CHAPTER XXXTIT

A Dynamic THEORY oF History (1904)
A DYNAMiIc theory, like most theories, begins by begging the ‘question: it defines Progress as the development and economy of Forces. Further, it defines force as anything that does, or helps to do work. Man is a force; so is the sun; so is a mathe- matical point, though without dimensions or known existence.
Man commonly begs the question again by taking for granted that he captures the forces. A dynamic theory, assigning at- tractive force to opposing bodies in proportion to the law of mass, takes for granted that the forces of nature capture man. The sum of force attracts; the feeble atom or mole- cule called man is attracted; he suffers education or growth; he is the sum of the forces that attract him; his body and his thought are alike their product; the movement of the forces controls the progress of his mind, since he can know nothing but the motions which impinge on his senses, whose sum‘makes education.
For convenience as an image, the theory may liken man to a spider in its web, watching for chance prey. Forces of nature dance like flies before the net, and the spider pounces on them when it can; but it makes many fatal mistakes, though its theory of force issound. The spider-mind acquires a faculty-of memory, and, with it, a singular skill of analysisand synthesis, taking apart and putting together in different relations the meshes of its trap. Man had in the beginning no power of analysis or synthesis ap- proaching that of the spider, or even of the honey-bee; but he had acute sensibility to the higher forces. Fire taught him secrets that no other animal could learn; running water probably taught him even more, especially in his first lessons of mechanics; the animals helned to educate him, trusting themselves intohishands
A Dynamic THEORY oF History 475
merely for the sake of their food, and carrying his burdens or supplying his clothing; the grasses and grains were academies of study. With little or no effort on his part, all these forces formed his thought, induced his action, and even shaped his figure.
Long before history began, his education was complete, for the record could not have been started until he had been taught to record. The universe that had formed him took shape in his . mind as a reflection of his own unity, containing all forces ex- cept himself. Either separately, or in groups, or as a whole, . these forces never ceased to act on him, enlarging his mind as they enlarged the surface foliage of a vegetable, and the mind needed only to respond, as the forests did, to these attractions. Susceptibility to the highest forces is the highest genius; selec- tion between them is the highest science; their mass is the high- est educator. Man always made, and still makes, grotesque blunders in selecting and measuring forces, taken at random from the heap, but he never made a mistake in the value he set on the whole, which he symbolized as unity and worshipped as God. To this day, his attitude towards it has never changed, though science can no longer give to force a name.
Man’s function as a force of nature was to:assimilate other forces as he assimilated food. He called it the love of power. He felt his own feebleness, and he sought for an ass or a camel, a bow or a sling, to widen his range of power, as he sought a fetish ora planet in the world beyond. He cared little to know its immediate use, he could afford to throw nothing away which he could conceive to have possible value in this or any other existence. He waited for the object to teach him its use, or want of use, and the process was slow. He may have gone on for hundreds of thousands of years, waiting for Nature to tell him her secrets; and, to his rivals among the monkeys, Nature has taught no more than at their start; but certain lines of force were capable of acting on individual apes, and mechanically selecting types of race or sources of variation. The individual that responded or reacted to lines of
476 Tur Epucation or Henry Apams
‘ new force then was possibly the same individual that reacts on it now, and his conception of the unity seems never to have changed in spite of the increasing diversity of forces; but the the- ory of variation is an affair of other science than history, and matters nothing to dynamics. The individual or the race would be educated on the same lines of illusion, which, according to Ar- thur Balfour, had not essentially varied down to the year 1900.
To the highest attractive energy, man gave the name of divine, » and for its control he invented the science called Religion, a word which meant, and still means, cultivation of occult force whether _ in detail or mass. Unable to define Force as a unity, man sym- bolized it and pursued it, both in himself, and in the infinite, as philosophy and theology; the mind is itself the subtlest of all known forces, and its self-introspection necessarily created a science which had the singular value of lifting his education, at the start, to the finest, subtlest, and broadest training both in analysis and synthesis, so that, if language is a test, he must have reached his highest powers early in his history; while the mere motive remained as simple an appetite for power as the - tribal greed which led him to trap an elephant. Hunger, whether for food or for the infinite, sets in motion multiplicity and infin- ity of thought, and the sure hope of gaining a share of infinite power in eternal life would lift most minds to effort.
