nature had made them magnanimous, education and their position would stultify their natural courage.
Slaves have no country ; they have been obliged to forget the homes of their fathers and the place of their birth. They see nothing but the greatness of the despot, whom they serve, of the empire, he has created ; their eyes are always fixed on the hands of their masters, and they have no more (independent) activity than an inanimate instrument.
It is written in Articles 9 and 10 of the Common Rules, Yol. ii., p. 70, that each Jesuit ought to be glad that all his failings and his faults, and generally everything that has been observed in him, should be noticed by the first comer, who may know it, and not by his own confession.*
That they must take it well to be so corrected, and must in the same way correct others, and be ready to report concerning each other ; because, moreover, that is commanded by the superior, for the greater glory of God. These are three articles out of the five which are declared to be necessary to the institute. Sub- stantia imtituti.
In the ordinances of the Generals on those rules, Vol. ii. p. 266, it is set down, that the meaning of this rule is, that it is permitted to everyone to reveal to his superior as he might reveal to his own father, the faults of his neighbour, whether light or important.
In the 4th chapter of the examination of persons, who wish to
* This rule manifestly applies only to the Jesuits, as between them- selves.— Editor.
71
enter into the Society, they are questioned on the 9th and 10th rules, of which I have been speaking ; and they are warned, that by that they abandon all right, whatever it may be, to their own reputation, and that they yield it to the superiors, for the good of their souls and the glory of God.
They are warned in the same ordinance, p. 266, that the same is to be understood of all faults, all sins, all errors, and all inadvertencies.
Article the 5th imports, that the rule respecting revelations is imperative, and that it is not permitted to wait for an order from the superior ; above all (Article 7th states), if the matter is detrimental to the common interests of religion or of the institution, and particularly of the General. These ordinances were made by Aquaviva.
I shall limit myself to some observations, on what you have just heard. I beg to ask, whether a man can cede his right to his own reputation to another man ? and whether his reputa- tion is more transferable than his life ? and moreover, whether such an abandonment is consistent with good manners and with reason, and with religion ?
I ask, moreover, whether it is right to lay ecclesiastics under the obligation to be spies upon each other ? to prepare tender and impressible souls for dissimulation and falsehood ? It is corrupt- ing the heart, degrading the mind, depriving men of every senti- ment of honour, and all motive for praiseworthy emulation ; it is degrading to human nature, under the false pretence of bringing it to perfection. What use might not an ambitious and wicked superior make of such instruments ?
Constantly occupied in self-concealment, while they are engaged in watching others ; they are taught to think that they must betray their neighbour for his good. This indeed is fanaticism.
Is it astonishing, that uniformity of doctrine, which is so hurtful
to the natural liberty of mind, should have become a fundamental
•>
maxim of the order ? Since the Constitutions deny freedom of will ' to Jesuits, they cease to be Frenchmen, or Spaniards, or Germans; * they are Jesuits.
What means are not employed to extinguish in their minds the / spirit of enquiry ?
72
Simply, Aquaviva relates in his preface to the Directory for their spiritual exercises, that God Himself had communicated to St. Ignatius, as head and founder of the Society, the whole plan for its government, exterior and interior.
The connection of the institution with the glory of God, and the advantage of the Church, and of religion, is continually urged on the members.
They are questioned on temptations against the institution, Tentatio contra institutum, which are represented as the most dangerous of all temptations. Aquaviva makes this the 13th chapter of his instructions. In them there is a special charge to give an exact account of all scruples felt on this subject, and of all those, which members perceive in others ; this exactitude is pre- scribed as one of the most essential points.
To feel the smallest doubt on any of the smallest of their privi- leges would be a serious sin : it would show a doubt of the legitimacy of the vows, of the power of the Pope, and of that of the Society and its founders.
Finally these impressions are strengthened by exercises, to which indulgences and graces are attached. These are called in the Noviciate, spiritual exercises. A young man is shut up alone in a room, without books, and removed from all noise, lest his attention should be distracted, and he is ordered to meditate. I give you some examples : —
He is to represent to himself two standards and two chiefs; one is Jesus Christ, the other is Satan.
He must picture to himself Jesus Christ in an agreeable form, in a well situated camp, sending His disciples to assemble soldiers ; and Satan in a ^ hideous shape, also assembling soldiers from all parts of the world.
When he meditates on hell, he must imagine a flaming plain, with souls burning in the fire ; he must hear cries and blas- phemies, and imagine that he suffers, from smell and taste, the most repulsive sensations. Every novice is taught that he must make a meditation of that kind in the middle of the night and in the morning, and repeat it after mass ; that he ought to be struck with these objects, as if he saw them before him ; that he ought
73
to see with the eyes of his imagination, and taste by the taste of his imagination, etc.
There was formerly a chamber for meditations, where pictures were placed to assist the imagination ; this we see in the examina- tions of Chatel,* Guerret, and Guignard. These last confessed, that they had often taken Chatel into such a room, and he con- fessed that he had been in such a one.
To present such exercises to young people with strong and vivid imaginations, as ordinary helps to perfection, and to propose them to men habitually in common life, and to women, as they are proposed and boasted of in the Constitutions, is an endeavour to inspire enthusiasm and fanaticism.
These exercises, so often repeated, can only be considered as arts to .procure ecstasies reduced to system ; the strongest heads might be affected by this institution. To convince ourselves of this, we have only to read what the most sensible of writers have observed of the force of imagination, the power of habit, the con- tagion of example, and authority, and the inclination of many men to superstition, of the manner, in which the most unreason- able opinions have been established, and the difficulty of restoring minds, that have once been disordered by them.
I think that it is wise, and even a duty, to suppress institutions that have this tendency to produce excitement.
That is one of the reasons for the objection I feel to retreats and congregations.
It is said that exercises of that kind are practised in some re- treats. It is a notorious fact, that in some towns in the provinces persons struck with those terrible images, have come away from those exercises with derangement of mind, and an alienation of judgment marked by fatal effects ; the fact is proved by inquests. There are moreover legal reasons for objecting to congregations. They are only, as we have seen, emanations from the general congregation at Rome, held in the professed house, or if you please so to state it, they are congregations that the General establishes by his plenary authority. He can give them statutes, and grant them indulgences, cum facultate visitandi, statuta con- dendi, mutandi ac indulgentias communicandi. He may also abro-
* Chatel attempted to murder Henry IV. in 1694.
74
gate them when he chooses. There are parishes created over other parishes, in favour of which Christians are dispensed by Bulls from attending the offices of their churches, as they are bound to do by the canons.
In France the power of a Papal nuncio is limited ; he is not allowed to exercise any act of spiritual jurisdiction ; yet notwithstanding this, a foreign ecclesiastic is allowed to exer- cise jurisdiction in most of the towns in the kingdom. What a contradiction !
The public education, which the Jesuits give to their pupils in their classes, fosters the ultramontane spirit, that predominates in themselves, and the spirit of party, which agitates them, in con- sequence of old prejudices and the ignorance of the sixteenth century.
Their plan of study may have been fit for times, when it was necessary to bring people out of the state of profound ignorance, in which they were plunged when that plan was laid down; but then the instructors, who substituted themselves for the teaching of the universities ought to have done better than they ; instead of that they did worse.
The instructions which we find in the Constitutions of Aqua- viva, under the title of "Ratio Studiorum;" prepared by six Jesuits, Bunder the orders of Aquaviva, for lower and upper classes, are a tissue of pedantry and absurdities on the subjects of literature and philosophy, and with respect to theology, they excited the murmurs and complaints of the Spanish theologians, and even of some Jesuits.
I know that it is not fair to compare them with those modern writers, who have profited by the ^observations and successive discoveries, which the human mind has made ; but there were then in the works of Erasmus and Scaliger and several others, much more profound ideas. In the university, Turnebe, Bude, Vatable, and Ramus had been distinguished, Dorat Lambin, the Eteinns, Passerat, Calepin, and many others who have been eulogised by the learned De Thou, and were far more capable of executing such a work than these teachers.
Nevertheless it is this book, or rather these instructions, pre- pared by six Jesuits, under the inspection of Aquaviva (Ratio
75
Studiorum], which still forms the rule of study pursued by the Jesuits, and which for the sake of the uniformity of their doc- trines, they will continue to follow in their colleges as long as the Society subsists.
When men begin to know that they are ignorant, they also begin to feel the necessity of learning and education. These Jesuits passed from one extreme to the other ; and from being scarcely able to read and write, they thought it would be a very fine thing to learn to speak the languages of Athens and of ancient Rome. They turned the whole attention of nations to the acquirement of languages, which, after all, they did not learn well. That bad habit remained : abuses are very apt to last, though good methods degenerate. I will recall to the Jesuits an authority which they dare not controvert, that of a man who had been a Jesuit ten years, the Abbe Gredouin. He says in a very good work on edu- cation, printed in his CEuvrcs Diverses, " I wish public schools " would make themselves more useful in altering an old system, " which limits the education of children to a very narrow sphere, " and which produces very narrow-minded men ; for when these " young people have passed ten years at college — and what valu- " able years ! — the most precious years of their lives — what have "they learnt?" What can we think of a literary institution established near the end of the sixteenth century, that nobody has thought of improving since ? Why it is two hundred years j behind hand. One single treatise of one professor of the univer- ! sity has spread more light on learning than all the literature, which has occupied the Societ}^ since its establishment. The spirit , _.of party forbids all foreign books, and all other learning. That spirit of party had decided the choice even of classic works for 200 years. The Jesuits have even kept the grammars, which they had adopted, and the absurd method of giving in unintelligible technical verses the rules of a language which they wish to teach.
What can we think of a literary institution, which requires an ordinance from its General, or from a general congregation, to change its grammar, or to adopt a system of physics or astronomy ; ; an institution in which you have about fifty thousand professors of philosophy, and not one philosopher of acknowledged reputa- tion ; and about the same number of professors of literature, and so
76
few good literary works ; and perhaps about two thousand pro- fessors of mathematics, and so few mathematicians : two or three orators, who value the public, perhaps, more than the public value them.
Some learned men there are, who are already grown old, who had taught themselves, notwithstanding the bad system of studies, such at Petau, Sermond, and some others.
No historian of any note has appeared, excepting Mariana, so celebrated for his beautiful latinity and his execrable principles ; and who speaks with such contempt of their methods of in- struction. They have produced a very few partial histories. I wish however, to make honourable mention of the author of " Negotiations in Westphalia." There are many books of con- troversy and commentaries on the Holy Scriptures, which have been forgotten, excepting Bellarmine, and Maldonato ; as well as other controversial works, of unknown date : a multitude of books of devotion : no Catechism worthy of the name.
I do not blame any individuals. I reproach the institution. Choosing men, as they do, in their colleges, they must have many good men in their Society ; but an ill chosen system of study, worse methods, a circle of sciences too rapidly pursued. Two precious years ill spent in the noviciate, nine or ten years as tutors de regence, during which they scarcely learn themselves what they have to teach to others, makes it impossible for them to lay a foundation for exact knowledge and solid erudition before they have reached the age of thirty-two or thirty-three years. Every one acquainted with science knows, that its success de- pends on its commencement, and afterwards on method.
I leave to more competent persons to judge of their theological studies ; but I have shown that the Ratio Stndiorum on that subject, at first excited murmurs. In was censured by the Inqui- sitors of Spain, and the king of Spain carried their complaints to the Pope.
I find in Vol. ii., p. 429, an instruction on theology, which strikes me as being very singular, and which is the more worthy of the attention of bishops, because it is one of the rules laid down to learn religion.
It is there remarked, that the works of the ancients, as St. Jerome,
77
St. Augustine, St. Gregory, and others " Aim Consimilibus," are Books of Devotion, and that the books of St. Thomas, of St. Buenaventura, of the master of the sentences, and the new theologians, teach more exactly the dogmas necessary to salva- tion, and have explained them better for their times, and for future times.
The Jesuits are moreover accused of having since that time excluded St. Thomas from that catalogue. They have been reproached for not having sufficiently respected the authority of the Church, in an article of the General Examination, chap. III. and XI., which imports that anyone entering into the Society, shall be questioned, whether he has, or has ever had, any thoughts or opinions different from those, which are commonly held by the Church, and by the doctors, who are approved by the Church ; and whether, if such opinions have made any impression on his mind, he is ready to submit his judgment and his sentiments to those of the Society.
This article certainly is couched in those irreverent terms ; and if by the word opinions they mean sentiments, which is nearly included in the meaning of the term, the article would be more than ill sounding (mal sonnant), to make use of a scholastic term. They have endeavoured in their congregations to bring some kind of mitigation to the severity of the term, by resting on the signi- fication of the word opinio, and on the signification of the word communius in Spanish.
Before I leave the subject of the Constitutions, I ought to elucidate some political paradoxes produced by them.
