VI. RALPH ROBYNSON AND HIS TRANS-

LATION

Of the first English translator of the Utopia, Ralph
Robynson, but little is known ; and that little is con-
cerned mainly with his education. Born in Lincoln-
shire in 1521 of humble parentage, he became a school-
fellow of Cecil (cf. note on i : 2) in the Grantham and
Stamford grammar schools, a fact to which he refers in
the epistle dedicating the translation of the Utopiato that
statesman (6 : 25) . At the age of fifteen he entered
Corpus Christi College, Oxford ; and four years later re-
ceived the degree of A.B. That he was a student of more
than ordinary ability is shown by the fact that he be-
came a Fellow of his college at the age of twenty-one.
In 1544 he supplicated for the degree of A.M., but
whether or not his petition was granted is not known.

Nor is it known when he left the university. On
the title-page of the first edition of his translation of
the Utopia, published in 1551, he is described as " citi-
zen and goldsmith of London," but this probably means
no more than that he had obtained the livery of that
powerful city company. Among the Lansdowne Mss.
is a Latin letter from him to Cecil that sets forth his
needy circumstances, the necessity of helping his par-

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lvii

ents and maintaining two of his brothers having forced
him to run into debt. This is undated, but is indorsed
" May, 1551 " ; and as in the dedication to Cecil of the
translation of the Utopia, which appeared in the same
year, Robynson speaks of his having lately begun to re-
new and revive the old acquaintance that was between
them when they were school-fellows and of Cecil's
great gentleness to him " now lately again bountifully
showed," Cecil seems to have relieved his necessities,
probably by giving him a clerkship. In the second
edition of the translation, which appeared five years
after the first, an epistle "to the gentle reader " is sub-
stituted for that dedicating the work to Cecil ; but if
this change was to indicate Robynson's belief that he
was now independent of a patron, he found that belief
ill-founded. In both a Latin poem, written some time
be; ore 1571, and a Latin letter, written after July, 1572,
he is again a suitor for Cecil's bounty. As the latter
is indorsed " Rodolphus Robynsonus. For some place
to relieve his poverty," he seems to have lost his clerk-
ship. No further facts of his life have come to light,
and the date of his death has not been ascertained.

So far as is known, the translation of the Utopia is
Robynson's only literary work. It was made, he states
in the epistle to Cecil, at the request of a friend,

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INTRODUCTION

who knew no Latin, for his private use ; and hence was
done somewhat more hastily and carelessly than would
have been the case had it originally been intended for
publication. Eobynson realized that his transition is
sometimes inexact and that his English lacks the grace
and eloquence of More's Latin ; but yielded, he says,
to the importunities of his friends and consented to
its publication.

The most marked peculiarity of his style is the use
of two or more nearly synonymous expressions to trans-
late a single Latin word, as if he were unable to find
one that would precisely give its meaning. Thus
" diadema " is translated " by a crown or diadem or cap
of maintenance." That this comes from a habit of
mind, however, is shown by the tendency to n \ i<\e
words in pairs in the two English epistles. I * tfyvt
to Cecil we find, for example, "I took upc|i ^e
to turn and translate out of Latin into our English,
tongue the fruitful and profitable book wliich Sir
Thomas More, knight, compiled and made of the new-
isle Utopia, containing and setting forth the best state
and form of a public weal."

In the epistle "to the gentle reader," Robynson asserts
that in preparing the work for a second edition he has
gone over it so carefully that he trusts that few great

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lix

faults and notable errors are now to be found in it.
As a matter of fact, however, were it not for the inser-
tion of translations of some of the marginal notes that
accompanied More's Latin but did not appear in the
first edition of the translation and of certain letters
and poems (here given in an appendix), it might fairly be
doubted whether in preparing his second edition Robyn-
son had looked at his original. Not only are most of
the errors in translation uncorrected, but omissions,
even of clauses and sentences (cf . 40 : 9), have not been
noticed. Most of his labor was evidently devoted to
attempts, not always successful, at improving his Eng-
lish style. Too frequently in this process the pictu-
resqueness and racy idiomatic, quality of his original
expression disappear. Compare, for instance, 34 : 9 with
what was substituted for it in the second edition, given
in the notes. Naturally, in striving for greater pre-
cision Eobynson is even more redundant in his second
edition than in his first : " speciosam" which in the first
edition is translated " beautiful," becomes in the sec-
ond " beautiful in appearance and more flourishing to
the show " ; " in four equal parts " becomes " in four
equal parts or quarters."

But with all its sins of omission and of commission,
Robynson's translation more nearly than any other gives

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lx INTRODUCTION

the Utopia as it would have been, had More written it
in English instead of Latin (as is partially illustrated
by the citation in the notes of passages from his Life
of Richard III containing words used by Robynson
that have become obsolete) ; and as English prose com-
pares favorably with any written up to the latter part
of the sixteenth century. It is hardly too much to say
that no previous writer of English prose had so great a
feeling for balance, parallelism of sentence structure,
and the resulting rhythm.

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a frutefull

ana pleatfaunt toorfee of t\)t
iieste state of a puirtgque toeale, antr
of tije netoe gle calleti Utopia : torttten
in ILattne &g &gr EfjomajS JHore
ftnggfjt, anlr translatelr into lEnglgsije
&g Eapfje Eoignson Ctttjetu anlr
ffiollismgtlje of &onlion, at tije
procurement, anlr earnest re=
quest of ffieorge Ealrlotoe
Cttejetn & ^aierlrassfjer
of tije same Cttte*

(.-.)

a 3|mprmteii at ilonfion
ftg &&raJjam Uele, Irtoelltng in $auls
Cfjurcfjegarlre at tlje sggne of
tije &am&e* &nno,
1551

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UTOPIA

ROBYNSON'S DEDICATORY LETTER TO CECIL

To the right honorable, and his very singular good
master, Master William Cecil, 0 Esquire, one of the
two principal secretaries to the King 0 his most excel-
lent majesty, Ralph Robynson 0 wisheth continuance
of health, with daily increase of virtue and honor : — s

Upon a time, when tidings came to the city of Cor-
inth 0 that King Philip, 0 father to Alexander surnamed
the Great, was coming thitherward with an army
royal to lay siege to the city, the Corinthians, being
forthwith stricken with great fear, began building and
earnestly to look about them and to fall to work of all
hands ; some to scour and trim up harness, 0 some to
carry stones, some to amend and build higher the
walls, some to rampire 0 and fortify the bulwarks and
fortresses, some one thing and some another, for the is
defending and strengthening of the city : the which
busy labor and toil of theirs when Diogenes 0 the
philosopher saw, having no profitable business where-
upon to set himself on work (neither any man required
b 1

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UTOPIA

his labor and help as expedient for the commonwealth
in that necessity), immediately girded about him his
philosophical cloak 0 and began to roll and tumble up
and down hither and thither upon the hillside that lieth
s adjoining to the city his great barrel or tun wherein he
dwelt : for other dwelling-place would he have none.

This seeing, one of his friends, and not a little
musing thereat, came to him and, " I pray thee, Diog-
enes," quoth he, " why dost thou thus, or what niean-

10 est thou hereby ? " " Forsooth I am tumbling my tub
too," quoth he, " because it were no reason that I only
should be idle where so many be working. 0 "

In semblable manner, right honorable sir, though I
be, as I am indeed, of much less ability than Diogenes

15 was to do anything that shall or may be for the ad-
vancement and commodity of the public wealth of my
native country ; yet I, seeing every sort and kind of
people in their vocation and degree busily occupied
about the commonwealth's affairs and especially

20 learned men daily putting forth in writing new in-
ventions and devises to the furtherance of the same,
thought it my bounden duty to God and to my country
so to tumble my tub ; I mean so to occupy and exercise
myself in bestowing such spare hours as I, being at

25 the beck and commandment of others, could conven-

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UTOPIA

3

iently win to myself; that, though no commodity of
that my labor and travail to the public weal should
arise, yet it might by this appear that mine endeavor
and good- will hereunto was not lacking.