‘He had reached this completeness five thousand years ago, and added nothing to his stock of known forces for a very long time. The mass of nature exercised on him so feeble an attraction that one can scarcely account for his apparent motion. Only ahistorian of very exceptional knowledge would venture to say at what date between 3000 B.c. and 1000 a.p., the momentum of Europe was greatest; but such progress as the world made consisted in econ- omies of energy rather than in its development; it was proved in mathematics, measured by names like Archimedes, Aristarchus, Ptolemy, and Euclid; or in Civil Law, measured by a number of names which-Adams had begun life by failing to learn; or in coin-
A DYNAMIC THEORY OF HIsTORY 477°
age, which was most beautiful near its beginning, and most bar- barous at its close; or it was shown in roads, or the size of ships, or harbors; or by the use of metals, instruments, and writing; all of them economies of force, sometimes more forceful than the forces they helped; but the roads were still travelled by the horse, the ass, the camel, or the slave; the ships were still propelled by sails or oars; the lever, the spring, and the screw bounded the region of applied mechanics. Even the metals were old.
Much the same thing could be said of religious or supernatural forces. Down to the year 300 of the Christian era they were little changed, and in spite of Plato and the sceptics were more appar- ently chaotic than ever. The experience of three thousand years had educated society to feel the vastness of Nature, and the infinity of her resources of power, but even this increase of at- traction had not yet caused economies in its methods of pursuit.
There the Western world stood till the year a.v. 305, when the Emperor Diocletian abdicated; and there it was that Adams broke down on the steps of Ara Ceeli, his path blocked by the scandalous failure of civilization at the moment it had achieved complete success. In the year 305 the empire had solved the problems of Europe more completely than they have ever been solved since. The Pax Romana, the Civil Law, and Free Trade should, in four hundred years, have put Europe far in advance of the point reached by modern society in the four hundred years since 1500, when conditions were less simple.
The efforts to explain, or explain away, this scandal had been incessant, but none suited Adams unless it were the economic theory of adverse exchanges and exhaustion of minerals; but na- tions are not ruined beyond a certain point by adverse exchanges, and Rome had by no means exhausted her resources. On the con- trary, the empire developed resources and energies quite astound- ing. No other four hundred years of history before a.p. 1800 knew anything like it; and although some of these developments, like the Civil Law, the roads, aqueducts, and harbors, were rather
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478 Tue EpucATION OF HENRY ADAMS
_ economies than force, yet innorthwestern Europe alone theempire had developed three energies — France, England, and Germany — competent to master the world. The trouble seemed rather to be that the empire developed too much energy, and too fast.
A dynamic law requires that two masses — nature and man — must go on, reacting upon each other, without stop, as the sun and a comet react on each other, and that any appearance of stoppage isillusive. The theory seems to exact excess, rather than deficiency, of action and reaction to account for the dissolution of the Roman Empire, which should, as a problem of mechanics, have been torn to pieces by acceleration. If the student means to try the experiment of framing a dynamic law, he must assign values to the forces of attraction that caused the trouble; and in this case he has them in plain evidence. With the relentless logic that stamped Roman thought, the empire, which had established unity on earth, could not help establishing unity in heaven. It Was induced by its dynamic necessities to economize the gods.