How can such singular constitutions be the work of a body of men ? Were they intended to form ecclesiastics, or to create an independent body ? Can a whole body of men be corrupted, and adopt principles, manifestly bad, in order to obtain credit ? How is it possible, that sensible men should judge so differently ? or, rather say, how can they take such opposite views of the same work? I do not think that it is impossible to clear up these difficulties, if we set aside prejudices and predispositions.
It has never happened, that a whole body of men has fabricated a code of extravagances, nor a system of legislation that was vicious in itself. It is quite impossible that the union of religious
78
individuals should produce irreligion. Young people brought up to goodness, and virtue, do not become corrupt and wicked old men.
The Constitutions are not the work of any body of men, or of any assembly, and he, moreover, who laid the foundation was far from criminal or vicious.
The Constitutions have two faces, because they were formed with two intentions ; on the one side, for the glory of God and the salvation of souls, and on the other side, for the glory of the Society and its future extension. This causes the difference of opinion concerning them. Their admirers look only at the first aspect, and their detractors see only the second.
The zeal of St. Ignatius for the former object might not, perhaps, entirely prevent him from flattering himself with the second idea, since he established means to serve both purposes ; but most of his successors have been occupied with the second object only. In the petitions, which they presented to Popes, they were actuated by the sole wish of promoting the greatness and extension of their Society ; and they extorted from them exorbitant and countless privileges, which now form a part of their Constitutions. Their successors again extended, amplified, and interpreted them ; they looked only to one object, and neg- lected the first intention. Those means, which were already far greater than the religious object required, such as passive obedi- ence, inquisition of conscience, accusations, uniformity of doctrine; : these means have become odious and intolerable, since ambi- tion has used them for political purposes. Spiritual advantage confounded with temporal advantage ; human authority with Divine authority; is good stretched to evil — ill-understood, ill- advised, ill-applied, and ill-executed. Such a system might be treated with contempt, if it was confined to a cloister, from the derangement of intellect, which it seems to involve, and if it only concerned a monastic order ; but it becomes too dangerous, when it is presented to the outward world, and interferes with public order, which it overthrows. The system of the Jesuits is necessarily ultramontane ; it is based on ultramontane doctrine, which is inherent in the Society. Scholastics draw from that principle murderous doctrines, which St. Ignatius never held, and that he
79
never would have adopted, however attached he might be to the belief of the absolute power of the Pope.
Bad morals or corrupt principles of morality form no part of the Constitutions ; these have been introduced since, by the metaphysics of their casuists, who found it elsewhere. These were rather the offspring of false logic than of corruption of heart. Nevertheless morality is absorbed in the doctrinal code of the Society by the fatal principle of unity of sentiments, and by want of liberty of niind. Thus the Society finds itself with a corrupt code of morality almost without knowing it, and perhaps without believing it.
Nevertheless it is scarcely conceivable, that, after the frequent and public reproaches that have been addressed to the Jesuits, after the censures of their propositions by Popes, and by the clergy of France, their rulers should have obstinately persisted in refusing to make the reformation and corrections in their code of morality, which is so needful, so pressing.
Religion, and even their own interest, should have induced them to undertake the task ; but no ; they would not infringe on the principle of uniformity of sentiment ; they would not turn round and retract what had been done. There is, as the consequence, that dangerous spirit of party and servitude of mind, which estab- lishes a much more degrading slavery than that of the person.
If the Jesuits had taught nothing but corrupt maxims of morality and relaxation, they would very shortly have been turned out of all the kingdoms in the world ; but they united science and regularity of manners ; and thus both good and evil were found amongst them.
I think this is sufficient to explain the paradoxes of which I have spoken.
Prove fanaticism in the leaders, and fanatical institutions, as I think I have done, and the difficulty is explained ; and one no longer wonders at the contrariety of opinions respecting the Society ; and individuals will recover their reputation.
But whatever views they may adopt, it is evident that the constitutions, and the rules are very dangerous ; on the one hand, means of religion, on the other hand, instruments of fanaticism.
To judge of the effect of those means, it seems necessary to
80
examine in detail the doctrines of the Society, and the facts, which relate to it.
Suppose that a man has a dangerous instrument in his hands — an offensive weapon ; will he use it for attack, or defence ? to help, or to injure ? That is the question ?
To decide that question, it is natural to ask, what he is? on what side his interest lies ? what are his opinions ? and how he has hitherto made use of that weapon ?
But if we begin to weigh facts, and to pass judgment on persons and doctrines, it would open the door to inconvenient and interminable discussions, and all the absurdities of party.
Let us, then, place an impartial judgment between extravagant admirers and bitter critics ; let public opinion, which infallibly appreciates men at their real worth, decide between them.
By the public, I mean in matters of judgment not that living public, which is agitated by love or hatred, which judges on slight appearances, which may be either true or false, which does not wait to examine anything, and easily allows itself to be won by flattery, or deceived by seduction : not partizan theologians, whose judgment is formed before the case is stated : but well- informed private persons, who have already deserved the respect of mankind, and whose name is a recommendation in the society of men of all nations, all classes, all professions ; who form and transmit to posterity the voice of the public; statesmen and legislators, who have no predilections but respect for established laws, and the good of the State.
That is the public, which makes no mistakes, and cannot be deceived, and from whose judgment no one can escapes.
Individuals may conceal their character all their lives, but it is impossible, that aggregated bodies should not be understood after they have existed two hundred years ; and above all, celebrated bodies, which have been attacked and defended so often.
The public often deceives itself with respect to Living persons who hold office ; but they retract in the end.
Ministers have been known to die oppressed with public hatred, but they have received from the succeeding generation the
81
honour and esteem, which their merits and their services de- served.
I would ask of the Jesuits themselves, what is the public opinion concerning themselves (and the public bears no ill will to them), Is it not, that the public has seen no harm in them; that the individuals they are acquainted with are honest men, estimable men, but that the body is bad ? And in proof of this, allow me to quote a common saying, when a person wishes to give a favour- able idea of any persons with whom they are connected, they say, " They are not Jesuits (or Jesuitical)." That is an old saying, and very universal among good people, who have no preposses- sions. And does it not show in substance the truth of what I have stated.
I would ask then, moreover, what the public thinks of ecclesi- astics, who confine themselves to the performance of their proper functions. Do they not give praise to such men, as Bourdaloue, Cbeminais, Petau, Sermond, etc ?
Why is it, that the public, which is so just to the merits of individuals, thinks so differently of the body, and its institutions? ; — that very public, which principally owes its education to them ? Let that public tell us the cause of the prejudice against them all over Europe. What would they reply to the judgments, which have been passed upon them in all ages by great men in the Church, and by statesmen ; by Melchior Canus, the learned Bishop of the Canary Islands ; by Eustache de Bellay, Bishop of Paris ; by an Archbishop of Toledo ; by an Archbishop of Dublin ; by the judicious De Thou, whose name alone is an eulogium ; by Mon. De Canaye, Ambassador of the King at Venice ; by le Premier President De Harlay ; by all the king's officers in the Parliament of Paris, who have spoken or given opinions on their affairs ; MM. Seguier, Dumesnil, Marion, Servin, and by those, who now occupy their places with so much distinction ; by learned and pious bishops ; by the University of Paris ; by the clergy of Rome; by the Cardinal d'Ossat; and by so many others, whom I will forbear to name.
If the opinions, in which both individuals and large bodies of men coincided respecting the Jesuits from the time of their first establishment, were not founded on common report in those days
82
they must have foreseen what would be said in future ; for they were stigmatised at those distant periods precisely as they are now. The public judges according to facts; that is a very reasonable manner of judging men. They see vicious doctrines taught in a religious society by the chief members, and they reproach the main body for its laws, whose duty it is to correct them. It sees in all kingdoms a society of ecclesiastics, who occasion dissension, quarrel- ling with bodies of men, and with individuals ; it sees, that it is that society, which excites troubles, and it thinks that it is impossible that the Jesuits can always be in the right against the reason of the whole world ; the public sees that these ecclesi- astics employ violence to establish their sentiments ; it is indig- nant to see men whom it esteems, persecuted for their opinions.
It sees ecclesiastics invade commerce, and carry its profits into foreign countries ; the public knows, that trade is forbidden to ecclesiastics, and that the national commerce is injured by their practice of it, and the public considers, that conduct unbecoming and odious.
I say no more ; the public will add only too many more articles to this enumeration.
There are still in the system and the institution some political contradictions to be examined. For instance, nothing but the delirium of fanaticism can conceive the hope of leading men, in an enlightened age, as they were led in the sixteenth century, by abusive privileges, and the five or six Bulls, which contain them; that nations can remain for ever the dupes of appearances ; that kings will never make the enquiry, whether there really exists within their dominions a body of men, who imagine themselves permitted to commit murder even on their sacred persons ; that they can trade in the four quarters of the globe, and persuade nations, they do not trade.
It is an inconceivable effort of policy to have attempted to re- concile the most striking anomalies — To have captivated the confidence of kings while maintaining, that in certain cases, they have a right over their lives — To have succeeded in calming suc- cessive storms by making promises without ever keeping them — To be hated as a body and loved individually — To have secured the protection of the Pope by a vow of servile obedience, while
83
they disobey him perpetually, and only obey another man — To craftily obtain the confidence of bishops while maintaining, whenever it serves their purpose, that they do not owe them any obedience — To acquire great riches by saying they have none, and making vows of poverty — To escape always by making divisions, exciting disputes, and supposing differences, where there are none. The most moderate statement, that can be made of the consequences of these constitutions, and these moral and political contradictions is, that these constitutions are a very dangerous implement in the hands of a system, foreign to the State : a system, prepossessed by sentiments contrary to the peace and security of all kingdoms ; necessarily ultramontane ; fanatical by duty, by profession, and by habit.
I think, that all I have said is confirmed by two irreproachable witnesses, who cannot deceive us, experience and public opinion :— experience, the teacher of men and kings, which conquers pre- judices, partialities, and theories ; and public opinion, the just and unbiassed judge of men.
I must pass to a more important point. You have not com- missioned me to make any report to you on a subject, which has been discussed in the Parliament of Paris. I mean the doctrine of regicide ; but being obliged, by the office I hold, to watch over all that concerns the rights of the king and his sacred person, must I not be alarmed at every thing, which may place him in peril? Should I hesitate to denounce it? Can one hear without shuddering, that certain Christians have taught the cases, in which it is allowable to murder kings ; that there exists a religious society, in which that doctrine is received ; that the books in which it is taught are existing ; that they are publicly praised ; and that these books have been written by the best accredited writers of their order ?
Does the Society maintain a murderous doctrine ? Can it be imputed to the body of the Society ? This is a mere question of fact.
The fact is neither long nor difficult of discussion. There are acknowledged rules, by which to establish facts; and to learn, whether one ought or ought not to attribute a sentiment to a
84
body, it is enough to produce their books, and authentic passages in them.
The question is, whether Jesuits believe, or do not believe murderous doctrines. Do they believe, that there is any case, in which it is right to attempt the life of a king ? That is the ques- tion. If they do not believe it, let them say so. They can, and they ought. Ecclesiastics, who print so many books, need not be called to answer accusations in writing, which may be proved by their printed books, if they teach clearly, precisely, and with- out any double meaning, what their doctrine is : that in no case murder can be permitted, and that all this may be read in their theses, in their writings, and in their books. Then no man can impute that execrable doctrine to them without exposing himself to an easy and formal confutation.
But so long as we find them eulogising works, in which doc- trines are taught that inculcate murder, and endeavouring to justify themselves by declarations which they confess were only made to those who threatened to make forcible use of the power that they hold in their hands, as it was said by the Jesuit Zacharias in 1758, and which declarations are clearly open to disavowal by their Constitutions ; so long they may justly be suspected of holding this abominable doctrine.
They have lain under this accusation a hundred and fifty years, and during that hundred and fifty years they have held the same line of conduct.
What should we think of any man accused of a capital crime, who always said he had means of proving his innocence, but who never produced them ? I speak of a capital crime, for I say, that to teach crime is even worse than to commit it, for the assassin arms his own hand only : fanatics arm men of all nations.
The opinions of the power of the Pope over things temporal, and of his infallibility, are two parallel opinions, created by ambition to support each other ; for, as it was said by Mon. Talon in 1665, is any author of that sect to be found, who, after having asserted the false principle of the infallibility of the Pope, does not draw from it the dangerous consequence, that he may in certain cases take cognizance of matters concerning the govern- ment of states, and the conduct of sovereigns? Both opinions
85
are founded on the same basis, which is also the foundation of all other ultramontane pretensions.
It is impossible, adds Mon Talon, to use too much care and severity in order to arrest the progress and dry the source of so much evil.