To the accomplishment therefore and fulfilling of 5
this my mind and purpose, I took upon me to turn
and translate out of Latin into our English tongue the
fruitful and profitable book which Sir Thomas More,
knight, compiled and made of the new isle Utopia, 0 con-
taining and setting forth the best state and form of a pub- 10
lie weal : a work, as it appeareth, written almost forty
years ago° by the said Sir Thomas More, the author
thereof : the which man, forasmuch as he was a man
of late time, yea almost of these our days, and for the
excellent qualities wherewith the great goodness of is
God had plentifully endowed him, and for the high
place and room 0 whereunto his prince had most gra-
ciously called him notably well-known, not only among
us his countrymen but also in foreign countries and
nations, therefore I have not much to speak of him. 20
This only I say : that it is much to be lamented of all,
not only of us Englishmen, that a man of so incompar-
able wit, of so profound knowledge, of so absolute
learning, and of so fine eloquence was yet nevertheless
so much blinded, rather with obstinacy than with igno- 25

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UTOPIA

ranee, that he could not, or rather would not, see the
shining light of God's holy truth in certain principal
points of Christian religion ; but did rather choose to
persevere and continue in his wilful and stubborn ob-

5 stinacy even to the very death : this I say is a thing
much to be lamented.

But letting this matter pass, I return again to Uto-
pia, which, as I said before, is a work not only for the
matter that it containeth fruitful and profitable but

10 also for the writer's eloquent Latin style pleasant and
delectable ; which he that readeth in Latin, as the
author himself wrote it, perfectly understanding the
same, doubtless he shall take great pleasure and de-
light both in the sweet eloquence of the writer and also

15 in the witty invention and fine conveyance or disposi-
tion of the matter ; but most of all in the good and
wholesome lessons which be there in great plenty and
abundance.

But now I fear greatly that in this my simple trans-
2olation, through my rudeness and ignorance in our
English tongue, all the grace and pleasure of the elo-
quence, wherewith the matter in Latin is finely set
forth, may .seem to be utterly excluded and lost ; and
therefore the fruitfulness of the matter itself much
25 perad venture diminished and appaired. For who

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5

knoweth not, which knoweth anything, that an elo-
quent style setteth forth and highly commendeth a
mean matter; whereas, on the other side, rude and
unlearned speech defaceth and disgraceth a very good
matter ? According as I heard once a wise man say : s
" A good tale evil told were better untold, and an evil
tale well told needeth none other solicitor."

This thing I well pondering and weighing with my-
self and also knowing and knowledging the barbarous
rudeness of my translation, was fully determined never 10
to have put it forth in print, had it not been for cer-
tain friends of mine, and especially one whom above
all other I regarded, a man of sage and discreet wit
and in worldly matters by long use well experienced,
whose name is George Tadlowe, 0 an honest citizen of is
London and in the same city well accepted and of
good reputation ; at whose request and instance I first
took upon my weak and feeble shoulders the heavy
and weighty burden of this great enterprise.

This man with divers others, but this man chiefly 20
(for he was able to do more with me than many other),
after that I had once rudely brought the work to an
end ceased not by all means possible continually to
assault me until he had at the last, what by the force
of his pithy arguments and strong reasons and what 25

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6 UTOPIA j

by his authority, so persuaded me that he caused me |
to agree and consent to the imprinting hereof. He
therefore, as the chief persuader, must take upon him |
the danger 0 which upon this bold and rash enterprise j
s shall ensue. I, as I suppose, am herein clearly ac-
quitted and discharged of all blame. I
Yet, honorable sir, for the better avoiding of envious |
and malicious tongues, I (knowing you to be a man
not only profoundly learned and well-affected towards I

10 all such as either can or will take pains in the well
bestowing of that poor talent which God hath endued
them with, but also for your godly disposition and
virtuous qualities not unworthily now placed in au-. |
thority and called to honor) am the bolder humbly to

15 offer and dedicate unto your good mastership this my
simple work : partly that under the safe conduct of
your protection it may the better be defended from the
obloquy of them which can say well by° nothing that
pleaseth not their fond and corrupt judgments, though

20 it be else both fruitful and godly ; and partly that, by
the means of this homely present, I may the better
renew and revive (which of late, as you know, I have
already begun to do) the old acquaintance that was
between you and me in the time of our childhood,

25 being then schoolfellows together ; not doubting th&t

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7

you, for your native goodness and gentleness, will ac-
cept in good part this poor gift as an argument or token
that mine old good-will and hearty affection towards
you is not by reason of long tract of time 0 and separa-
tion of our bodies anything at all quailed 0 and dimin- s
ished, but rather, I assure you, much augmented and
increased.

This verily is the chief cause that hath encouraged
me to be so bold with your mastership ; else truly this
my poor present is of such simple and mean sort that 10
it is neither able to recompense the least portion of
your great gentleness to me, of my part undeserved,
both in the time of our old acquaintance and also now
lately again bountifully showed 0 ; neither yet fit and
meet, for the very baseness of it, to be offered to one is
so worthy as you be. But Almighty God, who there-
for ever be thanked, hath advanced you to such
fortune and dignity that you be of ability to accept
thankfully as well a man's good- will as his gift.
The same God grant you and all yours long and joy- 20
fully to continue in all godliness and prosperity.

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MORE'S LETTER TO GILES

Thomas More to Peter Giles 0 sendeth greeting : —

I am almost ashamed, right well-beloved Peter
Giles, to send unto you this book of the Utopian
commonwealth, well-nigh after a year's space, which
I am sure you looked for within a month and a half.

s And no marvel ; for you knew well enough that I was
already disburdened of all the labor and study belong-
ing to the invention in this work and that I had no
need at all to trouble my brains about the disposition
or conveyance of the matter ; and therefore had herein

10 nothing else to do but only to rehearse those things
which you and I together heard Master Raphael tell
and declare. Wherefore there was no cause why I
should study to set forth the matter with eloquence,
forasmuch as his talk could not be fine and eloquent,

is being first not studied for but sudden and unpremedi-
tate and then, as you know, of a man better seen 0 in
the Greek language than in the Latin tongue ; and my
writing, the nigher it should approach to his homely, 0
plain, and simple speech, so much the nigher should it

20 go to the truth, which is the only mark whereunto I

8

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9

do and ought to direct all my travail and study
herein.

I grant and confess, friend Peter, myself discharged
of so much labor, having all these things ready done
to my hand, that almost there was nothing left for me to
do ; else either the invention or the disposition of this
matter might have required of a wit neither base neither
at all unlearned, both some time and leisure and also
some study. But if it were requisite and necessary that
the matter should also have been written eloquently
and not alone truly, of a surety that thing could I
have performed by no time nor study. But now,
seeing all these cares, stays, and lets were taken away,
wherein else so much labor and study should have been
employed, and that there remained no other thing for
me to do but only to write plainly the matter as I heard
it spoken, that indeed was a thing light and easy to be
done. Howbeit, to the dispatching of this so little
business my other cares and troubles did leave almost
less than no leisure. Whiles I do daily bestow my
time about law-matters, some to plead, some to hear,
some as an arbitrator with mine award to determine,
some as an umpire or a judge with my sentence finally
to discuss ; whiles I go one way to see and visit my
friend, another way about mine own private affairs ;

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UTOPIA

whiles I spend almost all the day abroad among other
and the residue at home among mine own ; I leave to
myself, I mean to my book, no time.

For when I am come home I must commune with
5 my wife, chat with my children, and talk with my
servants; all the which things I reckon and account
among business, forasmuch as they must of necessity
be done : and done must they needs be, unless a man
will be a stranger in his own house. And in any wise

io a man must so fashion and order his conditions and so
appoint and dispose himself that he be merry, jocund,
and pleasant among them whom either nature hath
provided or chance hath made or he himself hath
chosen to be the fellows and companions of his life ;

is so that 0 with too much gentle behavior and familiarity
he do not mar them and, by too much sufferance, of his
servants make them his masters. Among these things
now rehearsed stealeth away the day, the month, the
year. When do I write then? And all this while

20 have I spoken no word of sleep, neither yet of meat,
which among a great number doth waste no less time
than doth sleep, wherein almost half the life-time of
man creepeth away. I therefore do win and get only
that time which I steal from sleep 0 and meat; which

25 time because it is very little, and yet somewhat it is,

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11

therefore have I once at the last, though it be long
first, finished Utopia, and have sent it to you, friend
Peter, to read and peruse ; to the intent that if any-
thing have escaped me, you might put me in remem-
brance of it. For though in this behalf I do not greatly s
mistrust myself (which would God I were somewhat
in wit and learning as I am not all of the worst and
dullest memory), yet have I not so great trust and
confidence in it that I think nothing could fall out of
my mind. 10

For John Clement, 0 my boy, who, as you know, was
there present with us, whom I suffer to be away from no
talk wherein may be any profit or goodness (for out of
this young bladed and new-shot-up corn, which hath
already begun to spring up both in Latin and Greek 15
learning, I look for plentiful increase at length of
goodly ripe grain), he, I say, hath brought me into a
great doubt. For whereas Hythloday, 0 unless my
memory fail me, said that the bridge of Amaurote, 0
which goeth over the river of Anyder, 0 is five hundred 20
paces, that is to say, half a mile, in length ; my John
say eth that two hundred of those paces must be plucked
away, for that the river containeth there not above three
hundred paces in breadth. I pray you heartily call
the matter to your remembrance ; for if you agree with 25

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UTOPIA

him, I also will say as you say and confess myself
deceived. But if you cannot remember the thing, then
surely I will write as I have done 0 and as mine own
remembrance serveth me : for as I will take good heed
s that there be in my book nothing false, so, if there
be anything in doubt, I will rather tell a lie than
make a lie ; because I had rather be good than
wily.