The Church has never ceased to protest against the charge that Christianity ruined the empire, and, with its usual force, has pointed out that its reforms alone saved the State. Any dynamic theory gladly admitsit. Allit asks is to find and follow the force that attracts. The Church points out this force in the Cross, and history needs only to follow it. The empire loudly asserted its mo- tive. Good taste forbids saying that Constantine the Great specu- lated as audaciously as a modern stock-broker on values of which he knew at the utmost only the volume; or that he merged all uncertain forces into a single trust, which he enormously over- capitalized, and forced on the market; but this is the substance of what Constantine himself said in his Edict of Milan in the year 313, which admitted Christianity intothe Trust of State Religions. Regarded as an Act of Congress, it runs: “We have resolved to grant to Christians as well as all others the liberty to practise the religion they prefer, in order that whatever exists of divinity or celestial power may help and favor us and all who are under our
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A Dynamic THEoRY oF History 479
government.” The empire pursued power — not merely spiritual but physical — in the sense in which Constantine issued his army order the year before, at the battle of the Milvian Bridge: Im hoc signo vinces! using the Cross as a train of artillery, which, to his mind, it was. Society accepted it in the same character. Eighty years afterwards, Theodosius marched against his rival Eugene with the Cross for physical champion; and Eugene raised the image of Hercules to fight for the pagans; while society on both sides looked on, as though it were a boxing-match, todecidea final test of force between the divine powers. The Church was power- less to raise the ideal. What is now known as religion affected the mind of old society but little. The laity, the people, the million. almost to a man, bet on the gods as they bet on a horse.
No doubt the Church did all it could to purify the process, but society was almost wholly pagan in its point of view, and was drawn to the Cross because, in its system of physics, the Cross had absorbed all the old occult or, fetish-power. The symbol represented the sum of nature — the Energy of modern science — and society believed it to be as real as X-rays; per- haps it was! The emperors used it like gunpowder in politics; the physicians used it like rays in medicine; the dying clung to it as the quintessence of force, to protect them from the forces of evil on their road to the next life.
Throughout these four centuries the empire knew that religion disturbed economy, for even the cost of heathen incense affected the exchanges; but no one could afford to buy or constructacostly and complicated machine when he could hire an occult force at trifling expense. Fetish-power was cheap and satisfactory, down toacertain point. Turgot and Auguste Comte long ago fixed this stage of economy as a necessary phase of social education, and historians seem now to accept it as the only gain yet made to- wards scientific history. Great numbers of educated people — perhaps a majority — cling to the method still, and practise it more or less strictly; but, until quiterecently,no other wasknown,
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480 THE Epucation or Henry ADAMS:
The only occult power at man’s disposal was fetish. Against it, no mechanical force could compete except within narrow limits. Outside of occult or fetish-power, the Roman world was in- credibly poor. It knew but one productive energy resembling a modern machine — the slave. No artificial force of serious value was applied to production or transportation, and when society developed itself so rapidly in political and social lines, it had no other means of keeping its economy on the same level than to extend its slave-system and its fetish-system to the utmost.
The result might have been stated in a mathematical formula as early as the time of Archimedes, six hundred years before Rome fell. The economic needs of a violently centralizing so- ciety forced the empire to enlarge its slave-system until the slave-system consumed itself and the empire too, leaving society no resource but further enlargement of its religious system in order to compensate for the losses and horrors of the failure. For a vicious circle, its mathematical completeness approached perfection. The dynamic law of attraction and reaction needed only a Newton to fix it in algebraic form.
At last, in 410, Alaric sacked Rome, and the slave-ridden, agri- cultural, uncommercial Western Empire — the poorer and less Christianized half —went to pieces. Society, though terribly shocked by the horrors of Alaric’s storm, felt still more deeply the disappointment in its new power, the Cross, which had failed to protectitsChurch. The outcry against the Cross became so loud
“among Christians that its literary champion, Bishop Augustine - of Hippo—a town between Algiers and Tunis—was led te write a famous treatise in defence of the Cross, familiar still to every scholar, in which he defended feebly the mechanical value of the symbol — arguing only that pagan symbols equally failed — but insisted on its spiritual value in the Civitas Dei which had taken the place of the Civitas Romae in human interest. “Granted that we have lost allwehad! Have we lost faith? Have we lost pietv? Have we lost the wealth of the inner man who is rich
A Dynamic THEory or History 481
before God? These are the wealth of Christians!” The Civites Dei, in its turn, became the sum of attraction for the Western world, though it also showed the same weakness in mechanics that had wrecked the Civitas Romae. “St. Augustine and his people perished at Hippo towards 430, leaving society in ap-. pearance dull to new attraction.