If, in fact, men were really capable of believing, that the head of an ecclesiastical society, which is established in all the known regions of the earth, can never be mistaken, he must of course be the sovereign of the world ; for the opinion of the populace (infatuated by this vain doctrine so inconsistent with the con- dition of humanity) will surely not be restrained by the absurd distinction of judgments given ex cathedra, and those which are not so given. The people do not reason, and the world cannot be regulated by scholastic distinctions ; thus it becomes impossible to dispute any right with one, who is deemed infallible, and who is believed to be invested with divine power ; and accordingly all the authors, who have asserted the infallibility of the Pope and his power, direct or indirect, over the temporal power of kings, have maintained, that he might in certain cases depose kings, absolve subjects from their oaths of fidelity ; and in consequence, that kings might he killed.
This is the chain of their reasoning : " The sovereign power of " the Pope can and ought to restrain the temporal power by all "the means, which it sees to be necessary for the salvation of " souls ; without that power God would have left the Church " without the means of providing for its own security and preser- "vation." These are the formal expressions of Bellarmine, Molina, and Suarez, and all the authors of the Society from whose works I have already quoted some passages to you. If the prince does not obey the commands of the Pope, the Pope may excommunicate him.
A man, who is excommunicated, is deprived, ipso facto, of all temporal rights ; in such a case a prince is deprived of royalty, and cannot do any royal act without rebellion against his legitimate superior, the Pope. The Pope may therefore deprive him of his. crown, absolve his subjects from their oath of fidelity, and transfer his empire to another. If the prince persists in dis- obedience, he may be treated as a tyrant, in which case anybody
86
may kill him. A quocumque private protest interfici, so says Suarez. (I. 6, ch. iv.)
Such is the course of reasoning, established by all authors of the Society, who have written ex professo, on these subjects — Bellarrnine, Suarez, Molina, Mariana, Santarel, all of the ultra- montaues, without exception, since the establishment of the Society.*
On this point, said Suarez, we are all of one mind, et in liac causa union sumus. Zacharias said in 1758 that it is a doctrine commonly taught by Catholic theologians. In fact there is no difference between them, excepting that some say that the murder of kings should be preceded by a judicial sentence, and others have thought with Mariana that, in certain cases that formality was not necessary.
It then is proved that the doctrine of murder may be attributed to the body of the Society, and that the Jesuits are convicted of having taught it ; but how can one prove that a doctrine is that of a whole body, and that it is fair to attribute it to the whole body universally ?
If the members of the body have freedom of opinion ; if there is a diversity of opinion among the authors and the writers of this order ; it would be difficult to give any judgment, and to ascertain whether such or such an opinion is less or more commonly held, and whether it may fairly be attributed to the whole order or not.
But if it is a body, the opinions of whose members must be uniform ; if we find that a doctrine is taught by its most celebrated authors, by those who are the most accredited in the order, and with the permission and approbation of the superiors ; if we see that it is taught, without exception, by those who have written, ex professo, on that subject, and that the contrary doctrine is not asserted by any member of the body, we have complete demon-
* There are nearly twenty thousand Jesuits in the world, and fifteen hundred, or perhaps two thousand in the kingdom. There are, therefore, according to Zaccarius, about eighteen or nineteen thousand Jesuits imbued with ultramontane doctrines and the doctrine of murder, even if we should except all the French Jesuits.
87
Oration that such is the doctrine of the body, and there is no injustice in attributing it to them. ^
I now proceed to the degree of the General Aquaviva on tyran- nicide.* What does it say ? That it is not permitted, in any case, to assassinate kings? No, Messieurs. He says it is for- bidden, in virtue of holy obedience, to dare to affirm that (all people) everybody is permitted to kill kings ; for the word, cuique cannot be understood in any other sense. That phrase " Defendre d'oser affirmer qu'il est permis a toute personnel — " to forbid that any one should dare assert that all persons are permitted," — is so extraordinary in a matter so serious as regicide. It is so con- strained (if I may use the expression) into a more agreeable sense than the natural one, that the affectation betrays itself. They never expressed themselves in that manner, when they have endeavoured to explain their sentiments dogmatically ; above all, not when they were to explain good and orthodox opinions.
To say that any action may not be performed by everybody, • implies, that it may be done by somebody.
But they will say Aquaviva issued this decree, because some of his fraternity maintained that, in certain cases, it was permitted to all people to kill kings, and the General wished to prohibit that detestable doctrine.
I am not unwilling to suppose that such was his intention, although I find no indication of it in the decree, given in the edition of Prague. But in that case it was easy to say, that regicide was not allowable under any circumstances. f
* We are not certain, that we have the decree of Aquaviva, as it was given originally. It is cut short in the edition of Prague. The Jesuits had never inserted it in the collection of the ordinances of their Generals, and it has two dates. Either that of the first of August, 1614, of the edition of Prague, or that which is given now of the (5th of July, 1610, is false. That confusion has not been made undesignedly. They wished to make it appear, that the Parliament of Paris had approved of the decree of Aquaviva, because it had ordered the superiors at Paris, in his decree of censure of Suarez in 1614, to warn the General to renew his decree of 1610. It was therefore supposed that the Parliament was contented with it, arid had approved of it ; but both the fact and the supposition are false.
f There is in the collection of Prague another ordinance, or decree of Aquaviva, dated the 2nd of August, 1614, the day after the first decree. It seems that this date, of 1614, must be false, like that of the first ordinance
88
You are shocked at the revolting expressions of Aquaviva, when he intends to forbid th^ detestable doctrine to his order, that it is permitted, in some cases, to anybody to kill kings. He is afraid of going too far, if he saySj it is never allowed to any person. He confines himself to saying, that he forbids any one to dare to assert that it is permitted to every man, etc. I ask whether any man convinced (as all men should be), that the murder of a king is never permitted to any man, in any case, would have expressed himself in that manner.
The assumed precision of the language of Aquaviva is horrible ; it is unworthy of a man, of a Christian, and of a theologian accused of religious error ; it serves, as a ground of condemnation of the system of the Society, and never can serve as an excuse. Nothing but fanaticism can hope to impose upon the world by such decrees, by interpretations, distinctions, and discussions, when it is a question of simple fact. Do they believe or disbelieve, that it is forbidden to commit a crime ?
Scholastic delirium has contrived to invent means to justify such horrors ; they say the opposite of a false proposition is true. Therefore, it is true, that it is not permitted to all the world to kill kings, because it is untrue, that such an attempt is permitted to all the world. What logic ! and what morality ! - I ask, what can faithful subjects think of equivocal declarations on such a matter ; of these insidious precautions, of these proble- matic phrases, as if it was a frivolous schoolboy question ?
and that the true date of both of them is 1610. The latest of these ordi- nances forbids provincials to allow any books to be printed in their provinces on the subject of tyrannicide, unless it had been reviewed and approved at Home. The book by Suarez had been printed at Coiinbra, without the permission, or the expressed permission, of the General. The decree of 1614 (of Parliament) , in condemning the book of Suarez, enjoined the superiors to use all diligence towards the General to induce him to renew the decree of 1610, and also to take care "That no books containing such damnable and detestable propositions should be brought to light." It must therefore have been this last decree, that the Parliament of Paris was content to have renewed, and not the first decree, in which no mention is made of printing books. At the end of these decrees (2nd Vol. chap. v. p. 6) is an ordinance of the 13th of August, 1626, given by Witteleschi, General of the Jesuits, in which he calls to mind the ordinance of Aquaviva forbidding the printing of books of that kind without the permission of Rome.
89
I admit, that this detestable doctrine was not invented by the Jesuits. They found it in the scholastic theologians. It was known in the thirteenth century, from the time of John of Salisbury. Jean le Petit had broached it before the Council of Constance ; but the Jesuits are inexcusable for not having abjured it, and for attempting at this day to make men believe, by dis- cussions, and distinctions, and interpretations, that it is not the doctrine of their society at this hour.
I must do the French Jesuits the justice that is due to them by stating, that they have been more just and more moderate than any others.
I consent to pass in silence over the memory of the Jesuit Richeome, Provincial of Bordeaux, who died in 1615 ; of the Jesuit Hereau, Professor in Paris in 1642, who taught very nearly this evil doctrine, and the Jesuit Vallee, who spread it in Mans.
I have sought carefully, in making this distinct accusation, for everything that might tend to their justification.
I have found, and have pleasure in communicating it to you, two theses of theological decisions of the Jesuits of the College of Rennes — one of the 9th of June, 1758, and the other of the 17th of June, 1760, in which two or three propositions of the assembly of the clergy in 1682 are announced and affirmed. I wish I had such theses from all the colleges of this division.
Another confusion is caused by the ordinance of Aquaviva, which bears first the date of the 2nd of August, 1614. Witteleschi, in the next page, dates it 5th of January, 1613 ; but its date is the day after the first— which is now said to be 1610. The Jesuits alone can explain these discrepancies.
The ordinance of Witteleschi contains a singular motive for forbidding the members of the Society to write, without revision at Rome, concerning the power of the Pope over princes, the power to depose them, etc. (Here the ordinance is cut oft ; it is impossible to know what followed.) "It is," continues this general, the worthy successor of Aquaviva, "in order to avoid occasions of giving offence to any one." " Ut occasioned omnes offensionis et querelarum preecindantur."
So then it is forbidden for this Society to write or teach that kings are sovereigns and independent in temporal concerns ; that they cannot be deposed by the Pope ; perhaps that it is not permitted to assassinate them for fear of offending somebody ; and, if I may be allowed so to express my- self, for fear of factious complaints and quarrels, for querelantm after the word nffensionis can hardly be expressed otherwise.
90
I have not seen the writings in which this wise doctrine is asserted ; but I suppose, that it is stated and explained as it ought to be.
But I lament that, when it is question of the sacred persons of kings, and of principles which tend to the subversion of states, to find theologians, who are accused of holding murderous doc- trines, sending us, not to their own works, but to the equivocal declarations made by their Generals more than a century ago, and to the declarations made by their brethren sent to the Par- liaments in 1611, 1626, 1667, and 1710.* And moreover, what are those declarations? In 1611 Mon. Serviii, proposing to the Jesuit Fronto, one of the principals of the Society, to acknowledge, among other things, that no one, either a stranger or a natural subject of the king, ought to attempt the lives and persons of kings, for any cause whatsoever-; not even on account of their moral conduct or their religion. Fronto replied (and Mon. Servin attests it in his plea,) " That he should not be unwilling to make such a declaration ; not, however, because he thought the prin- ciple right and indisputable, but because it was necessary to
* On the 14th of March, 1626, the Jesuits were called into the great chamher. Messieurs asked them, " Do yon approve of this bad book ? " Coton, who is the Provincial of the province of Paris, accompanied by three others, answered, " Far from it, Messieurs ; we are ready to write against it, and to disapprove of all it states. In proof of this, ten copies of it have been sent to our house, all of which we have suppressed."
The Parliament— Suppressed : is it your duty to do so ?
The Jesuits — "NVe thought we could not do otherwise.
The Parliament — Why did you not take them to the Chancellor or to the first President ?
The Jesuits — Messieurs, we are obliged and constrained to do many acts of obedience, to wliich other ecclesiastics are not bound.
The Parliament — Do you not know, that this bad doctrine has been approved of by your General at Rome ?
The Jesuits — Yes; Messieurs, but we, who are here do not commit that imprudence, and we blame it with all our power.
The Parliament — Come now, and answer two questions. Do you believe, that the king is all powerful in his own dominions ? and do you think, that a foreign power can, or ought to interfere in them, or that, in the person of the king, they have a right to trouble the Gallican Church ?
The Jesuits — No, Messieurs, we believe the king to be all-powerful in his own dominions in temporal concerns.
91
accommodate declarations to the times and places in which we live."
What kind of justification can the French Jesuits found on such a declaration ? or on the declaration made by the superiors in Paris in 1710, at the time of the condemnation of the insolent history of Frere Jouvenci, in which he attacked the decrees made against the Jesuits Guignard and Gueret, and the magistrates, who pronounced them.
It is long since the French Jesuits have ceased to teach in France the doctrine of murder, but they belong to a body, who maintain it — to a body, in which the doctrine is common to all.
The Parliament — In temporal concerns ; speak frankly. Do you think the Pope can excommunicate the king ; absolve liis subjects from their oath of fidelity, and give his kingdom as a prey.
The Jesuits — Oh, Messieurs ! excommunicate the long ! ! ! he Avho is the eldest son of the Church ; he will take good care not to do anything, which will oblige the Pope to do that.
\?:The Parliament — But your General, who has approved of this book, thinks all that it contains is infallible. Do you believe otherwise ?
The Jesuits — Messieurs, he who is at Rome cannot do otherwise than approve of what the court of Rome approves.
The Parliament — But your belief?
The Jesuits — Is quite contrary.
The Parliament — And if you were at Rome, what would you do ?
The Jesuits — We should do like those, who are there.
The Parliament — Come now; do answer the questions you are asked.
The Jesuits — Messieurs, we beg you to allow us to consult together.
The Parliament — Retire into that room.