Howbeit, this matter may easily be remedied, if you

iowill take the pains to ask the question of Raphael
himself, by word of mouth, if he be now with you, or
else by your letters ; which you must needs do for an-
other doubt also, which hath chanced through whose
fault I cannot tell,° whether through mine or yours

15 or Raphael's ; for neither we remembered to enquire of
him, nor he to tell us, in what part of that new world
Utopia is situate. The which thing I had rather have
spent no small sum of money than that it should thus
have escaped us ; as well for that I am ashamed to be

20 ignorant in what sea that island standeth whereof I
write so long a treatise, as also because there be with
us certain men, and especially one devout and godly
man, and a professor of divinity, 0 who is exceeding
desirous to go unto Utopia; not for a vain and curi-

25 ous desire to see news 0 but to the intent he may

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13

further and increase our religion, which is there al-
ready luckily begun. 0 And that he may the better
accomplish and perform this his good intent, he is
minded to procure that he may be sent thither of the
bishop, 0 yea and that he himself may be made bishop
of Utopia; being nothing scrupulous herein that he
must obtain this bishopric with suit, for he counteth
that a godly suit which proceedeth not of the desire
of honor or lucre but only of a godly zeal.

Wherefore I most earnestly desire you, friend Peter,
to talk with Hythloday, if you can, face to face, or
else to write your letters to him ; and so to work in
this matter that in this my book there may neither
anything be found which is untrue neither anything
be lacking which is true. And I think verily it shall
be well done that you show unto him the book itself,
for if I have missed or failed in any point, or if any
fault have escaped me, no man can so well correct and
amend it as he can ; and yet that can he not do unless
he peruse and read over my book written. Moreover,
by this means shall you perceive whether he be well-
willing and content that I should undertake to put
this work in writing. For if he be minded to publish
and put forth his own labors and travails himself, per-
chance he would be loath, and so would I also, that in

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UTOPIA

publishing the Utopian weal public I should prevent 0
him and take from him the flower and grace of the
novelty of this his history.

Howbeit, to say the very truth, I am not yet fully
5 determined with myself whether I will put forth my
' book or no. For the natures of men be so divers, the
fantasies of some so wayward, their minds so unkind,
their judgments so corrupt, that they which lead a
merry and a jocund life, following their own sensual
io pleasures and carnal lusts, may seem to be in a much
better state or case than they that vex and unquiet
themselves with cares and study for the putting forth
and publishing of some thing that may be either profit
or pleasure to others ; which nevertheless will disdain-
is fully, scornfully, and unkindly accept the same. The
most part of all be unlearned, and a great number hath
learning in contempt. The rude and barbarous allow-
eth nothing 0 but that which is very barbarous indeed.
If it be one that hath a little smack 0 of learning, he
20 rejecteth as homely and common ware whatsoever is
not stuffed full of old moth-eaten words, and that be
worn out of use. Some there be that have pleasure
only in old rusty antiquities, and some only in their
own doings. One is so sour, so crabbed, and so un-
25 pleasant that he can away with no mirth 0 nor sport.

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15

Another is so narrow in the shoulders 0 that he can
bear no jests nor taunts. Some silly poor souls be so
afeared that at every snappish word their nose shall
be bitten off that they stand in no less dread of every
quick and sharp word than he that is bitten of a mad 5
dog feareth water. 0 Some be so mutable and waver-
ing that every hour they be in a new mind, saying one
thing sitting and another thing standing. Another
sort sitteth upon their ale-benches and there among
their cups they give judgment of the wits of writers 10
and with great authority they condemn even as pleas-
eth them every writer according to his writing, in most
spiteful manner mocking, louting, and flouting 0 them ;
being themselves in the mean season safe and, as say-
eth the proverb, out of all danger of gunshot ; for why, 15
they be so smug and smooth that they have not so much
as one hair of an honest man whereby one may take
hold of them. There be moreover some so unkind and
so ungentle that though they take great pleasure and
delectation in the work, yet for all that they cannot 20
find in their hearts to love the author thereof nor to
afford him a good word ; being much like uncourteous,
unthankful, and churlish guests, which, when they
have with good and dainty meats well filled their
bellies, depart home, giving no thanks to the feast- 25

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16 UTOPIA I

maker. Go your ways now and make a costly feast
at your own charges for guests so dainty-mouthed, 0 so
divers in taste, and besides that of so unkind and un-
thankful natures.

s But nevertheless, friend Peter, do, I pray you, with j
Hythloday as I willed you before. And as for this !
matter, I shall be at my liberty afterwards to take |
new advisement. Howbeit, seeing I have taken j
great pains and labor in writing the matter, if it may I

10 stand with his mind° and pleasure, I will, as touching
the edition or publishing of the book, follow the
counsel and advice of my friends, and specially yours.
Thus fare you well, right heartily beloved friend
Peter, with your gentle wife; and love me as you

15 have ever done ; for I love you better than ever I did.

I

\

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. 21

THE FIRST BOOK

OF THE COMMUNICATION OF RAPHAEL HYTHLODAY
CONCERNING THE BEST STATE OF A COMMONWEALTH

The most victorious and triumphant King of Eng-
land, Henry, the eighth 0 of that name, in all royal vir-
tues a prince most peerless, had of late in controversy
with [Charles,] the right high and mighty King of
Castile, 0 weighty matters and of great importance ; 5
for the debatement and final determination whereof
the King's Majesty sent me ambassador into Flanders, 0
joined in commission with Cuthbert Tunstall, 0 a man
doubtless out of comparison, and whom the King's
Majesty of late, to the great rejoicing of all men, did 10
prefer to the office of Master of the Rolls. But of
this man's praises I will say nothing ; not because I
do fear that small credence shall be given to the testi-
mony that cometh out of a friend's mouth, but because
his virtue and learning be greater and of more excel- 15
lency than that I am able to praise them ; and also in
all places so famous and so perfectly well known that
they need not nor ought not of me to be praised, unless
c 17

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y

A would seem to show and set forth the brightness of
the sun with a candle, as the proverb sayeth.

There met us at Bruges 0 (for thus it was before
agreed) they whom their prince had for that matter

5 appointed commissioners, excellent men all. The
chief and the head of them was the Margrave, 0 as
they call him, of Bruges, a right honorable man : but
the wisest and the best-spoken of them was George
Temsice, 0 provost of Cassel, 0 a man not only by learn-

10 ing but also by nature of singular eloquence, and in
the laws profoundly learned; but in reasoning and
debating of matters, what by his natural wit and
what by daily exercise, surely he had few fellows.
After that we had once or twice met and upon certain

is points or articles could not fully and thoroughly agree,
they for a certain space took their leave of us and
departed to Brussels, 0 there to know their prince's
pleasure. I in the mean time, for so my business lay,
went straight thence to Antwerp. 0

20 Whiles I was there abiding, often times among
other, but which to me was more welcome than any
other, did visit me one Peter Giles, 0 a citizen of
Antwerp, a man there in his country of honest repu-
tation, and also preferred to high promotions, worthy

25 truly of the highest. For it is hard to say whether

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21

the young man be in learning or in honesty more ex- N ~
cellent. For he is both of wonderful virtuous condi-
tions and also singularly well-learned: and towards
all sorts of people exceeding gentle ; but towards
his friends so kind-hearted, so loving, so faithful, so s
trusty, and of so earnest affection, that it were very
hard in any place to find a man that with him in all
points of friendship may be compared. No man can
be more lowly or courteous ; no man useth less simu-
lation or dissimulation; in no man is more prudent 10
simplicity. Besides this, he is in his talk and com-
munication so merry and' pleasant, yea, and that
without harm, that, through his gentle entertainment
and his sweet and delectable communication, in me
was greatly abated and diminished the fervent desire 15
that I had to see my native country, my wife, and my
children 0 ; whom then I did much long and covet to
see, because that at that time I had been more than
four months from them.