Yet the attraction remained constant. The delight of experi- menting on occult force of every kind is such as to absorb all the free thought of the human race. The gods did their work; his- tory has no quarrel with them; they led, educated, enlarged the mind; taught knowledge; betrayed ignorance, stimulated effort. So little is known about the mind — whether social, racial, sex- ual or heritable; whether material or spiritual; whether animal, vegetable or mineral — that history is inclined to avoid it alto- gether; but nothing forbids one to admit, for convenience, that it may assimilate food like the body, storing new force and growing, like a forest, with the storage. The brain has not yet revealed its mysterious mechanism of gray matter. Never has Nature offered it so violent a stimulant as when she opened to it the possibility of sharing infinite power in eternal life, and it might well need a thousand years of prolonged and intense ex- periment to prove the value of the motive. During these so- called Middle Ages, the Western mind reacted in many forms, on many sides, expressing its motives in modes, such as Roman- esque and Gothic architecture, glass windows and mosaic walls, sculpture and poetry, war and love, which still affect some peo- ple as the noblest work of man, so that, even to-day, great masses of idle and ignorant tourists travel from far countrie’ to look at Ravenna and San Marco, Palermo and Pisa, Assisi, Cor- dova, Chartres, with vague notions about the force that created them, but with a certain surprise that a social mind of such singular energy and unity should still lurk in their shadows.
The tourist more rarely visits Constantinople or studies the architecture of Sancta Sofia, but when he does, he is distinctly con:
482 THE EDUCATION OF HENRY ADAMS
:| scious of forces not quite the same. Justinian has not the simplic
ity of Charlemagne. The Eastern Empire showed an activity and variety of forces that classical Europe had never possessed. The navy of Nicephoras Phocas in the tenth century would have an- | nihilated in half an hour any navy that Carthage or Athens or. Rome ever set afloat. The dynamic scheme began by asserting rather recklessly that between the Pyramids (3.c. 3000), and ° the Cross (A.D. 300), no new force affected Western progress, _ | and antiquarians may easily dispute the fact; but in any case the motive influence, old or new, which raleed both Pyramids | and Cross was the same attraction of power in a future life that raised the dome of Sancta Sofia and the Cathedral at Amiens, — however much it was altered, enlarged, or removed to distance in space. Therefore, no single event has more puzzled historians — than the sudden, unexplained appearance of at least two new _ natural forces of the highest educational value in mechanics, for the first time within record of history. Literally, these two forces — seemed to drop from the sky at the precise moment when the Cross on one side and the Crescent on the other, proclaimed the complete triumph of the Civitas Dei. Had the Manichean doc- trine of Good and Evil as rival deities been orthodox, it would alone have accounted for this simultaneous victory of hostile powers.
Of the compass, as a step towards demonstration of the dy- namic law, one may confidently say that it proved, better than any other force, the widening scope of the mind, since it widened immensely the range of contact between nature and thought. The compass educated. This must prove itself as needing no proof.
Of Greek fire and gunpowder, the same thing cannot certainly be said, for they have the air of accidents due to the attraction of religious motives. They belong to the spiritual world; or to the doubtful ground of Magic which lay between Good and Evil. They were chemical forces, mostly explosive, which acted and still act as the most violent educators ever known to man, but
A Dynamic THEORY OF HISTORY 483
- they were justly feared as diabolic, and whatever insolence man
may have risked towards the milder teachers of his infancy, he, was an abject pupil towards explosives. The Sieur de Joinville left a record of the energy with which the relatively harmless
Greek fire educated and enlarged the French mind in a single
night in the year 1249, when the crusaders were trying to ad-
vance on Cairo. The good king St. Louis and all his staff
dropped on their knees at every fiery flame that flew by, pray-
ing — “God have pity on us!” and never had man more reason , to call on his gods than they, for the battle of religion between
Christian and Saracen was trifling compared with that of edu-
cation between gunpowder and the Cross.