[They remained in that room for about half an hour, and then returned to the Parliament.]
The Jesuits — We are of the same opinion as the Sorbonne, and we will subscribe like the rest of the clergy.
The Parliament — Make your declaration accordingly.
The Jesuits — Messieurs, we very humbly entreat you to grant us some days to communicate among ourselves.
The Parliament — Go, then ; the court grants you three days.
[During those days the court watched their conduct. It proved that in the afternoon of the same day they went to the nuncio and remained with him from two o'clock till seven in the evening in private with the Flemish ambassador. — (Register.* of the Parliament.}
/
92
But they arc necessarily in unity and community of sentiment with all the body. But they have never taught a contrary doc- trine in their books or writings. They have disavowed it. But > knew, that their disavowal was not valid without the leave of their General. They have said, that they were willing to maintain the contrary doctrine. But then they added that they did not hold it as certain. But they said it was, because it was necessary to accommodate themselves to times and places. But they said, if they were at Rome they would equally maintain the contrary doctrine to that of France. But they treat the doctrine like those scholastic opinions, which may be defended either way. But they have not abandoned the principles, on which that detestable doc- trine is founded. But tbey have several times caused Buseinbaum to be printed. They have praised it in their "Journal de Trevoux," in 1729. But even those, who have disavowed Busernbaum and his doctrine have been the very first to exalt it under your own eyes in this province.
All that can be concluded from the conduct of the French Jesuits is, that they have executed a little more exactly than other Jesuits, the decree of Witteleschi of the 13th of August, 1626 : — " Ut occasioncs ojffensionum, et querelarum prcecindantur."
I return to the General of the Jesuits. You have seen, that the Provincials are obliged to reveal to him the condition of their provinces, of everything that passes in them, not only among the members of the Society, but of everything that is done by their own ministration. You have seen, that the Provincials are to enter into such details, that the General may know as completely the affairs, the persons, and the provinces, as if he had been present himself.
Now, why is it necessary, that the General should have all this knowledge ? Why is this report to be renewed every month by thirty-seven provincials ; every three months and every six months by 1244 superiors of colleges, residentiary houses, noviciates, missions, professed houses, without including so many councillors, or consulters of Provincials and superiors ?* The Constitutions
* Number of Reports which the General of the Jesuits receives every year on the spiritual and temporal condition of kingdoms :—
93
require, that the Provincials and the superiors should make their report to the General in cyphers, in unknown and disguised characters. They must have very strong reasons to keep the subject of their correspondence secret and undiscovered. It is inconceivable, that religious objects should need to be carried on in cyphers unintelligible to all, but those who have the key to them. Such precautions are taken against enemies. Is the system of the Jesuits inimical to all governments ?
If such were the case, governments would be protecting and nourishing in the heart of their dominions, a set of men prying into the concerns of their state and of their religion, in order to report them to a stranger, who renders no account to any one.
I should like to know, what object can be alleged (I do not say what honourable object, for there is none), but what excusable object can be suggested, for all this manoeuvring, this odious intrigue of espionage and revelation.
Why, for instance, is it necessary that the General of the Jesuits residing at Rome, should have an exact account of the number and the qualities of the Congregations at Rennes, or elsewhere ?
Aquaviva said, that these revelations and reports were neces- sary for the support and extension of the Society. Is it very
37 Provincials, who must all of them write letters every
month ......... 444 letters.
612 Superiors of Colleges, who must write every three
months ......... 2448 ,,
340 Superiors of Houses of Residence, must write every
three months 1360 „
59 Masters of Novices of 59 Houses of Noviciates, who
must write every three months 236 ,,
1048 Consultors, who must write at least twice a year . 2096 „
Total of Letters of Obligation, without counting private letters and those of 200 missions and 24 professed houses ... . 6584 „
6584 divided by 37, which is the number of the provinces, make 177 reports of each kingdom, and of each province as to the spiritual and temporal condition signed and verified, which the General must receive each year.
difficult to find out, that such means arc needless to do good, but very necessary to do harm ; to keep up the spirit of party factions ? If there was one powerful family in the kingdom, which made use of only a portion of such means for its own aggrandizement, the government would soon take offence, and most justly repress it with severity.
I will suppose the General to be an honest fanatic ; I mean to say I will suppose him to be a man, imbued really with ultramon- tane persuasions, like Bellarmine, Saurez, Vasquez, Molina, etc. ; convinced of the legitimacy of the privileges of the Society, and of the rights of his own generalship ; penetrated with the greatness of the institution, and of the divine protection accorded to it. This is not a supposition that I am making, but a fact which I relate, and an inevitable fact, because the circumstances must produce it. But I also suppose (and that supposition is not unexampled, as can be proved), that in the course of one or two centuries, either from family interests, the force of circumstances, or owing to troubles, which possibly may occur, a Pope may hereafter wish to excommunicate the sovereign of some state in Europe, and to absolve his subjects from their oath of fidelity. In such a case, what would be the conduct of the eighteen or nineteen thousand Jesuits scattered over all Christian countries ?
I think the answer will be, that infallibly they will do as they always have done at all times and in all places ; that which they have taught in their books that they can do, and ought to do. I will add, that they will do what French Jesuits cannot fail to do without disobeying the Pope and their General, and without con- travening their laws and their actions.
The surest way, or rather the only way, to judge men is to weigh their interest, their opinions, and their constitutions.
Can pi'otestations of attachment and duty, the ties of country (if they have one), can these be sustained against the power of vows of oaths ? Can presumptions reassure us in the presence of facts : of facts, alas, too true ? On what grounds can we depend, that they will observe the laws of the kingdom ? Shall the State be contented, as its only guarantee, with a word, which they cannot give, and a promise which they cannot keep ?
I propose to themselves to solve this political problem in any
'95
other manner. In such a case under such circumstances, what would such and such persons do ?
I have supposed the General to be sincere ; but let me now suppose for a moment that he is not so. Such a thing is not impossible, and the supposition cannot injure an imaginary person ; it is only necessary to admit, that at some supposed time, among ten persons, who occupy a certain position, one may be a I dishonest man ; if he is ambitious he will be dishonest ; and enthusiasm often merges in party spirit as men grow older.
Is there any reasonable man, acquainted with the Con- stitutions of the Jesuits, their institutions for the young, and the doctrines of the Society, which I have laid before you, who does not feel alarmed at the facilities, which a General of Jesuits possesses to intrigue and cabal, and, let us say freely, to conspire ?
A man who has twenty thousand subjects devoted to his orders by profession and by religious principle, who ought, according to their constitutions and their vows, to be ready to shed their blood for the Society; whose consciences, whose genius, whose characters, and whose tempers are intimately known to him from their childhood : who are accustomed to the yoke of absolute obedience, and to regard their General as they regard God, or as Jesus Christ ; men of whose secresy he is certain ; men, who judge themselves by the direction of other men, their interests and their passions ; a despot whose slightest sign is law to them ; whose written wish is a decree, an ordinance ; who holds in his hands all the treasures of the commerce of the Society, and who is in- formed 177 times a year of the condition of all kingdoms, — what enterprise will such a man not undertake ?
Let us read the histories of all the conspiracies, which have ever been formed in the world. Consider the qualities, which are necessary for success in such perilous enterprises, in the chiefs, who dare to undertake them ; the dangers they have to brave ; the treasures they must expend ; the pains, the care, they must take to captivate the minds of the people, and to excite them, and the springs they have to set in motion, both public and con- cealed, to effect their purposes. Consider how these dangerous conspiracies have been formed or failed. You will not find one, the chief of which, after years of care, has been able to organize
96
his forces with so little danger, with as great advantages, as a General of the Jesuits can command within twenty-four hours. And what is quite singular, the least dexterous, the most in- capable, the most timid of men may execute the work. How have conspiracies failed to attain their object ? It has been either from the remorse of some conspirator, or from indiscreet communications, or a bad choice of accomplices (some wanting courage, others resolution or activity) ; from the necessity of employing certain people, who were felt to be not altogether fit for such undertakings, but whom it was necessary to employ ; or by too great a number of accomplices.
No one of these inconveniences can overthrow a project formed by a General of the Jesuits, since out of 20,000 men he can pick out ten fanatics, honest fanatics, whose capacity is known to him, and whose hand is sure.
If there are persons affiliated, associated Jesuits, unknown as such in their own families, or the families in which they are domesticated, (a fact of which it is scarcely possible to doubt, although it is very difficult to prove it), of what deep importance these associations must be !
I avoid all applications ; but what would Cromwell have given for such advantages ! I do not mean Cromwell after he had con- ceived his odious design, but Cromwell after the battles of Dunbar and Worcester.
Now I shall be told, that I am calumniating the General of the Jesuits ; that such a man cannot be found in the Society. Very well, I hope not ; but I have said, and I ask again, who can guarantee that there never will be a man, who wishes to conspire ?
*- From one fanaticism to another is but one step, I repeat ; and who can say that in the course of years there may not be a bad man in any given place ?
And suppose that no General will ever conspire ; in saying that you allow, that he might if he chose it ; and is it not unwise and imprudent to allow in any State a power so exorbitant and so dangerous to exist in the hands of one man ?
I think I have proved the fact which I advanced, that the con- stitutions and the system of the Jesuits are, when fairly analyzed,
97
enthusiasm and fanaticism established by rule, and on principle; and that they are based on two false principles, that is, the sovereign power of the Pope over both spiritual and temporal concerns ; and on the communication by several Popes of absolute power to the Society, and through them to the General, their representative.
I have shown, that from the first principle, the constitutions of the Society are derived, which arc injurious to the sovereign majesty of kings, and dangerous to their sacred persons and to their authority, by engendering a spirit of sedition, and an entire subversion of public order by pretended Conservators chosen arbitrarily, and changed in the same way ; a co-active power, and a jurisdiction over citizens, and even over sovereign powers, together with the monstrous power of maintaining by deed and by word everything that is called their privilege, though injurious to the Church, to councils, popes, and bishops, to the second order of the Church, and to all the authorities of the State.
I have proved that from the second principle have emanated constitutions, injurious to the Divine Majesty, transferring to a man the honour that is due to Almighty God alone, by equalis- ing the orders of a Superior with the precepts of God and of Jesus Christ ; affecting, by emphatic expressions, repeated with affectation, to place on the same level the obedience, due to either, and exacting the aforesaid sacrifice of understanding and reason. Destructive of natural liberty of mind and conscience, they allow no more freedom than is possessed by a stick in the hand of an old man, or of a corpse, which is turned and moved as you please. They are opposed to the rights of nature, to divine right, to the rights of man, and to the rights of all nations, to the well-being of all nations, and to the security of contracts, and agreements of private persons. From all this, result rash vows made in ignorance ; engagements contracted, which shock reason and arc injurious to religion; vows made to a foreign sovereign to leave the kingdom at his behest, and which are con- sequently contrary to the laws of the State.
I have shown, that the institution of members of the Society is enthusiastic, and leads to fanaticism; and that the education
H
98
which the Society gives to youth in their colleges is insufficient and bad.
I have proved, that regicide is the ancient and received doctrine of the Society, and how dangerous it is to states to leave sovereign and independent power in the hands of any single man.
I desire, in consequence, that the Look written by Busembaum, better known in this province than elsewhere, from the missions of Frerc Sulpont at Nantes, should be torn and burnt with the \ " Journal dc Trevoux," which has eulogised it. If I had all the other books, named in the decree of the Parliament of Paris of the 6th of August, 1761, I should make the same request. I content myself with requiring, that all persons, who have copies of those works should bring them to the office of the registrar to be disposed of according to law.
I conclude, by declaring, that in all I have said, I have not intended to injure any one. "Woe be to him, who, as a public servant, abuses his influence to the detriment of any indi- vidual or any body of men. I am bound to speak the whole truth to you. You have required it, and you expect it from me. I make no objections to the Society, but those which concern public order. I attack the system. I pity the individuals. I have brought no doubtful accusations before you, but the griefs of human society. I have defended the common cause of the king and of the State, or rather of all kings and states.
I wish, that the Society should be reformed, because it appears to me quite impossible, in good morality or in good policy, to allow its government to remain as it is.
Many councils have sat in deliberation on the subject of reformations in the Church. The Council of Pisa, those of Con- stance and Basle, were assembled to reform the heads and their members. De reformanda cccksid in capite et in mcmbris.
All the world knows what was said by Barthelemi des Martirs, Archbishop of Prague, at the Council of Trent, " Illus- trissimi Cat'dinales illusbrissima indigent reformatione." The greater part of those reforms have been effected. When it is said, that the Society cannot be reformed, is that an attack or a defence of it?
If the Society believes, that it has acquired a right to be unre-
99
formable, and that no government has power or strength enough to resist it, because it has made itself too formidable, that it has dared the most courageous of Frenchmen, Henry IV., or caused him to feel fear, let them suffer the punishment, due to men, who inspire fear, that of ostracism. Let the Society be banished or dissolved !