Upon a certain day, as I was hearing the divine 20
service in Our Lady's church, 0 which is the fairest, the
most gorgeous and curious church of building in all
the city, and also most frequented of people, and when
the divine service was done, was ready to go home to
my lodging, I chanced to espy this foresaid Peter talk- 25

1

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ing with a certain stranger, a man well stricken in age,
with a black, sun-burned face, a long beard, and a cloak
cast homely about his shoulders, whom by his favor 0
and apparel forthwith I judged to be a mariner.
5 But when this Peter saw me, he cometh to me and
saluteth me. And as I was about to answer him, " See
you this man ? " saith he, and therewith he pointed to
the man that I saw him talking with before ; " I was
minded," quoth he, "to bring him straight home to
10 you."

" He should have been very welcome to me," said I,
" for your sake."

" Nay," quoth he, " for his own sake, if you knew
him ; for there is no man this day living that can tell
15 you of so many strange and unknown peoples and
countries as this man can. And I know well that you
be very desirous to hear of such news."

"Then I conjectured not far amiss," quoth I; "for
even at the first sight I judged him to be a mar-
20 iner."

" Nay," quoth he ; " there ye were greatly deceived.
He hath sailed indeed, not as the mariner Palinure, 0
but as the expert and prudent prince Ulysses 0 ; yea,
rather as the ancient and sage philosopher Plato. 0 For
25 this same Raphael Hythloday 0 (for this is his name)

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21

is very well learned in the Latin tongue ; but profound
and excellent in the Greek tongue,, wherein he ever
bestowed more study than in the Latin, because he
had given himself wholly to the study of philosophy ;
whereof he knew that there is nothing extant in the 5
Latin tongue that is to any purpose, saving a few
of Seneca's 0 and Cicero's 0 doings. His patrimony that
he was born unto he left to his brethren (for he is a
Portugal born°) ; and for the desire that he had to see
and know the far countries of the world, he joined 10
himself in company with Amerigo Vespucci, 0 and in the
three last voyages of those four that be now in print 0
and abroad in every man's hands, he continued still in
his company ; saving that in the last voyage he came
not home again with him. For he made such means 15
and shifts, what by entreatance and what by importune
suit, that he got license of Master Amerigo (though it
were sore against his will) to be one of the twenty-four
which in the end of the last voyage were left in the
country of Gulike. 0 He was therefore left behind 20
for his mind's sake, 0 as one that took more thought
and care for travelling than dying ; having customably
in his mouth these sayings : He that hath no grave is
covered with the sky,° and, The way to heaven out of
all places is of like length and distance 0 ; which fan- 25

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tasy of his, if God had not been his better friend, he
had surely bought full dear.

" But after the departing of Master Vespucci, when
he had travelled through and about many countries

5 with five of his companions, Gulikians, at the last by
marvellous chance he arrived in Taprobane, 0 from
whence he went to Calicut, 0 where he chanced to find
certain of his country ships, wherein he returned again
into his country, nothing less than looked for."

io All this when Peter had told me, I thanked him'
for his gentle kindness, that he had vouchsafed to
bring me to the speech of that man, whose commu-
nication he thought should be to me pleasant and
acceptable. And therewith I turned me to Raphael,

15 and when we had hailsed the one the other and had
spoken these common words that be custom ably
spoken at the first meeting and acquaintance of stran-
gers, we went thence to my house, and there in my
garden, upon a bench covered with green turfs, we

20 sat down talking together.

There he told us how that, after the departing of
Vespucci, he and his fellows that tarried behind in
Gulike began by little and little through fair and
gentle speech to win the love and favor of the people

as of that country, in so much that within short space

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23

they did dwell among them not only harmless but
also occupied with them very familiarly. He told
us also that they were in high reputation and favor
with a certain great man, whose name and country
is now quite out of my remembrance, 0 which of his
mere liberality did bear the costs and charges of him
and his five companions, and besides that gave them
a trusty guide to conduct them in their journey,
which by water was in boats and by land in wagons,
and to bring them to other princes with very friendly
commendations. Thus after many days' journeys,
he said, they found towns and cities and weal publics,
full of people, governed by good and wholesome
laws.

" For under the line equinoctial 0 and of both sides
of the same, as far as the sun doth extend his course,
lieth," quoth he, " great and wide deserts and wilder-
nesses, parched, burned, and dried up with continual
and intolerable heat. All things be hideous, terrible,
loathesome, and unpleasant to behold; all things
out of -fashion 0 and comeliness, inhabited with wild
beasts and serpents, or at the leastwise with people
that be no less savage, wild, and noisome than the
very beasts themselves be. But a little farther be-
yond that all things begin by little and little to wax

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pleasant; the air soft, temperate, and gentle; the
ground covered with green grass; less wildness in
the beasts. At the last shall ye come again to
people, cities, and towns, wherein is continual inter-

s course and occupying of merchandise and chaffer,
not only among themselves and with their borderers
but also with merchants of far countries, both by
land and water.

"There I had occasion," said he, "to go to many

10 countries of every side. For there was no ship ready
to any voyage or journey but I and my fellows were
into it very gladly received."

The ships that they found first were made plain,
flat and broad in the bottom, troughwise. The sails

is were made of great rushes, or of wickers, and in
some places of leather. Afterward they found ships
with ridged keels, and sails of canvas; yea, and
shortly after, having all things like ours ; the ship-
men also very expert and cunning both in the sea

20 and in the weather. But he said that he found great
favor and friendship among them for teaching ^feeHt-
the feat and use° of the loadstone, 0 which to them be-
fore that time was unknown; and therefore they were
wont to be very timorous and fearful upon the sea,

25 nor to venture upon it but only in the summer time.

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25

But now they have such a confidence in that stone,
that they fear not stormy winter ; in so doing, farther
from care than jeopardy 0 ; insomuch that it is greatly
to be doubted lest that thing, through their own
foolish hardiness, shall turn them 0 to evil and harm, 5
which at the first was supposed should be to them
good and commodious.

But what he told us that he saw in every country
where he came, it were very long to declare. Neither
is it my purpose at this time to make rehearsal thereof ; 10
but perad venture in another place 0 I will speak of it,
chiefly such things as shall be profitable to be known;
as in special be those decrees and ordinances that he
marked to be well and wisely provided and enacted
among such peoples as do live together in a civil policy is
and good order. For of such things did we busily en-
quire and demand of him, and he likewise very willingly
told us of the same. But as for monsters, because they
be no news, 0 of them we were nothing inquisitive. For
nothing is more easy to be found than be barking 20
Scyllas, 0 ravening Celenos, 0 and Laestrygons, 0 de-
vourers of people, and such like great and incredible
monsters. 0 But to find citizens ruled by good and
wholesome laws, that is an exceeding rare and hard
thing. 25

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But as he marked many fond and foolish laws in
those new-found lands, so he rehearsed many acts and
constitutions whereby these our cities, nations, coun-
tries, and kingdoms may take ensample to amend their
5 faults, enormities, and errors ; whereof in another
place, as I said, I will entreat. Now at this time I
am determined to rehearse only that he told us of
the manners, customs, laws, and ordinances of the
Utopians.

10 But first I will repeat our former communication 0 ;
by the occasion and, as I might say, the drift whereof
he was brought into the mention of that weal public.

For when Raphael had very prudently touched divers
things that be amiss, some here and some there ; yea,

is very many of both parts; and again had spoken of
such wise and prudent laws and decrees as be estab-
lished and used both here among us and also there
among them, as a man so cunning and expert in the
laws and customs of every several country, as though

20 into what place soever he came guest-wise, there he had
led all his life : then Peter, much marvelling at the
man, " Surely, Master Raphael," quoth he, " I wonder
greatly why you get you not into some king's court !
For I am sure there is no prince living that would not

25 be very glad of you, as a man not only able highly to

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delight him with your profound learning and this your
knowledge of countries and peoples, but also meet to
instruct him with examples and help him with counsel.
And thus doing you shall bring yourself in a very good
case, and also be in ability to help all your friends and s
kinsfolk."