The fiction that society educated itself, or aimed at a conscious purpose, was upset by the compass and gunpowder which dragged and drove Europe at will through frightful bogs of learning. At first, the apparent lag for want of volume inthenewenergies lasted one or two centuries, which closed the great epochs of emotion by the Gothic cathedrals and scholastic theology. The moment had Greek beauty and more than Greek unity, but it was brief; and for another century or two, Western society seemed to float in space without apparent motion. Yet the attractive mass of nature’s energy continued to attract, and education became more rapid than ever before. Society began to resist, but the individual showed greater and greater insistence, without realizing what he was doing. When the Crescent drove the Cross in ignominy from Constantinople in 1453, Gutenberg and Fust were printing their first Bible at Mainz under the impression that they were helping the Cross. When Columbus discovered the West Indies in 1492, the Church looked on it as a victory of the Cross. When Luther and Calvin upset Europe half a century later, they were trying, like St. Augustine, to substitute the Civitas Dei for the Civitas Romae. When the Puritans set out for New England in 1620, they too were looking to found a Civitas Dei in State Street; and when Bunyan made his Pilgrimagein 1678, he repeated St. Jerome. Even
484 Tue EpucATION OF HENRY ADAMS
when, after centuries of license, the Church reformed its disci- pline, and, to prove it, burned Giordano Bruno in 1600, besides condemning Galileo in 1630 —as science goes on repeating to us every day — it condemned anarchists, not atheists. None of the astronomers were irreligious men; all of them made a point of magnifying God through his works; a form of science which did their religion no credit. Neither Galileo nor Kepler, neither Spinoza nor Descartes, neither Leibnitz nor Newton, any more than Constantine the Great—if so much—doubted Unity. _ The utmost range of their heresies reached only its personality.
This persistence of thought-inertia is the leading idea of modern history. Except as reflected in himself, man has no reason for assuming unity in the universe, or an ultimate substance, or a prime-motor. Thea prioriinsistence on this unity ended by fatigu- ing the more active—or reactive—minds; and Lord Bacon tried to stop it. He urged society to lay aside the idea of evolving the universe from a thought, and to try evolving though. from the universe. The mind should observe and register forces — take them apart and put them together — without assuming unity at all. “Nature, to be commanded, must be obeyed.” “The imagina- tion must be given not wings but weights.” As Galileo reversed — the action of earth and sun, Bacon reversed the relation of _ thought to force. The mind was thenceforth to follow the move- ment of matter, and unity must be left to shift for itself.
The revolution in attitude seemed voluntary, but in fact was as -mechanical as the fall of a feather. Man created nothing. After 1500, the speed of progress so rapidly surpassed man’s gait as to alarm every one, as though it were the acceleration of a falling body which the dynamic theory takes it to be. Lord Bacon was as much astonished by it as the Church was, and with reason. Sud- denly society felt itself dragged into situations altogether newand . anarchic — situations which it could not affect, but which pain- - fully affected it. Instinct taught it that the universe in its thought must be in danger when its reflection lost itself in space. The
| A Dynamic THEory or History 485
danger was all the greater because men of science covered it with
“Jarger synthesis,” and poetscalled the undevoutastronomermad. Society knew better. Yet the telescope held it rigidly standing on its head; the microscope revealed a universe that defied the senses;
gunpowder killed whole races that lagged behind; the compass coerced the most imbruted mariner to act on the impossible idea that the earth was round; the press drenched Europe with anarch- ism. Europe saw itself, violently resisting, wrenched into false positions, drawn along new lines as a fish that is caught ona hook; but unable to understand by what force it was controlled. The resistance was often bloody, sometimes humorous, always con- stant. Its contortions in the eighteenth century are best studied
in the wit of Voltaire, but all history and all philosophy from Mon
taigne and Pascal to Schopenhauer and Nietzsche deal with noth: ing else; and still, throughout it all, the Baconian law held good; thought did not evolve nature, but nature evolved thought. Not one considerable man of science dared face the stream of thought; and the whole number of those who acted, like Frank-
lin, as electric conductors of the new forces from nature to man,
down to the year 1800, did not exceed a few score, confined to a few towns in Western Europe. Asia refused to be touched by the stream, and America, except for Franklin, stood outside.