But that would be going too far, Messieurs. A whole body can only be banished for some crime, which is shared by every individual. The Jesuits are the children of our own towns, our fellow- citizens, our countrymen. Some of them are of the class of noblemen, or united by the ties of blood to that distinguished portion of the State. But if the Society declares itself to be un- reformable, it should bo dissolved.
Restored to the direction of their own consciences and to the exercise of their own sense of honour, they will really become citizens when they cease to be Jesuits. They will rejoice to find themselves under the dominion of the protective laws of France. They will bless the hands that have broken their chains. I do not think, that they are generally so infected with the contagion of their fanatical institution as not to re-enter joyfully into the exercise of the liberty, which is authorised by law and by religion.
In order to determine, whether the existence of the Society will be useful or detrimental to the Church and State, in future, we must consider, whether on the whole it has hitherto done most good or harm, and whether it is fair to ascribe all the good which has been done by individual members of the Society, to the credit of the whole body ; as if they would not have done any good, if they had not belonged to it, and had remained parish priests or laymen. We must consider, also, whether it would be just to dispute with the order the honour of having had illustrious personages belonging to it, who have owed the culti-' vation of their merits and capacities to their care. That is too1'' wide a question to undertake now.
It seems, that when the question to be considered is, Shall an order in the Church be suppressed, or shall it be dissolved ? it is very like talking of the dissolution of the human body ; if the
H2
100
members of the body arc separated, they will certainly be anni- hilated.
The question might be simplified by asking, Is it most advanta- geous to the State to destroy or to preserve an order, which forms a kind of sect in the Church, and a party in the State, which may become a faction ? Or the question may be reduced to a still smaller compass by asking, whether, in the present state of things, all the duties, which are performed by the Society might not be executed by parochial clergymen with as much success and less danger.
It is for you, gentlemen, to take such measures on these sub- jects, as your wisdom will suggest. The good and sincere inten- tions of the king, whose only wish is, that the laws may be observed, will rule your determinations, and be considered by me as absolute commands.
You will represent to his majesty on this occasion, the great importance of the education of youth in all parts of the kingdom, and you will know better than I, how to exhort him to reform it. But in fact his sovereign majesty is never absent from your courts. He presides at your decrees, and in this august tribunal, I venture, therefore, to address the following words to his maj esty, in addressing those who represent him here in the administration of justice.
Sire, — You know, that your authority is derived from God, and as the eldest son of the Church, you will respect him who is its visible head on earth ; but you will not allow the royal dignity, with which the Almighty has invested you, to be degraded, and you will maintain with the same firmness as your fathers, the in- dependence of your crown, which recognises no superior in the whole world.
You will cause religion to be respected ; you will banish from your kingdom both the impiety, which assails, and the fanaticism which dishonours it ; you will oppose ignorance and superstition ; you will arrest their progress and prevent their fatal effects.
Kings, Sire, have a more immediate interest than any of their subjects in the suppression of that fanaticism, which respects nothing, and attacks the most illustrious persons : they are its peculiar victims.
101
Nothing but a knowledge of past events and a careful study of them in all their bearings, can rend the veil of excited ignorance and superstition, which are the real causes of fanaticism. Nothing but light can dispel darkness.
Your Majesty should reform the education of youth in all the colleges of your kingdom. It is vicious and barbarous, especially in the colleges of the Societv. All well-informed and sensible
f-j >>
men are aware of it, and arc agreed on that point. I do not fear contradiction on this subject from any of those, who en- lighten literature. Let your Majesty add to the happiness of the most well-disposed people in the world the advantage of possessing the best institutions. Protect learning and sciences ; they make the happiness and prosperity of kingdoms, and shed honour on the reigns of their sovereigns.
Protect men of learning, Sire, but do not expect solid useful- ness from any, who do not appreciate the principles of your State and your Church ; those principles ought to predominate in every State and every Church in the world, for they are founded on reason, on natural rights, the rights of man, on Scripture and tradition. Will you give your kingdom, as rulers and precep- tors, men whose principles and interests are not those of your nation, and who by their profession are disabled from taking an oath of fidelity to your Majesty ? How can they educate youth to pay to you the obedience which is due to you, so long as they themselves believe that you owe obedience to another, in the temporal government of your kingdom. How can they teach our maxims, who without openly combating them, yet regard them as scholastic differences, which may be maintained in France, but which they must not hold in Italy ?
Give, Sire, to the flower of your nobility, who serve you so gloriously and so faithfully in your armies and in your Parlia- ments, to the precious hopes of the nation, who will also serve you on some future day — you and your children, and your grand- children— give to them tutors, who are attached to your Majesty and to the State by duty, by principle, and by religion.
Your Majesty has in your universities and your academies men of great worth and distinguished capacity. They are French by
102
birth and by inclination ; they arc so by principle ; they arc learned, and they hold the maxims of your State.
Order them to prepare a system of education for all ages and all professions, and elementary books to fulfil their plan ; you will protect the edition, and place such teachers in the colleges, as you may think worthy to perform their functions, and who are worthy of your choice.
You will add, Sire, to the glory of your august ancestor, who caused science and learning to flourish, that of establishing them permanently in your kingdom.
The well-beloved of the nation will become the benefactor of succeeding generations, and the revival of science will hereafter be, dated from the reign of Louis XV. as, after an age of barbarism, it was formerly counted from Francis I.
Cause that in all the countries, lands, and signiories, under your dominion the Edict of 1682, given under the declaration of the clergy of your kingdom, shall be carefully executed.
Order that no ecclesiastic, either secular or regular, particu- larly no member of the Society, called of Jesus, be admitted to orders without having signed that declaration, an eternal monu- ment of the fidelity of your clergy, and which will perhaps con-« tribute as effectively as arms to the safety of the State.
In conclusion, Messieurs, I would refer in support of what I have said to the epitome made by his Majesty's Ministers for the Parliament of Paris, of the Constitutions of the Jesuits, and to the denunciations, uttered by those Magistrates, carefully verified by Commissioners, and supported by full proofs of the facts alleged.
I require on the part of the king (and making use of the same expressions as Mon. Servin on a similar occasion.) I require " for the safety of the sacred person of the king, and for the good of the Church and of the State, for the sake of public tranquillity, ; and for the honour and maintenance of learning and science," the concession of a power of appeal as against abuses ; understanding as such abuses, the introduction of all Bulls, Briefs, and Letters Apostolic, concerning the Society calling itself the Society of Jesus, the constitutions of the same, declarations on those con- stitutions, formulas of vows; decrees of Generals ; or of general
103
congregations of the said society, and generally all other rules or regulations and similar acts ; also vows and oaths made by the members of the same, to submit and conform to the rules of the said Society. And I ask permission to intimate to the General and the Society, on the said appeal, as against abuses, the judg- ment which shall be reported to the court, on all pretended rules, especially those, which are called verbal oracles, and on every- thing else, which bears the force of law in that said Society.
I move as the judgment of this Parliament that the book
entitled, Hermanni Busembaum Societatis Jesu, Sacrce Theologies
Liccnciati, Theoloyia Mo mi-is, mine pluribus partibus aucta, d It.
P. Claudio Lacroix, Societati* Jesu, Theologies in Uniccrsitate
Coloniensi Doctorc et Profcssore publtco, cditio norissima diligenter
recognita et emendata ab uno cjusdem Societatis Jesu Sacerdote
Theologo ; Colonize, 1757 ; teaching murderous and abominable
doctrines, dangerous, not only to the safety of the lives of citizens,
but even to that of the sacred persons of Icings ; and the "Journal
•'of Trevoux " of August, 1729, which eulogises that work ; be torn
and burnt at the foot of the great staircase of the palace by the
executioner of justice.
That it be ordered that every one, who has copies of books teaching that detestable doctrine, composed by members of the Society of Jesus, and by others, if such should be found ; and, namely, by Emmanuel Sa, Jesuit, in his Aphorisms ; by Martin Antoine Dclaio, Jesuit, in his Commentary written in 1689 ; and others to the numbers of thirty -tic o ; he brought to the Registrar of the Court to be dealt with also according to law. That all booksellers be strictly prohibited from selling and publishing the said books under pain of extraordinary prosecution, and punish- ment with all severity by the law. Meantime, provisionally, until judgment shall be given on this appeal, as against abuses, that all the king's subjects be forbidden (whatever their rank or quality may be), under the usual penalties, to associate them- selves with the said priests and other members of the said Society, in their houses or elsewhere, on the pretence of congregations, or associations, or retreats ; that it be ordered, that his Majesty's Edict of 1G82, be well and duly executed in this jurisdiction; that his Majesty be humbly petitioned to make a declaration
104
commanding that no one he admitted to sacred orders, (and especially no member of the Society of Jesus), nor he appointed to any benefice whatsoever, either as parish priest or monk, ex- empt or not exempt from the jurisdiction of the ordinary, nor on the plea of any degrees, obtained by him, unless he shall pre- viously have signed the declaration of the clergy of 1682, in the presence of his archbishop or his bishop, or their great vicars ; of which signature mention shall be made in the act of requisition, and also in the act of taking possession of each benefice ; — all under the penalty of nullity of the said acts, in respect of those, who shall be found to have performed the acts without having previously signed the said declaration ; and in case any of the archbishops or bishops neglect to require this signature, that they be obliged to do so under the penalty of seizure of the temporali- ties of their archbishopric or bishopric. That it should, moreover, be ordered that those ecclesiastics who may not have signed the said declaration, and who may refuse to do so on the occasion of the visa, or of institution to benefices to which they may demand to be inducted, be declared incapable to hold them, and that all benefices which have hitherto been held by such ecclesiastics, shall be declared vacant or lapsed, and may be presented again in full right without the need of any formal judgment, or of any judicial declaration to that effect.
That it be represented to his Majesty how great is the importance of reforming the colleges of the kingdom and the education which is given in them. That his Majesty be petitioned to order his academies and universities to prepare a plan of education for all ages and all professions ; and to compile elementary books to carry out their plan, which shall be taught in all colleges by such masters as may be deemed fit.
That it be ordered that the Decree which will be issued in consequence of my conclusions be read, published, and announced in all needful places, v Given in the Parliament of Eennes, December 7th, 1761.
DE CARADTJC BE LA CHALOTAIS.
I have seen since my conclusions of the 7th of December last, the books of Bellarmine, Beccan, Pirol, Escobard, Horace
105
Turcelin (all of the Society called of Jesus), deposited in the Registry Office of the Court, which were communicated to me by a decree of the 18th of December current.
I demand on the part of the king, that the books entitled : — Disputationum Roberti Bellarmini Societatis Jesu de Con- trorersiis Christ iance fidei adi'ersus h-ujm temporis Hereticos ; Tractatus depotestate Pa-pee in rebus temporalibus ; Libri de Romano Pontifice ; De translations Imperil Romani, Mediolani, 1721, su- perior urn permmu ; Martini Beccani, Societatis, de Jure ct Justitia, Parish's, 1658 ; Apologie pom- les Casuistes, attribute a Edmont Pii-ot, Paris, 1657 ; Joannis Mariana Societatis Jesu de Rege et Regis institutione, Moguntice, 1605 ; Liber Theologice Mora /is i-iginti quatuor Societatis Jesu Doctoribus resereatus quern It. P. Antonius de Escobard et Mcndoza Vallisoletanus in cxamen Confessa- liorum digessit, addidit, illustravit, Lugduni, 1659 ; Historic Sacrce et Prop/tana?, epitome ab Horatio Turcellino, Rothomayi, 1714, et Rhedonis, 1732 ; together with Fmncisci Tokti, Societatis Jesu Instruct io Sacerdotum, Rothomagi, 1628 ; and with the books of Herman Busembaum, and the Journal de Trerou.r of the month of August, 1729, mentioned in my preceding conclusions : — be torn, and burnt in the court of the palace at the foot of the great staircase, by the public executioner ; as being seditious ; destructive of Christian morality ; teaching a doctrine that is murderous and abominable ; dangerous, not only to the safety of citizens, but to the sacred persons of sovereigns. That all persons who possess copies of them be commanded to bring them to the Register Office to be suppressed. That it be forbidden to all librarians to reprint or sell, or to distribute the said books, or any of them, and to all colporteurs, distributors, or other such persons to carry them about or to distribute them under pain of prosecution and punishment according to the rigour of the law. That it be enacted that, 011 my requisition, informations be taken before Mon. Le Rapporteur of such witnesses as may be found in this town ; and before the justices of the peace, of all the officers of justice, and the royal authorities within this jurisdiction, and by the care of my substitutes in the said courts, evidence be taken against all those, who may have contributed to the approval or printing of the said books, or who may retain them
IOC
in their hands ; and also against the printers and distributors of the said books. And in order to legislate definitively on the result of the investigation of the said books, and the teachings contained in them, and of the report, made by myself to this Court on the 1st, 3rd, 4th, and 5th of December, current, I request, that an account of the deliberation may be joined with the appeal against abuses introduced by me, against the Bulls, Briefs, Constitutions, and all the succeeding acts concerning the said Society ; on the understanding, that they may be separated, if the case should fail.