" As concerning my friends and kinsf oik," quoth he,
" I pass not° greatly for them ; for I think I have suf-
ficiently done my part towards them already. For
these things that other men do not depart 0 from until 10
they be old and sick, yea, which they be then very
loath to leave when they can no longer keep, those
very same things did I, being not only lusty and in
good health but also in the flower of my youth, divide
among my friends and kinsfolks ; which I think with is
this my liberality ought to hold them contented, and
not to require nor to look that besides this I should for
their sakes give myself in bondage to kings."

"Nay, God forbid," quoth Peter; "it is not my
mind that you should be in bondage to kings, but as 20
a retainer to them at your pleasure 0 ; which surely I
think is the nighest way that you can devise how to
bestow your time fruitfully, not only for the private
commodity of your friends and for the general profit
of all sorts of people, but also for the advancement of 25

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yourself to a much wealthier state and condition than
you be now in."

" To a wealthier condition," quoth Raphael, " by that
means that my mind standeth clean against ? Now I

s live at liberty, after mine own mind and pleasure ;
which I think very few of these great states 0 and
peers of realms can say. Yea, and there be enough
of them that seek for great men's friendships; and
therefore think it° no great hurt, if they have not me,

10 nor two or three such other as I am."

" Well, I perceive plainly, friend Raphael, 0 " quoth
I, " that you be desirous neither of riches nor of power.
And truly I have in no less reverence and estimation
a man that is of your mind than any of them all that

is be so high in power and authority. But you shall do
as it becometh you, yea, and according to this wisdom
and this high and free courage of yours, if you can
find in your heart so to appoint and dispose yourself,
that you may apply your wit and diligence to the

20 profit of the weal public, though it be somewhat to
your own pain and hindrance. And this shall you
never so well do, nor with so great profit perform, as
if you be of some great prince's council, and put in
his head, as I doubt not but you will, honest opinions

25 and virtuous persuasions. For from the prince, as

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29

from a perpetual well-spring, cometh among the people
the flood of all that is good or evil. But in you is
so perfect learning, that without any experience, and
again so great experience, that without any learning,
you may well be any king's counsellor." 5

" You be twice deceived, Master More," quoth he,
" first in me and again in the thing itself. For neither
is in me that ability that you force upon me ; and if
it were never so much, yet in disquieting mine own
quietness I should nothing further the weal public. 10
For, first of all, the most part of all princes have more
delight in warlike matters and feats of chivalry ° (the
knowledge whereof I neither have nor desire), than in
the good feats of peace ; and employ much more study
how by right or by wrong to enlarge their dominions is
than how well and peaceably to rule and govern that
they have already. Moreover, they that be counsel-
lors to kings, every one of them either is of himself
so wise indeed that he need not, or else he thinketh
himself so wise that he will not, allow another man's 20
counsel ; saving that they do shamefully and flatter-
ingly give assent to the fond and foolish sayings of
certain great men, whose favors, because they be in
high authority with their prince, by assentation and
flattering they labor to obtain. And verily it is 25

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naturally given to all men to esteem their own inven-
tions best. So both the raven and the ape think their
own young ones fairest.

"Then if a man in such a company, where some
s disdain and have despite at other men's inventions
and some count their own best, if among such men, I
say, a man should bring forth anything that he hath
read done in times past, or that he hath seen done in
other places, there the hearers fare as though the

10 whole estimation of their wisdom were in jeopardy
to be overthrown, and that ever after they should be
counted for very diserdes, unless they could in other
men's inventions pick out matter to reprehend and
find fault at. If all other poor helps fail, then this is

is their extreme refuge : 1 These things,' say they, 6 pleased
our forefathers and ancestors : would God we could
be so wise as they were ! ' And as though they had
wittily concluded the matter and with this answer
stopped every man's mouth, they sit down again ; as

20 who should say, it were a very dangerous matter, if a
man in any point should be found wiser than his fore-
fathers were. And yet be we content to suffer the
best and wittiest of their decrees to lie unexecuted ;
but if in anything a better order might have been

25 taken than by them was, there we take fast hold and

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31

find many faults. Many times have I chanced upon
such proud, lewd, overthwart, and way ward judgments ;
yea, and once in England. 0 "

"I pray you, sir/' quoth I; "have you been in our
country ? " 5

"Yea, forsooth/' quoth he; "and there I tarried
for the space of four or five months together, not long
after the insurrection 0 that the western Englishmen
made against their king ; which by their own miserable
and pitiful slaughter was suppressed and ended. In
the mean season I was much bound and beholden to
the right reverend father, John Morton, 0 Archbishop,
and Cardinal, of Canterbury, and at that time also
Lord Chancellor of England; a man, Master Peter
(for Master More knoweth already that I will say),
not more honorable for his authority than for his
prudence and virtue. He was of a mean stature 0 ;
and though stricken in age, yet bare he his body
upright. In his face did shine such an amiable rev-
erence as was pleasant to behold. Gentle in commu-
nication yet earnest and sage, he had great delight
many times with rough speech to his suitors to prove,
but without harm, what prompt wit and what bold
spirit were in every man : in the which, as in a virtue
much agreeing with his nature, so that therewith were

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not joined impudency, he took great delectation ; and
the same person, as apt and meet to have an adminis- j
tration in the weal public, he did lovingly embrace. ■
In his speech, he was fine, eloquent, and pithy ; in the I
5 law, he had profound knowledge ; in wit, he was in-
comparable; and in memory, wonderful excellent.
These qualities, which in him were by nature singular, I
he by learning and use had made perfect. \
" The king put much trust in his counsel : the weal J

10 public also in a manner leaned unto him, when I was |
there. For even in the chief of his youth 0 he was
taken from school into the court and there passed all
his time in much trouble and' business, and was con- |
tinually troubled and tossed with divers misfortunes <

is and adversities. And so by many and great dangers J
he learned the experience of the world, which so being I
learned cannot easily be forgotten. |
" It chanced on a certain day, when I sat at his table, '
there was also a certain layman, cunning in the laws

20 of your realm, who, I cannot tell whereof taking occa-
sion, began diligently and busily to praise that strait I
and rigorous justice which at that time was there ex-
ecuted upon felons, who, as he said, were for the most
part twenty hanged together upon one gallows. 0 And,

25 seeing so few escaped punishment, he said he could not

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33

choose but greatly wonder and marvel how and by
what evil luck it should so come to pass, that thieves
nevertheless were in every place so rife and rank.
6 Nay, sir/ quoth I (for I durst boldly speak my mind
before the cardinal) ; i marvel nothing hereat ; for this
punishment of thieves passeth the limits of justice,
and is also very hurtful to the weal public. For it is
too extreme and cruel a punishment for theft, and yet
not sufficient to refrain men from theft. For simple
theft is not so great an offence that it ought to be pun-
ished with death. Neither there is any punishment
so horrible that it can keep them from stealing which
have no other craft whereby to get their living. There-
fore in this point, not you only, but also the most part
of the world be like evil schoolmasters, which be read- 1
ier to beat than to teach their scholars. For great and
horrible punishments be appointed for thieves, whereas
much rather provision should have been made that
there were some means whereby they might get their
living, so that no man should be driven to this extreme
necessity, first to steal and then to die.' 6 Yes/ quoth
he, 6 this matter is well enough provided for already.
There be handicrafts, there is husbandry to get their
living by, if they would not willingly be naught.'
1 Nay/ quoth I, * you shall not scape so ; for, first of

D

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all, I will speak nothing of them that come home out
of war maimed and lame, as not long ago out of Black-
heath field, 0 and a little before that out of the wars in
France 0 : such, I say, as put their lives in jeopardy for
s the weal public's or the king's sake, and by the reason
of weakness and lameness be not able to occupy their
old crafts, and be too aged to learn new : of them I
will speak nothing, because war, like the tide, ebbeth
and floweth. 0 But let us consider those things that

10 chance daily before our eyes.