For the rest I can only refer to my preceding conclusions of the 7th of December current.
Done at the Bar this 22nd of December, 1761.
DE CAEADUC DE LA CHALOTAIS.
107
DECREE OF THE PARLIAMENT OF BRETAGNE,
23rd of December, 1761. Extracted from the Registers of the Parliament.
The following Decrees and Reports were first read and con- sidered by this Parliament, assembled in their Chambers, viz. : —
The Decree of the 14th of August, 1761, in which this Court ordered that the superior of the self-called Jesuits of the College of Rennes, should within three days present at the Register Office of this Court a copy of the Constitutions of the Order styling itself the Society of Jesus ; and that the said Decree should be notified to him on the requisition of the Attorney- General of the King: — The Notice that was given to him of the said Decree by Bouchard, Bailiff of the Court : — The Act of Deposit of the Books made at the Register Office of the Court by the Frere du Pays, Rector of the said College of Rennes, on the 15th of August, 1761 : — Another Decree of the 17th of the same month and year, which ordered that the two volumes in small in folio, entitled, " Institution Societati* Jesu," printed at Prague, anno 1757, should be remitted to the Attorney -General of the King, who should be ordered to report thereon to the Court on Tuesday the 1st of December : — The Report, which was delivered on the 1st, 3rd, 4th, and 5th of December, by the King's Attorney- General, both of the contents of the said books, and of the moral doctrine of the self-called Jesuits : — Another Decree, which was passed on the 7th of December, by which this Court (after having read the con-
108
elusions of the Attorney- General of the King, left by him on the Bureau, of the date of the said 7th day of December) determined to continue the Assembly of the Chambers until the 10th day of the said month : — The several Decrees of Adjournment, on the 10th, llth, 12th, 14th, 15th, 16tb, and 18th of December, on the last of which this Court (having suspended its sittings for several days during the examina- tion of the institution, and in order to read the propositions and assertions contained in the works of different and several authors, belonging to the Society, calling themselves the Society of Jesus), ordered that the said books should be delivered to the King's Attorney-General, in order that (if he should so decide) they might be dealt with according to law : — Tbe conclusions of the said Attorney-General of the King, bearing date the 22nd of Ibis month : —The report of Mon. Claude Guerry, senior counsel of the Court : — These having all been considered.
This Court in full assembly admits, as far as the occasion requires, the demands of the King's Attorney- General (appealing as against abuse) against the Bull beginning with the word Regunim, given on the 5th of the Calends of October, 1540, by Paul III., entitled Prima Instituti Societatis Jem dpprobatio ; another Bull beginning with these words, " Injunctum Nobis," given on the eve of the Ides of March, 1543, entitled, " Faculta* quosris idoncos ad Societatem Jem sine rcstrictione niimeri admit- tendi et Const it ntiones Condendi; " another Bull beginning with these words, " E.rposcit debit urn" given on the 12th of the Calends of August, 1550, entitled, " ConfirmaMo alii Instituti, cum iiif/jori, turn iflius, turn alionun Societatis Induttorum decla- ratione;'' another Bull beginning with jthese words, " Sacrce Religioni*" given on the 31st of December, 1552, entitled " Confirmatio privileyiorum Societatis concessorum et aliontm nora cnncessio;" and generally against Bulls, Briefs, and Apostolic- Letters concerning the priests and scholars of the Society calling itself of Jesus ; the constitutions of the same ; declarations on the same constitutions; forms of vows, even of the vows and oaths made on th$ day of taking the vows ; decrees of Generals,
109
or of general congregations of the said Society ; verbal oracles ; and generally all other regulations -and similar acts.
This Court thus decrees, especially because the institution of the said Society is a violation of the authority of the Church, and of general councils and other councils ; of that of the Holy See, and of all superior ecclesiastics, and of that of sovereigns ; inas- much as, on the one hand, by the said constitutions, the General has absolute power in the said Society, in contravention of decisions of the said councils, of Bulls issued by the Holy Sec, of regulations prescribed by ecclesiastical superiors, and of laws emanating from temporal princes : and, on the other hand, no power, either spiritual or temporal, has any efficacy in this Society. To it is attributed the faculty of altering, abrogating, and revoking its own constitutions, and of giving itself new ones, according to the exigencies of the times, of places, and of objects, without being amenable in this respect to any inspection, not even on the part of the Holy See ; whose authorisation is nevertheless considered to be invariably attached by right to all the changes which may be useful to the said Society. This concession having been granted irrevocably, remains in force even if any act of revo- cation or reformation should bo made by the Church, or by the Holy See, or by any other power whatsoever. In such a case the Society may of its own authority replace itself in its former state, or as it was at any preceding date, according to the will of the General, or of its own superiors, without any need to obtain any authorisa- tion, or consent, or confirmation,* even of the Holy See. Because
* The following extracts from the Bull will prove this :—
"Notwithstanding all Apostolic Constitutions — all Ordinances general or special, emanating from General Councils or from Provincial or Synodal Assemblies/'
" And desiring that at no time anything may be revoked, or limited, or abrogated from the said constitutions by ourselves or by the Holy See : and that every time it may happen that any article should be revoked, altered, limited, or restricted in any degree, the superior or General may re-establish the same to its original state, evon under an anterior date — any date that the General may please to choose — and that any articles so re-established shall be considered as granted anew by the Holy See."
'• By our apostolic authority we grant to them, by special favour, the power and the faculty to c-lwngn, niter, or even to abrogate entirely, according to
110
under the name of the said Society, one single man may exercise monarchical power over the whole Society* spread over all states, over all its own members universally, and over all persons living under its obedience, even over those who might be exempt, or those who may be invested with any faculty whatsoever ; that
the quality and variety of places, of times, and circumstance, both the con- stitutions already established and any others which may be made in future, and to make new ones. And when they shall have been thus changed, altered, or new ones shall have been made, we will that the whole shall be considered immediately to have been continued by the same apostolic authority."
" That no member of the Society should be so daring as to ask any privi- lege contrary to the statutes common to the whole Society, or to retain them if they have obtained them. . . . That if such kind of privileges should ever be granted by the Apostolic See, we declare them beforehand to be null and valueless . . . unless . . . such derogation of the statutes was done with the consent of the Society."
" And every time that the Holy See shall issue any letters revoking or limiting these statutes, we will that as many times they 11133- be re-established and fully reintegrated to the original state in which they we-ie formerly placed by the Society, by its General, and its other superiors as if they had been granted afresh, and confirmed to be as they were at any date that these superiors please to choose each time, without needing to obtain any new act of re-establishment, invalidation, confirmation, or concession."
* The founder, St. Ignatius, ruled that the general system of government i in the Society) should be monarchical, confined to the arbitrary orders of the superior only.
" The superior shall exercise full jurisdiction over all the members of the said Society, and over all persons subject to obey him, in whatever place they may live, even when they are exempted, and whatsoever rights or faculties they may possess."
" All power of making contracts, purchases, and sales is vested in the General : and although this General should communicate his power to make contracts to superior subalterns, or visitors, or to commissioners, he shall, nevertheless, have liberty to approve or annul any agreement they may have made."
" Every one of the subjects shoiild not only be obliged always to obey the General in all things which are regulated by the statutes of the Society, but they must consider Jesus Christ as present at all times in his person, and they must have that same veneration for him which is due to Christ."
"The right to command is vested solely in the General. The General may in all circumstances, make any statutes he thinks fit, and he must receive the reverence, obedience, and respect due to him who holds the place of Jesus Christ. '
Ill
power extends itself over the administration of their properties and the right to make contracts, and to annul those already made, even under their own sanction. It is so complete and entire, that while even' member of the Society is obliged to obey the General as implicitly and blindly as if he were Jesus Christ,
• You must convince yourself that all that is ordered by the superior is the commandment and the will of God Himself : and. as you believe without hesitation, with all your heart and all your mind, all that tlie Catholic Church declares to you. you must also act with the blind impetuosity of a will eager to obey and perform, without question or examination, all the commands of the superior, considering that such was the obedience of Abraham, when he received the command to sacrifice his sun Isaac.
•• Let every one be persuaded that those who live under obedience ought to allow themselves to be ruled and governed by Divine Providence, that is to say, by their superiors, with as little resistance a.s a corpse, which allows itself to be carried where you will, and to be passive in every sense : or like a rod in the hand of an old man. who uses it in all places and for even" pur- pose for which he may choose to employ it. '
•• That in us the Jesuits) obedience should always be perfect and com- plete in all respects. As in will, so in execution, so in mind, accomplishing all that is required of us with celerity, with spiritual joy. and with perse- verance, persuading ourselves that all we are commanded to do is rijdit. and renouncing, with blind obedience, every sentiment and every contrary opinion which arises in our mil.
•• We declare that the said Society is not bound or obliged to supply food or suitable entertainment, under whatever name, or for whatever reason, to those whom the superiors drive from their bosoms, after the three years of probation, and after the taking of simple vows : even when, during their sojourn in the said Society, they may have received holy orders, even that of priesthood, without any ecclesiastical benefice, without patrimony, with- out any other title than that of religious poverty.'
••"We order all ordinary judges and delegates who may have to pronounce on this subject to judge so. and not otherwise, depriving them, all and even- one of them, of all power and authority to give a different judgment, or a different interpretation, declaring null and valueless any declaration to 1 . late contrariwise, either with knowledge of the case or i^norantly. whoever the judges may be. and with whatever authority they may be invested."
'• The Gentral with the advice of his assistants, shall have a right to make constitutions ha an assembly, preserving always the ri^ht to enact according to the majority «,f v<>-
• When it is a question of mat- : .Teat importance and perpetuity, the
: number of persons shall be assembled that the General can conveni- ently convoke : but if it is only a question of small and transitory con-:equ>..-
112
in all things whatsoever, without reserve, without exception, with- out question or examination, or even mental hesitation ; to carry into execution anything that he may prescribe, with the same fulness of consent and submission that they feel in the belief of the dogmas of the Catholic faith itself ; to be in his hands as
it will be sufficient to assemble those who are present in the place where the General resides. (Bull Begimini.) The assembly that it shall be indispen- sably necessary to convoke in order to alter the constitutions or to make new ones, or for other grave objects, such as that of alienating or destroying houses or colleges already established, shall be composed, according to the declaration of our constitutions, of the greatest number of the professed members of the Society that the General can convoke without very great inconvenience; but in things that are of less importance the General, assisted by the advice of his brethren, as far as he thinks fit, has all right to com- mand by himself alone."
As to their dress, three things must be observed. " 1st. It must be respect- able, '^nd. Conformable to the usage of the country in which they live. 3rd. It must be concordant with the profession that we make of poverty; that is, it would be contrary to that profession to wear silks or costly stuffs : we should therefore abstain from such, and preserve an exterior of humility and lowliness, wliich generally tends to the glory of God." (Constitutions, 6th part.) This observance applies to tunes when the establishment is ex- pected to supply new dresses ; for there is nothing to prevent men when they enter the Society, from wearing the dress which they have brought with them, although it may be of the most expensive kind ; nor is there any objection to give to some members more expensive clothes, if such are necessary on especial occasions ; but they must not wear such kinds of dress habitually. "It is also to be considered that all men are not equally btrong ; their health is not the same, and many are old and weak. The welfare of such persons must be considered, and the necessities of the multitude, in the quality of the dress to be given to them ; but all must be ordered, as far as possible, for the glory of God."
" It must be well understood that everything that bears the appearance of secular commerce is forbidden to members of our society, whether in the culture of our fields, in the sale of produce in the markets, or other such things (Decree <>/ the Second Congregation^). As it has been asked what is meant by things having the appearance of commerce, from wliich our mem- bers are commanded to abstain by the twenty-fifth canon of the Second Congregation, the congregation decided that there were so many things that it was impossible to specify them. Bitt among others the following might be named : — 1st. To lure lands, to cultivate for others, for profit or gain ; which, nevertheless, shall not be observed if the hiring of such lands is necessary to make our own lands profitable, or to feed our cattle. 2nd.
113
passive as a corpse, or as a stick iu the hands of an old man, or as Abraham, when, under the command of God, he was ordered to sacrifice his son, he must persuade himself, on principle, that all that he is ordered to do is right, and abjure all personal feeling and volition. And although this absolute authority is extended
To buy produce ill order to sell it again at a profit. They did not think, however, that it had the appearance of a commercial undertaking to buy cattle to feed on our pastures, and to sell them afterwards ; nor to buy necessaries for our own subsistence and to sell afterwards that which we still had left nnconsumed. 3rd. To pay the expense of printing the works of our members, and keep the whole edition ; to sell single copies of it at our own risk of loss or gain although it is not a commerce absolutely inter- dicted to clerks, it has been thought to be forbidden to our clerks. It has appeared, therefore, that the General will only allow of it for grave reasons. -4th. It is forbidden to have printing presses in our colleges ; to sell to the world generally the books which maybe printed in them. However, the congregation has left to the General the power to decide whether we may not have printing presses in the two Indias and in the northern North America, for books of piety and religion, and for the use of our schools, con- sidering that in those countries there are neither printers nor Catholics." — - (Decree of the Seventh Congregation).
" The procureur of the province should carefully avoid every appear- ance of commerce or of seeking for gain by the purchase or sale of the mer- chandise that he may import or export by exchange of money or otherwise. If it should happen that, in conducting his affairs, he made some con- siderable profit by any means which presented itself to him accidentally he may dispose of it according to the decision of the provincial, and carry it to account like all other receipts and expenses."
" In order that our members may not fall into the bonds of sin, it seems to us proper to declare that none of the constitutions, declarations, nor rules of life can be so obligatory as to render their violation a mortal sin, or even a venial ski, unless the superior shall command its observance in the name of Jesus Christ our Lord, or in virtue of obedience, which he may do either in respect of circumstances or in respect of persons, when he may consider this precept suitable for the good of individuals, or for general good."
" The Society, all its members, and all persons belonging to them, and all their possessions are exempt and free from all superiority, jurisdiction, and correction of the ordinaries in such sort, that none of those prelates, nor any other person, can exercise any jurisdiction over them, in any manner whatsoever, for any offence, either of contract or of any matter at issue, in whatever place the offence was committed, or the contract was made, or whatever may be the nature of the question." (Constitutions.)
" "NYe grant to the General the power to sell the properties of the Society
I
114
over all the natural engagements, which in binding its members to the Society, ought to bind the Society to its members reciprocally, on the contrary, the Society does not hold itself bound in anywise to its members, while its members are bound (by their vows) irre- vocably to the Society. The General may at any time discharge
freely and legally, of abstaining from all prosecutions on that account : and, even from any cause which he may have against the non-possessor, of citing the delinquent, of ascertaining simply and without any judicial form, the utility, the necessity, or any other reason which might make him determine to sell or alienate these properties, and to decide and execute entirely (all affairs of that kind) ; and we declare everything null and ineffective, that any other person, whoever he may be, shall attempt to do against the decision of the General, whether with knowledge or without knowledge of the fact." (Bull.)
" We exempt the Society for all perpetuity, all and each of its properties, in whatever country they be situated, from all tithes, even Papal, real personal, whether they be quarters, or halves, or any other share of fruits, from all other subsidies, even for the poor, from all other ordinary charges
imposed even for a limited time for the defence of the country;
or for any other cause whatsoever demanded by emperors, longs, dukes, or other princes." (Bull.)
"It is ordered that no king princes dukes shall have the
audacity, or the presumption to impose, exact, publish, or even to occasion on any of our properties, or on our persons, either excise (gabelle) taxes, collections, or any other imposts, not even for the repair of bridges or reparation of roads ; and this under pain of excommunication and eternal malediction, which they incur ipso facto if they do not immediately desist as soon as they shall become aware of this present privilege. " (Constitutions?)
" It is not allowed to any prelate to pronounce sentence of excommuni- cation, suspension, or interdict against any member, whoever he may be, of this Society, nor even against any other persons on their account. If they should doit their sentence is null."
" Bishops cannot prevent us from administering the sacrament of peni- tence from Palm Sunday, till the first Sunday after Whitsuntide."
" We may administer the Eucharist and the other Sacraments of the Church to the faithful, (provided nevertheless that we do no prejudice to any one), without the permission of the ordinaries, of incumbents, or of the superiors of other churches."
" Bishops cannot forbid us generally to preach in the churches of the Society. All those of whatever condition they may be, who assist at the preachings of the brothers of the Society, or who may go into the churches where they preach — may freely and legally on those days hear the Mass,
115
any of them without making any provision for their sustenance, however urgent their wants may be ; whereas all this is done in order to secure to themselves the more certain means of exercis- ing absolute power. The general spirit of their Institution, followed up in their constitutions, is apparently to establish rules,
the Divine Office, and receive the Sacraments in those churches, and need not be obliged to go to their parish church for that purpose."
" The Society and each of its members, and even its servants, have the right in all their causes, whether civil, criminal, or mixed, to choose between the archbishops, bishops, canons of cathedrals, and judge-con- servators and ordinaries None of these judges, nor any one of
them thus chosen will permit the Society to be unjustly molested in any
manner whatsoever, by any persons, whomsoever ; whatever their authority
or their dignity may be the judge will reprimand the intruder, the
author of the injury, all opposers and rebels, however otherwise qualified, by condemnation, by censures, ecclesiastical punishments, and other, suit- able means by law or by force, which will be without appeal."
" They will not permit that members of the Society shall be molested or disturbed, either openly or in secret, directly or indirectly, tacitly or ex- pressly, under any colour or pretext, by any persons whatsoever, whether they are invested with pontifical authority, royal authority, or any other," (Constitutions.)
" It is forbidden in virtue of holy obedience, and under pain of excom- munication, of incapacity to hold office, of suspension from sacraments, a divinis, and under all other pains and penalties that the General may please to inflict, to all persons of our Society, to dare to assert, whether in public or in private, whether in lessons or in consultations, still less in the books that they may write, that it is permitted to ALL persons under any pretext of tyranny whatsoever, to kill kings or princes, or to conspire against their lives." The General Claude Aquaviva willed that the same penalties should be incurred, even that of deprivation of their office, by provincials who should CONFESS that such doctrine had ever been taught by any of those means without reprehension, and without preventing the inconvenient con- sequences that must result from it, by taking care that this decree should be religiously observed. " It is recommended, in virtue of holy obedience, to provincials not to permit that any of our members should publish in their respective provinces, or on any occasion, or in any language, books or other writings in which the power of the sovereign poiitiff over kings and princes is agitated, or which treat on the subject of tyrannicide, unless the work has been examined and approved at Rome."
"We forbid, moreover, that any one in future shall treat of this matter, either in printed books or other writings ; that any one shall dispute on the subject in public, or teach it in the schools, in order to cut short all occa- sions of complaint and offence."
l2
116
and yet to have the power, at the same time, to render them entirely futile, either by other rules of a contrary nature, which may be found in other parts of the same constitutions, or by dis- tinctions, and exceptions of all kinds ; and by adding that, in practice, the members of the said Society are not obliged to fulfil any of the points, contained in the said constitutions, even under the head of venial sin, unless they have been especially prescribed to them in virtue of holy obedience by the superior, who knows what is suitable to all occasions, and to all persons. So that it finally rests with the General alone to decide every point that concerns the Society. By these constitutions, there are granted to the said Institution all kinds of privileges, even such as would be absolutely contrary to the rights of temporal and spiritual powers, to the powers of ordinaries, of pastors of the second order, of universities and other bodies, both secular and regular. And if it should happen, that such privileges should be disturbed, either tacitly infringed, or openly disputed, it is permitted to the Institution to name Conservators, with the power of employing, for their defence, all applicable resources of law and force with- out paying any respect to royal authority.
" If any one of our members should hold different opinions from those which are taught by the Church and its doctors, he ought to submit his opinion to the definition of the Society."
" In the opinions in which men differ, and even when there is opposition of sentiment among Catholic doctors, unanimity must exist in the company."
There must be no difference of sentiment in the Society, whether in speaking, in preaching, or in public teaching, whether in writing or in the books which will be published in future, and which cannot be given to the public without the approbation of the General, who will entrust the exami- nation of it to three members of the Society at least, conspicuous for their healthy doctrine, and capable of judging on such a subject."
" No diversity of judgment can be allowed in respect of conduct nor
anything which can in any degree interrupt perfect uniformity and union."
" If any new summary, or book of scholastic theology, more applicable to the present time, should be written, it may be taught, if approved by the General."
" Let all follow generally the doctrine that the Society has chosen as the best and most suitable for us. When each has completed his course of study, let care be taken that no diversity of opinion should infringe on the union of charity ; let each one conform, as much as possible, to the doctrine which is most common in the Society." (Constitutions.)
117
Each of the above-named regulations, namely the obligation imposed on all the members of the said Society of blind obedi- ence in executing, and perfect acquiescence in, the will of the ^ General, without questioning or examining the justice of any order emanating from him ; the extent of the prohibitions contained in the said constitutions ; the nature of the powers attributed to the self-styled Conservators ; tend to comprise the safety of the persons even of kings. Other articles more precisely worded in the same said constitutions also concur to endanger that safety. Moreover, every one of the members of the said Society, being obliged to surrender his own judgment to the definitions of the same, even on those subjects of doctrine on which they may hold opinions differing from those held by the Church ; only one form of belief and one uniform system of morality can exist in the Society ; that is to say, that, which it will deem most appropriate to the times and most advantageous to itself.
Because by the said vows and oaths the said self- called Jesuits submit themselves to the rules and institutes of the said Society : —
Permission is hereby given the King's Attorney-General to intimate to the General and the Society of the said self-called Jesuits that in the appeal as against abuses, the parties will be heard at the next sitting. That in course of the procedure all edicts, declarations, or letters patent concerning the Society will be reported to the court, having been duly verified in the same ; that all may be conjointly tried, and judgement given, so that they may be dealt with according to law.
It is ordered that the book entitled " Disputationes Roberti Bellarmini e Societate Jesu," printed at Ingolstadt in 1596 :
That entitled " Francisci Toleti, Societatis Jesu, Instruct io Sacer- dotum," Paris 1619 :
That entitled " Opuscula Thcologica Martini Becani, Socictatis Jesu," Paris, 1633:
That entitled " Joannis Mariance, Societatis Jesu de Rcgc et Regis Institutionc" in 1605 :
That entitled " dpologie pour ks Casuistes" attributed to Edmund Pirot, Jesuit, Paris, 1657 :
That entitled "Liber Theoloyite Moralis rir/inti quatuor Societatis
118
JCKU Doctoribna reseralii* qucm 7?. P. Antonius Mendosa Vallisoletanus, & Societafe Jcxii, Theologus in examen con- feasariornm digessit, addididit illustramt, Lyon," 1659 :
Those entitled " Hcrmanni Busembaum Tlicologia Moralis micta a R. P. Claudio Laeroix, Societatis Jem, Lyon c/iez les Freres de Tournes, 1729, et a Colonge," 1757 :
And that entitled " Historic mcrcz et Prophancp. epitome ab Horatio TnrceUno Societatis Jesu, Rennes," 1732 :
And that entitled the " Journal de Trevoux" of the month of August, 1729, because it contains the announcement and the eulogy of the said Busembaum :
Each and all the said books shall be torn and burnt at the foot of the staircase, opposite to the great door of the palace, by the public executioner of justice, as being seditious and destructive of all the principles of Christian morality ; teaching the abominable doctrine of murder ; not only adverse to the safety of the lives of citizens, but even to that of the sacred persons of sovereigns.
It is expressly prohibited and forbidden to all booksellers to reprint, or sell, or distribute, the said books, or any of them ; and to all colporteurs, hawkers, or distributors, or others, to hawk them or distribute them, under pain of prosecution and punishment, such as the law directs.
It is ordered, at the requisition of the said King's Attorney- General, that information shall be sought, and witnesses brought before M. Le Conseillier Rapporteur against any persons in this town who may infringe this law ; and before the judges of senechaussees, royal justices, and other royal authorities within the jurisdiction of this Court ; by the care and diligence of the official agents of M. the King's Attorney- General, in those places ; against all, who may have assisted in the composition, editing, or printing of any of the said books, or who may retain them in their houses ; and against all printers and distributors of the said books. This information is sought in order that a definitive law may be enacted to prevent the consequences derived from these books, from the continual and uninterrupted teaching of this doctrine, in the said Society of the said self-styled Jesuits, and from the futility of their disavowals, declarations, and retractions, made on this subject. It is ordered that the con-
119
stitutions of the said priest, scholars, and others of the said Society ; together with the report rendered by the said King's Attorney-General on the 1st, 3rd, 4th, and 5th of the present month ; be taken together with the deliberation on the appeal (as against abuse) introduced by the said Attorney- General of the King, on the Bulls, Briefs, Constitutions, and all other Acts which have followed concerning the said Society ; it being under- stood that they may be separated if the case fails.