" 6 First, there is a great number of gentlemen, which
cannot be content to live idle themselves, like dors, of
that which other have labored for : their tenants, I
mean, whom they poll and shave to the quick by rais-

is ing their rents ; for this only point of frugality do they
use, men else through their lavish and prodigal spend-
ing able to bring 0 themselves to very beggary : these
gentlemen, I say, do not only live in idleness them-
selves but also carry about with them at their tails 0 a

20 great flock or train of idle and loitering serving-men,°
which never learned any craft whereby to get their
livings. These men, as soon as their master is dead,
or they be sick themselves, be incontinent thrust out
of doors. For gentlemen had rather keep idle per-

25 sons than sick men ; and many times the dead man's

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35

heir is not able to maintain so great a house and keep
so many serving-men as his father did. Then in the
mean season they that be thus destitute of service
either starve for hunger 0 or manfully play the thieves.
For what would you have them to do ? When they 5
have wandered abroad so long, until they have worn
threadbare their apparel, and also appaired their health,
then gentlemen, because of their pale and sick faces
and patched coats, will not take them into service.
And husbandmen dare not set them a-work, knowing 10
well enough that he is nothing meet to do true and
faithful service to a poor man with a spade and a
mattock, for small wages and hard fare, which, being
daintily and tenderly pampered up in idleness and
pleasure, was wont with a sword and a buckler by his 15
side to jet° through the streets with a bragging look
and to think himself too good to be any man's mate/

" 6 Nay, by Saint Mary, sir,' 0 quoth the lawyer, i not
so ; for this kind of men must we make most of. For
in them, as men of stouter stomachs, 0 bolder spirits, 20
and manlier courages than handicraft men and plow-
men be, doth consist the whole power, strength, and
puissance of our host when we must fight in battle.'

" 1 Forsooth, sir, as well you might say/ quoth I,
' that for war's sake you must cherish thieves. For 25

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surely you shall never lack thieves whiles you have them.
No, nor thieves be not the most false and faint-hearted
soldiers, nor soldiers be not the cowardliest thieves ;
so well these two crafts agree together. But this fault,
s though it be much used among you, yet is it not pecul-
iar to you only, but common also almost to all nations.
Yet France, besides this, is troubled and infected with
a much sorer plague : the whole realm is filled and be-
sieged with hired soldiers in peace 0 time, if that be

10 peace ; which be brought in under the same color and pre-
tence that hath persuaded you to keep these idle serv-
ing-men. For these wise-fools and very archdolts
thought the wealth of the whole country herein to
consist, if there were ever in a readiness a strong and

15 a sure garrison, specially of old practised soldiers ;
for they put no trust at all in men unexercised. And
therefore they must be fain to seek for war, to the end
they may ever have practised soldiers and cunning
manslayers ; lest that, as it is prettily said of Sallust, 0

2d their hands and their minds through idleness or lack of
exercise should wax dull.

u ' But how pernicious and pestilent a thing it is to
maintain such beasts, the Frenchmen by their own
harms have learned ; and the examples of the Romans,

25 Carthaginians, Syrians, 0 and of many other countries'

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37

do manifestly declare. For not only the empire but
also the fields and cities of all these by divers occa-
sions have been overrun and destroyed of their own
armies beforehand had in a readiness. Now how un-
necessary a thing this is, hereby it may appear : that the s
French soldiers, which from their youth have been prac-
tised and ured in feats of arms, do not crack 0 nor ad-
vance themselves to have very often got the upper hand
and mastery of your new-made and unpractised soldiers.
But in this point I will not use many words, lest per- 10
chance I may seem to flatter you. No, nor those same
handicraft men of yours in cities, nor yet the rude and
nplandish 0 plowmen of the country, are not supposed
to be greatly afraid of your gentlemen's idle serving-
men, unless it be such as be not of body or stature is
correspondent to their strength and courage, or else
whose bold stomachs be discouraged through poverty.
Thus you may see, that it is not to be feared lest they
should be effeminated if they were brought up in good
crafts and laborsome works whereby to get their liv- 20
ing; whose stout and sturdy bodies (for gentlemen
vouchsafe to corrupt and spill none but picked and
chosen men) now either by reason of rest and idleness
be brought to weakness or else by too easy and wom-
anly exercises be made feeble and unable to endure 25

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hardness. Truly, howsoever the case standeth, this
methinketh is nothing available to the weal public, for
war sake, 0 which you never have but when you will
yourselves, to keep and maintain an innumerable flock

5 of that sort of men that be so troublous and noyous
in peace ; whereof you ought to have a thousand times
more regard than of war.

" 'But yet this is not only the 0 necessary cause of
stealing. There is another which, as I suppose, is

10 proper and peculiar to you Englishmen alone.' 0 ' What
is that ? ' quoth the cardinal. 6 Forsooth/ quoth I,
* your sheep, that were wont to be so meek and tame
and so small eaters, now, as I hear say, be become
so great devourers and so wild that they eat up and

is swallow down the very men themselves. They con-
sume, destroy, and devour whole fields, houses, and
cities. For look in what parts of the realm doth
grpw the finest and therefore dearest wool, there no-
blemen and gentlemen, yea, and certain abbots, 0

2oholy men, God wot, not contenting themselves with
the yearly revenues and profits that were wont to
grow to their forefathers and predecessors of their
lands, nor being content that they live in rest and
pleasure, nothing profiting, yea, much noying the weal

25 public, leave no ground for tillage ; they enclose all in

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39

pastures ; they throw down houses k they pluck down
towns ; and leave nothing standing but only the
church, to make of it a sheep-house. 0 And, as though
you lost no small quantity 0 of ground by forests,
chases, lawns, and parks, those good holy men turn all 5
dwelling-places and all glebe land into desolation and
wilderness.

" ' Therefore, that one covetous and insatiable cor-
morant and very plague of his native country may
compass about and enclose many thousand acres of 10
ground together within one pale or hedge, the husband-
men be thrust out of their own ; or else either by covin
or fraud or by violent oppression they be put besides
it,° or by wrongs and injuries they be so wearied that
they be compelled to sell all. By one means, therefore, 15
or by other, either by hook or crook, they must needs
depart away, poor, silly, 0 wretched souls ; men, women,
husbands, wives, fatherless children, widows, woful
mothers with young babes, and their whole household,
small in substance and much in number, as husbandry 20
requireth many hands. Away they trudge, I say, out
of their known and accustomed houses, finding no
places to rest in. All their household stuff, which is
very little worth, though it might well abide the sale, 0
yet being suddenly thrust out, they be constrained to 25

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sell it for a thing # of naught. And when they have,
wandering about, soon spent that, what can they else
do but steal, and then justly, God wot, be hanged, or
else go about a-begging ? And yet then also they be

s cast in prison as vagabonds, because they go about and
work not ; whom no man will set a-work, though they
never so willingly offer themselves thereto. For there
is no more occasion for country labor, to which they
have been bred, when there is no arable ground left. 0

10 For one shepherd or herdsman is enough to eat up that
ground with cattle, to the occupying whereof about
husbandry 0 many hands were requisite.

" 6 And this is also the cause that victuals be now in
many places dearer. Yea, besides this the price of

15 wool is so risen that poor folks, which were wont to
work it and make cloth of it, be now able to buy none
at all. And by this means very many be fain to for-
sake work and to give themselves to idleness. For
after that so much ground was enclosed for pasture, an

20 infinite multitude of sheep died of the rot, such ven-
geance God took of their 0 inordinate and insatiate
covetousness, sending among the sheep that pestiferous
murrain, which much more justly should have fallen
on the sheep-masters' own heads. And though the

25 number of sheep increase never so fast, yet the price

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falleth not one mite, because there, be so few sellers.
For they be almost all come into a few rich men's hands,
whom no need driveth to sell before they lust ; and
they lust not before they may sell as dear as they lust.
!Now the same cause bringeth in like dearth of the 5
other kinds of cattle ; yea, and that so much the more,
because that after farms plucked down and husbandry
decayed, there is no man that passeth for the breeding
of young store. 0 For these rich men bring not up the
young ones of great cattle as they do lambs. Butio
first they buy them abroad very cheap, and afterward,
when they be fatted in their pastures, they sell them
again exceeding dear. And therefore, as I suppose,
the whole incommodity hereof is not yet felt. For yet
they make dearth only in those places where they is
sell. But when they shall fetch them away from
thence where they be bred faster than they can be
brought up, then shall there also be felt great dearth,
when store beginneth to fail there where the ware is
bought. f 20

" 4 Thus the unreasonable covetousness of a few
hath turned that thing to the utter undoing of your
island, in the which thing the chief felicity of your
realm did consist. 0 For this great dearth of victuals
causeth every man to keep as little houses and as 25

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small hospitality as he possible may, and to put away
their servants : whither, I pray you, but a-begging ?
or else, which these gentle bloods and stout stomachs
will sooner set their minds unto, a-stealing ?
s " ' Now, to amend the matters, to this wretched beg-
gary and miserable poverty is joined great wantonness,
importunate superfluity, and excessive riot. For not
only gentlemen's servants but also handicraft men,
yea, and almost all the plowmen of the country, with

10 all other sorts of people, use much strange and proud
newfangleness ° in their apparel and too prodigal riot
and sumptuous fare at their table. Now bawds,
queans, whores, harlots, strumpets, brothel-houses,
stews, and yet another stews, wine-taverns, ale-houses,

is and tippling houses, with so many naughty, lewd,
and unlawful games, 0 as dice, cards, tables, tennis,
bowls, quoits, — do not all these send the haunters
of them straight a-stealing when their money is
gone ?