Meantime be it enacted provisonally, until judgment shall have been passed on this appeal (as against abuse), and the other subjects which are joined with it, or until the court shall order otherwise : — That all the king's subjects, of whatever quality, pro- fession, and condition, be forbidden, and they are hereby forbidden to enter into this Society, whether under the pretence of probation, or novitiate, or for the taking of vows, either solemn or not solemn. And all priests, scholars, and others of the said Society, are for- bidden to receive them into it; to assist in their reception, or in taking of vows ; to write or to sign such acts ; under such penalties as shall be legal. The same priests, scholars, and others of the said Society, are likewise prohibited from receiving under any pretext whatever, into their houses, any members of the said Society born in foreign countries, and even from re- ceiving any members of the Society, though Frenchmen born, who may in future make any vows, either solemn or not solemn, beyond this kingdom, all under pain of being con- sidered as offenders against the laws, who will be rigorously punished, according to the same, as disturbers of the public peace. Similar prohibitions are also ordered provisionally to the said priests, scholars, and others of the said Society, from continuing any lessons, public or private, on theology, philosophy, or the humanities, in the school, colleges, and seminaries, within the jurisdiction of this Court, under pain of seizure of their tempo- ralities, and under such other pains as may be due.
This decree is to come in force on the 2nd day of August next.
Nevertheless if it should happen that the said priests, scholars,
or others, of the said Society, should assert that they have
obtained any letters patent, verified in this Court, to enable them
' to perform such acts of teaching, the said priests, scholars, and
120
others, of the said Society are permitted to present them to this Court, when in session, within the above named period, in order that the Court on the sight of the same, and according to the opinions of the Attorney-General of the King, may order what is fit to be done. Very express prohibitions are given hereby to all the King's subjects, from frequenting the schools and missions of the said self-called Jesuits, after the expiration of the said period. And it is enjoined on all pupils to leave the colleges of the said Society, at or before the above named period ; and on all fathers, mothers, tutors, guardians, or others, entrusted with the educa- tion of the said scholars, to withdraw them, or cause them to be withdrawn from the said Society, and to concur with respect to each of them in the execution of this decree, as good and faithful subjects of the King, and anxious for his preservation. The same are forbidden in a similar manner to send the said pupils into any of the colleges of the said Society, held beyond the juriscUction of this Court or out of the kingdom. The whole is ordered under pain to the offenders of being considered abetters of the said doc- trine, impious, sacrilegious, homicidal, and tending to endanger the authority and security of the persons of kings. Moreover, offenders will be prosecuted according to the rigour of the law. As to the pupils, the Court declares all, who may continue after the expiration of the said period, to frequent the schools, pensions, colleges, seminaries, novitiates, and lectures of the said self-styled Jesuits in any place whatsoever, incapable of receiving any degrees in the university, and of exercising any municipal or civil offices, or any public function. This Court postpones till Monday, the 9th of August next, the consideration of the precautions, which it may think necessary on the subject of any persons (if such there be), who may offend against this law.
This Court, wishing to provide effectually for the education of youth, orders that within three months without further delay, the mayor and alderman of all the towns within the jurisdiction of this Court, and all the officials of senechaussees, marshals of courts, all royal authorities and members of universities, shall, each separately, send to the King's Attorney- General any pro- posals or memorials, they think fit, to supply the deficiencies which must ensue in this matter, and if they should neglect to do so, this
121
Court, all the Chambers being assembled, will call upon them to answer for the same on the complaint of the said Attorney- General of the King, on Monday, the 5th of July next.
It is ordered by the Court, that within a month and without further delay, counting from this present day, the superiors of the houses of the said Society within the jurisdiction of this court, shall present letters patent, duly registered in the same, authorizing the creation or formation of these congregations, associations, affiliations, retreats, confraternities, or assemblies in the houses of the said Society, in order that on the sight of the same, and on the conclusion of the King's Attorney-General, the Court (the Chambers being assembled) may decree what is found to be due to them. But if they neglect to do this, and the said time has expired without any decree being necessary, the said congregations, associations, affiliations, retreats, confraternities, or assemblies under any denomination, or on any pretext whatso- ever, will remain suppressed and abolished. Nevertheless, be it understood, that from the present time, and by our express inhibitions and prohibitions, all the King's subjects, of whatever quality or rank they may be, are forbidden to associate or affiliate themselves with the said Society, whether by a vow of obedience to the General of the same, or by any other way. Priests, scholars, or others of the said Society are equally forbidden, either to promote or to receive the said associations or congregations ; all under the penalty of legal and extraordinary prosecutions, according to the exigence of the case.
The said priests, scholars, and all others of the said Society are forbidden to endeavour or undertake to withdraw themselves either directly or indirectly, under any pretence whatever, from the complete inspection, superintendence, and jurisdiction of the ordinaries ; and the Edict of 1682 shall be well and duly enforced and executed, according to its form and tenor. It is enjoined on all those, who have copies of the books, teaching the said doc- trines, written by members of the Society, self-styled, of Jesus, and by others, if such are to be found, namely, —
By Emanuel Sa, Jesuit, in his Aphorisms:
By Martin Antoine del Rio, Jesuit, in his Commentary written in 1586 :
122
By Robert Person, otherwise called Andre Philopater, Jesuit : By John Aqua Pontanus, or Bridgewater, Jesuit : By Louis Molina, Jesuit, in his Book De Justitia et Jure : By Alphonse Salmeron, Jesuit, in his fourth volume : By Gregoire de Valence, Jesuit, in his Theological Com- mentary :
By the same Alphonse Salmeron, Jesuit, in his thirteenth volume.
By Charles Scribami, Jesuit, in his Amphitheatre of Honour : By Jean Azor, Jesuit, in his Moral Institutions : By Jaques Gretzer, Jesuit, in his book entitled Vespertilio Hcereticus :
By Jacques Keller, Jesuit, in his book entitled Tyrann'icidium : By Gabriel Yasquez, Jesuit, in his Commentary : By Francois Saurez, Jesuit :
By Jean Lorin, Jesuit, in his Commentary on the Psalms : By Leonard Lessius, Jesuit, in his Treatise T)e Justitia et Jure : By Adam Tanner, Jesuit, in his Scholastic Theology : By Jaques Tyrin, Jesuit, in his Commentary on the Holy Scripture :
By Joseph Jouvenci, Jesuit, in his History of the said Society : Also another edition of the work of Gretzer, Jesuit, entitled Vespcrtilio Hcereticus :
By the Montauzan, Jesuit ; by Colonia, Jesuit ; and by other Jesuits :
To bring them all to the Registrar's Office of this Court, that they may be dealt with according to law.
It is enjoined on all persons having copies of these works, to bring them to the Registry Office of the said Court.
It is ordered that the Attorney- General of the King shall immediately take care to give notice of this Decree to the house of the said Society, which is in the city of Rennes, and within fifteen days (at the latest) to all the other houses, occupied by the said Society within the jurisdiction of this Court, enjoining them to conform themselves to it under the penalties adjudged.
It is ordered that exact copies of this Decree shall be sent to the senechaussees and royal courts of this jurisdiction, to be read there, published, and registered.
123
It is enjoined on the agents of the Attorney-General of the King to perform the same, and to certify the Court of its execu- tion within the month.
It is enjoined on the officials of the said courts to attend, each in his proper office, to the full and entire execution of this present Decree, which must he printed, read, and published, and hung up to view in all necessary places.
Done in Parliament, all the Chambers being assembled, at Rennes, 23rd of December, 1761.
Signed, L. C. PICQUET.
On the 29th of December, 1761, on the rising of the Court, the books, named in the Decree of the 23rd of this month, were (in execution of the said Decree) torn and burnt at the foot of the staircase of the palace, opposite to the great door of entrance, by the public executioner, in the presence of us, Jean Marie le Clavier, Esquire, Civil Registrar-in-chief of the Parliament, accompanied by two bailiffs of the court.
Signed, LE CLAVIER.
124
PERSECUTION OF M. DE LA CHALOTAIS BY THE JESUIT PARTY.
The following history of the persecution of the M. de la Chalotais by the Jesuit party is principally derived from the life of Louis XV.* It will be an interesting and instructive commen- tary on the previous report ; and will prove how bitterly the Jesuits felt the justice of what the Attorney-General of the King of France states as to the lawlessness and implacable cruelty of the great secret society, which he had unmasked.
When the decrees of all the Parliaments of France authorized the suppression of the Jesuits' Society throughout the land, the members of the Order managed to produce great ferments in the kingdom. Bretagne was greatly agitated by the decision of the Parliament and by the Report of M. de la Chalotais against the Jesuits. These regarded him as their most formidable enemy. Not being able to save themselves from the effect of their conduct, they endeavoured, by means of the powerful party they had in Bretagne, to excite trouble, and to organize their factions so as to effect their re- establishment, or at least to revenge them- selves. The meeting at Rennes, in the next year, of the States- General gave them the opportunity. On this occasion the bishops, under the leadership of the Bishop of Rennes, and almost all the orders of monks, were in the Jesuit interest, as well as some members of the nobility. The whole composed a considerable party, supported and protected by the governor of the province, who presided at the meetings of the States-General, and who could dispose of the third estate according to his own wishes.
The object was to invalidate the Decrees which had dissolved
* " Vie Privee de Louis XV,: " a Londres, J. P. Lyon. 1781.
125
the Society in Bretagne, as being an intrusion on the authority of the General Assembly of the three states. A feeling of jealousy was skilfully excited against the Parliament of Bretagne, and thus was brought about a collision of one part of the nation against the other. The partizans were very much excited. Nobles and gentlemen proceeded to menace each other in the theatre (as their hall of assembly is called). The Duke of Aiguillon, the governor, who ought to have interposed to silence these excesses, sat silent, conducting himself in a manner that encouraged them. They came three times to the charge. They read clandestinely letters, true or forged, said to have been written by the late Dauphin, to move their minds in favour of the Jesuits ; and if the course of these disputes had not been interrupted, they would probably have excited a civil war, which might have spread all over the kingdom. Mon. de la Chalotais, stirred up by patriotism, and unwilling to see a work undone of which he had been justly proud, stemmed the torrent of these troubles which the governor (alternately protecting and protected by the Jesuits) was exciting in their favour, by apprizing the Duke de Choiseul* of the object of their combined manoeuvres, which once understood became powerless. But tbe Jesuits thought they had gained a great advantage by making the quarrel personal between the Dukes of Aiguillon and Choiseul.
There were complaints all over the country about the high roads ; the magistrates took them into consideration. Unfor- tunately the same parties combined themselves who coincided in the question of the Jesuits. The Controller- General took a part. Magistrates were accused and dismissed, and calumniated, and the Jesuit party prevailed. Mon. de la Chalotais had opposed their plans, and they, being masters of the field, resolved to ruin him. In the middle of the night, 10th and llth November, 1765, De la Chalotais and his son, and three magistrates, who had been deprived of their offices, were carried away by an armed force in a most scandalous manner, and the king himself was stated to be his accuser. M. de la Chalotais and the others had been repre- sented as enemies to the royal authority and public tranquillity. It was said that they had formed illicit associations, and enter- * At that time, Prime Minister of Louis XV.
126
taincd suspicious correspondences; and that, not satisfied with libelling persons, attached to royalty and the service of the king, they had published writings composed in a domocratic spirit, and held seditious discourses in public, and had sent anonymous letters to the Court, injurious to the person of his majesty, and dangerous to his safety.
On these vague accusations, groundless and monstrous, pro- ceedings were commenced against them. We cannot follow that account fully; but it was suddenly resolved to reconstruct the Parliament, and to obtain letters patent to establish a Royal Commission at St. Malo. We are not informed respecting all their proceedings; but under a new court and a new code of laws, M. de la Chalotais was tried for treason, and was con- demned, and all was arranged at Versailles for the departure of the Commissioners. An executioner actually departed for St. Malo to execute him in the citadel, when the vigorous remonstrances of the Parliament of Paris occasioned a salutary remorse in the mind of the king. Choiseul came in when the king was doubtful and agitated, and succeeded in persuading him to revoke the sentence for the execution. The Parliament of Paris desired to take cognizance of the cause of the troubles in Bretagne, and the prisoner was sent to the Bastile in 1766. They declared him innocent ; but he was still in prison in 1770. Then the king held a Court of Justice. At that time the Parliament of Bretagne had accused the Duke d'Aiguillon* of great malversations and offences. The king now made a speech, and said that the Parlia- ments of Paris and Bretagne had accused the Duke d'Aiguillon of malversations ; that he had resolved to examine the case him- self; that having been shocked and offended on rinding that his own royal mandates had been discussed like other Acts in so disrespectful a manner by the Parliament, he had laid the matter aside, and desired that the affairs of Bretagne should be spoken of no more. He annulled all that had been done against the Duke d'Aiguillon, on account of his lawless conduct in order to support the Jesuits ; and he quashed all the proceedings against
* The Duke d'Aiguillon was the heir of Cardinal Richelieu, and Governor of Bretagne.
127
the Sieurs de la Chalotais and Caraduc. He ordered that the whole affair should be treated as if it had never taken place ; and that no one was to speak of it, or revive it in any way whatever. He commanded every one to keep absolute silence on that subject for ever.