20 " i Cast out these pernicious abominations. Make a
law that they which plucked down farms and towns of
husbandry 0 shall build them up again or else yield
and uprender the possession of them to such as will
go to the cost of building them anew. Suffer not these

25 rich men to buy up all, to engross and forestall, 0 and

k

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with their monopoly to keep the market alone as please
them. Let not so many be brought up in idleness ;
let husbandry and tillage be restored again ; let cloth-
working be renewed ; that there may be honest labors
for this idle sort to pass their time in profitably, which 5
hitherto either poverty hath caused to be thieves, or
else now be either vagabonds or idle serving-men, and
shortly will be thieves. Doubtless, unless you find
a remedy for these enormities, you shall in vain
advance yourselves of executing justice upon felons. 10
For this justice is more beautiful than just or profit-
able. 0 For by suffering your youth wantonly and
viciously to be brought up and to be infected even
from their tender age by little and little with vice,
then, a God's name, to be punished when they commit is
the same faults after they be come to man's state,
which from their youth they were ever like to do — in
this point, I pray you, what other thing do you than
make thieves and then punish them ? 9

" Now, as I was thus speaking, the lawyer began to 20
make himself ready to answer, and was determined
with himself to use the common fashion and trade of
disputers, which be more diligent in rehearsing than
answering, as thinking the memory worthy of the chief
praise. 6 Indeed, sir,' quoth he, ' you have said well, 25

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being but a stranger and one that might rather hear
something of these matters than have any exact or
perfect knowledge of the same, as I will incontinent
by open proof make manifest and plain. For first I

s will rehearse in order all that you have said ; then I
will declare in what thing you be deceived, through
lack of knowledge, in all our fashions, manners, and
customs ; and last of all I will answer to your argu-
ments and confute them every one. First, therefore,

iol will begin where I promised. Four things you
seemed to me — 9 6 Hold your peace,' quoth the
cardinal, ' for belike you will make no short answer,
which make such a beginning ; wherefore at this time
you shall not take the pains to make your answer, but

is keep it to your next meeting, which I would be right
glad that it might be even tomorrow next, unless either
you or Master Kaphael have any earnest let.°

" i But now, Master Raphael, I would very gladly
hear of you, why you think theft not worthy to be

20 punished with death, or what other punishment you
can devise more expedient to the weal public. For I
am sure you are not of that mind that you would have
theft escape unpunished. For if now the extreme
punishment of death cannot cause them to leave steal-

25 ing, then if ruffians and robbers should be sure of

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their lives, what violence, what fear were able to hold
their hands from robbing, which would take the miti-
gation of the punishment as a very provocation to
the mischief ? 9

Ui Surely, my lord/ quoth I, 'I think it no rights
nor justice that the loss of money should cause the
loss of man's life. For mine opinion is that all the
goods in the world are not able to countervail man's
life. But if they would thus say : that the breaking
of justice and the transgression of the laws is recoin- 10
pensed 0 with this punishment and not the loss of the
money, then why may not this extreme justice well
be called extreme injury ? For neither so cruel gov-
ernance, so strait rules and unmerciful laws be allow-
able, that if a small offence be committed, by and by° 15
the sword should be drawn ; nor so stoical ordinances 0
are to be borne withal, as to count all offences of such
equality that the killing of a man or the taking of his
money from him were both a matter, 0 and the one no
more heinous offence than the other : between the 20
which two, if we have any respect to equity, no simili-
tude or equality consisteth. God commandeth us
that we shall not kill. And be we then so hasty to
kill a man for taking a little money ? And if any
man would understand killing by this commandment 25

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of God to be forbidden after no larger wise than man's
constitutions defineth killing to be lawful, then why
may it not likewise by man's constitutions be deter-
mined after what sort whoredom, fornication, and

s perjury may be lawful ? For whereas by the per-
mission of God no man hath power to kill neither
himself nqr yet any other man ; then if a law made
by the consent of men concerning slaughter of men
ought to be of such strength, force, and virtue, that

iothey which contrary to the commandment of God
have killed those whom this constitution of man com-
manded to be killed, be clean quit and exempt out of
the bonds and danger 0 of God's commandment ; shall
it not then by this reason follow that the power of

is God's commandment shall extend no further than man's
law doth define and permit ? And so shall it come to
pass that in like manner man's constitutions in all things
shall determine how far the observation of all God's
commandments shall extend. To be short, Moses' law,

20 though it were ungentle and sharp, as a law that was
given to bondmen, — yea, and them very obstinate,
stubborn, and stiff-necked, — yet it punished theft by
the purse and not with death. And let us not think
that God in the new law° of clemency and mercy,

25 under the which he ruleth us with fatherly gentleness

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as his dear children, hath given us greater scope and
license to execute cruelty one upon another. 0

"'Now ye have heard the reasons whereby I am
persuaded that this punishment is unlawful. Further-
more, I think there is no body that knoweth not how s
unreasonable, yea, how pernicious a thing it is to the
weal public that a thief and a homicide or murderer
should suffer equal and like punishment. For the
thief, seeing that man that is condemned for theft in
no less jeopardy, nor judged to no less punishment, 10
than him that is convict of manslaughter; through
this cogitation only he is strongly and forcibly pro-
voked, and in a manner constrained, to kill him, whom
else he would have but robbed. For the murder once
done, he is in less care and in more hope, that the 15
deed shall not be betrayed or known, seeing the party
is now dead and rid out of° the way, which only
might have uttered and disclosed it. But if he chance
to be taken and discrived, yet he is in no more danger
and jeopardy than if he had committed but single 20
felony. Therefore whiles we go about with such
cruelty to make thieves afeared, we provoke them to
kill good men.

" 'Now, as touching this question, what punishment
were more commodious and better; that truly in my 25

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judgment is easier to be found than what punishment
were worse. For why should we doubt that to be a
good and a profitable way for the punishment of
offenders, which we know did in times past so long
please the Romans, men in the administration of a
weal public most expert, politic, and cunning ? Such
as among them were convict of great and heinous
trespasses, them they condemned into stone-quarries,
and into mines to dig metal, there to be kept in chains
all the days of their life.

" ' But as concerning this matter, I allow the ordinance
of no nation so well as that which I saw, whiles I
travelled abroad about the world, used in Persia,
among the people that commonly be called the Poly-
lerites 0 ; whose land is both large and ample and also
well and wittily governed, and the people in all
conditions free and ruled by their own laws, saving
that they pay a yearly tribute to the great king of
Persia. But because they be far from the sea, com-
passed and closed in almost round about with high
mountains and do content themselves with the fruits
of their own land, which is of itself very fertile and
fruitful: for this cause neither they go to other coun-
tries nor other come to them. And according to the old
custom of the land, they desire not to enlarge the bounds

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of their dominions ; and those that they have, by reason
of the high hills be easily defended ; and the tribute
which they pay to the mighty king 0 setteth them quit
and free from warfare. Thus their life is commodious
rather than gallant, 0 and may better be called happy s
or lucky than notable or famous. For they be not
known as much as by name, I suppose, saving only to
their next neighbors and borderers.

" 6 They that in this land be attainted and convict
of felony make restitution of that which they stole to 10
the right owner, and not (as they do in other lands)
to the king, whom they think to have no more right
to the thief-stolen thing than the thief himself hath.
But if the thing be lost or made away, then the value
of it is paid of the goods of such offenders, which else is
remaineth all whole to their wives and children. And
they themselves be condemned to be common laborers ;
and unless the theft be very heinous, they be neither
locked in prison nor fettered in gyves, 0 but be untied
and go at large, laboring in the common works. They 20
that refuse labor or go slowly and slackly to their
work be not only tied in chains but also pricked for-
ward with stripes. 0 They that be diligent about their
work live without check or rebuke. Every night they
be called in by name, and be locked in their chambers. 25

E

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Beside their daily labor, their life is nothing hard or
incommodious. Their fare is indifferent 0 good, borne
at the charges of the weal public, because they be
common servants to the commonwealth. But their
s charges in all places of the land is not borne alike ;
for in some parts that which is bestowed upon them is
gathered of alms. And though that way be uncertain,
yet the people be so full of mercy and pity, that none
is found 0 more profitable or plentiful. In some places

10 certain lands be appointed hereunto, of the revenues
whereof they be found. And in some places every
man giveth a certain tribute for the same use and pur-
pose. Again, in some parts of the land these serving-
men, for so be these damned 0 persons called, do no

is common work, but as every private man needeth labor-
ers so he cometh into the market-place, and there
hireth some of them for meat and drink and a cer-
tain limited wages by the day, somewhat cheaper
than he should hire a free man. It is also lawful for

20 them to chastise the sloth of these serving-men with
stripes.

" * By this means they never lack work, and besides
their meat and drink every one of them bringeth daily
something into the common treasury. All and every
25 one of them be apparelled in one color. Their heads

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be not polled or shaven, but rounded a little above the
ears ; and the tip of the one ear is cut off. Every one
of them may take meat and drink of their friends, and
also a coat of their own color; but to receive money is
death, as well to the giver as to the receiver. And no s
less jeopardy it is for a free man to receive money of •
a serving-man for any manner of cause ; and likewise
for serving-men to touch weapons. The serving-men
of every several shire be distinct and known from other
by their several and distinct badges, which to cast away 10
is death ; as it is also to be seen out of the precinct of
their own shire, or to talk with a serving-man of an-
other shire. And it is no less danger to them for to
intend to run away than to do it indeed. Yea, and to
conceal such an enterprise, in a serving-man, it is is
death ; in a free man, servitude. Of the contrary part,
to him that openeth and uttereth such counsels be
decreed large gifts : to a free man, a great sum of
money ; to a serving-man, freedom ; and to them both,
forgiveness and pardon of that they were of counsel in 20
that pretence. 0 So that it can never be so good for
them to go forward in their evil purpose as by repent-
ance to turn back.

" * This is the law and order in this behalf, as I have
showed you ; wherein what humanity is used, how far 25

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it is from cruelty, and how commodious it is, you do
plainly perceive ; forasmuch as the end of their wrath
and punishment intendeth nothing else but the destruc-
tion of vices and saving of men, with so using and
5 ordering them that they cannot choose but be good ;
and what harm soever they did before, in the residue
of their life to make amends for the same.

" ' Moreover, it is so little feared that they should
turn again to their vicious conditions that wayfaring

io men will for their safeguard choose them to their
guides 0 before any other, in every shire changing and
taking new. For if they would commit robbery, they
have nothing about them meet for that purpose. They
may touch no weapons; money found about them

is should betray the robbery. They should be no sooner
taken with the manner, 0 but forthwith they should
be punished. Neither they can have any hope at all
to scape away by flying. For how should a man, that
in no part of his apparel is like other men, fly privily

20 and unknown, unless he would run away naked ?
Howbeit, so also flying, he should be discrived by his
rounding and his ear-mark. But it is a thing to be
doubted, 0 that they will lay their heads together and
conspire against the weal public. No, no ; I warrant

25 you ! For the serving-men of one shire alone could

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never hope to bring to pass such an enterprise without
soliciting, enticing, and alluring the serving-men of
many other shires to take their parts ; which thing is to
them so impossible that they may not as much as speak
or talk together, or salute one another. No ; it is not s
to be thought that they would make their own country-
men and companions of their counsel in such a matter, 0
which they know well should be jeopardy to the con-
cealer thereof and great commodity and goodness to the
opener of the same : whereas, on the other part, there 10
is none of them all hopeless or in despair to recover
again his feeedom, by humble obedience, by patient
suffering, and by giving good tokens and likelihood of
himself that he will ever after that live like a true and
an honest man. For every year divers be restored is
again to their freedom, through the commendation of
their patience.'

" When I had thus spoken, saying moreover that I
could see no cause why this order might not be had in
England with much more profit than the justice which 20
the lawyer so highly praised, * Nay/ quoth the lawyer,
' this could never be so stablished in England but that
it must needs bring the weal public into great jeopardy
and hazard.' And as he was thus saying he shaked his
head and made a wry mouth, and so held his peace. 25

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And all that were there present with one assent agreed
to his saying.

"'Well/ quoth the cardinal, 'yet it were hard to
judge without a proof 0 whether this order would do
well here or no. But when the sentence of death is
given, if then the king should command execution to
be deferred and spared, and would prove this order and
fashion, taking away the privileges of all sanctuaries 0 ;
if then the proof should declare the thing to be good
and profitable, then it were well done that it were
stablished. Else the condemned and reprieved persons
may as well and as justly be put to death after this
proof as when they were first cast. Neither any
jeopardy can in the mean space grow hereof. Yea, and
methinketh that these vagabonds may very well be
ordered after the same fashion, against whom we
have hitherto made so many laws and so little pre-
vailed/

" When the cardinal had thus said, then every man
gave great praise to my sayings, which a little before
they had disallowed. But most of all was esteemed
that which was spoken of vagabonds, because it was the
cardinal's own addition.

"I cannot tell whether it were best to rehearse
the communication that followed, for it was not

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very sad. 0 But yet you shall hear it, for there was
no evil in it and partly it pertained to the matter
beforesaid.

" There chanced to stand by a certain jesting para-
site or scoffer, which would seem to resemble and 5
counterfeit the fool. But he did in such wise counter-
feit that he was almost the very same indeed that he
labored to represent. He so studied with words and
sayings, brought forth so out of time and place, to make
sport and move laughter, that he himself was oftener
laughed at than his jests were. Yet the foolish fellow
brought out now and then such indifferent and reason-
able stuff that he made the proverb true, which saith,
He that shooteth oft, at the last shall hit the mark.
So that when one of the company said that through my
communication a good order was found for thieves, and
that the cardinal also had well provided for vagabonds ;
so that only remained some good provision to be made
for them that through sickness and age were fallen
into poverty, and were become so impotent and un-
wieldy 0 that they were not able to work for their living :
' Tush,' quoth he, i let me alone with them ; you shall
see me do well enough with them. For I had rather
than any good that this kind of people were driven
somewhither out of my sight: they have so sore

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troubled me many times and oft, when they have with
their lamentable tears begged money of me, and yet
they could never to my mind so tune their song that
thereby they ever got of me one farthing. For ever-

s more the one of these two chanced : either that I would
not; or else that I could not, because I had it not.
Therefore now they be waxed wise. When they see
me go by, because they will not lose their labor, they
let me go and say not one word to me. So they look

10 for nothing of me ; no, in good sooth, no more than if
I were a priest. But I will make a law that all these
beggars shall be distributed and bestowed into houses
of religion. 0 The men shall be made lay brethren, 0 as
they call them, and the women nuns/ Hereat the

is cardinal smiled and allowed it in jest ; yea, and all
the residue in good earnest.

" But a certain friar, °graduate in divinity, took such
pleasure and delight in this jest of priests and monks
that he also, being else a man of grisly and stern grav-

2oity, began merrily and wantonly to jest and taunt.
1 Nay,' quoth he, ' you shall not so be rid and de-
spatched of beggars, unless you make some provision
also for us friars.' ' Why,' quoth the jester, ' that is
done already. For my lord himself set a very good

25 order for you, when he decreed that vagabonds should

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be kept strait and set to work, for you be the greatest
and veriest vagabonds 0 that be.'

" This jest also, when they saw the cardinal not dis-
prove it, every man took it gladly, saving only the friar.
For he, and that no marvel, when he was thus touched s
on the quick and hit on the gall,° so fret, so fumed and
chafed at it, and was in such a rage that he could not
refrain himself from chiding, scolding, railing, and
reviling. He called the fellow ribald, villain, javel,°
backbiter, slanderer, and the son of perdition ; citing 10
therewith terrible threatening out of holy scripture.
Then the jesting scoffer began to play the scoffer in-
deed, and verily he was good at it, for he could play a