Very slowly the accretion of these new forces, chemical and mechanical, grew in volume until they acquired sufficient mass to take the place of the old religiousscience, substituting their attrac-
_ tion for the attractions of the Civitas Dei, but the process remained _ the same, Nature, not mind, did the work that the sun does on _ the planets. Man depended more and more absolutely on forces _ other than hisown,and oninstruments whichsuperseded his senses,
_ Bacon foretold it: “Neither thenaked handnor the understanding,
| |
left to itself, can effect much. It is by instruments and helps that the work is done.” Once done, the mind resumed its illusion, and
| society forgot its impotence; but no one better than Bacon knew _ its tricks, and for his true followers science always meant self-
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486 THE EDUCATION OF HENRY ADAMS
restraint, obedience, sensitiveness to impulse from without. “Non fingendum aut excogitandum sed inveniendum quid Na- tura faciat aut ferat.”
The success of this method staggers belief, and even to-day can be treated by history only as a miracle of growth, like the sports of nature. Evidently a new variety of mind had appeared. Cer- tain men merely held out their hands—like Newton, watched an - apple; like Franklin, flewakite; like Watt, played withatea-kettle —and great forces of nature stuck to them as though she were playing ball. Governments did almost nothing but resist. Even gunpowder and ordnance, the great weapon of government, showed | little development between 1400 and 1800. Society was hostile or indifferent, as Priestly and Jenner, and even Fulton, with reason complained in the most advanced societies in the world, while its resistance became acute wherever the Church held control; until all mankind seemed to draw itself out in a long series of | groups, dragged on by an attractive power in advance, which | even the leaders obeyed without understanding, as the planets obeyed gravity, or the trees obeyed heat and light.
The influx of new force was nearly spontaneous. The reaction | of mind on the mass of nature seemed not greater than that of a comet on the sun; and had the spontaneous influx of forcestopped in Europe, society must have stood still, or gone backward, as in Asiaor Africa. Then only economies of process would havecounted as new force, and society would have been better pleased; for the idea that new force must be in itself a good is only an animal or vegetable instinct. As Nature developed her hidden energies, | they tended to become destructive. Thought itself became tor- tured, suffering reluctantly, impatiently, painfully, the coercion | of new method. Easy thought had always been movement of . inertia, and mostly mere sentiment; but even the processes of mathematics measured feebly the needs of force. )
The stupendous acceleration after 1800 ended in 1900 with the. appearance of the new class of supersensual forces, before which
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A DyNAmic THEORY OF History 487
the man of science stood at first as bewildered and helpless, as in the fourth century, a priest of Isis before the Cross of Christ.
This, then, or something like this, would be a dynamic formula of history. Any schoolboy knows enough to object at once that it is the oldest and most universal of all theories. Church and State, theology and philosophy, have always preached it, differing only in the allotment of energy between nature and man. Whether the attractive energy has been called God or Nature, the mechanism has been always the same, and history is not obliged to decide whether the Ultimate tends to a purpose or not, or whether ulti- mate energy is one or many. Every one admits that the willis a free force, habitually decided by motives. No one denies that motives exist adequate to decide the will; even though it may not always be conscious of them. Science has proved that forces, sen- sible and occult, physical and metaphysical, simple and complex, surround, traverse, vibrate, rotate, repel, attract, without stop; that man’s senses are conscious of few,andonlyina partial degree; but that, from the beginning of organicexistencehis consciousness
_ has been induced, expanded, trained in the lines of his sensitive- ness; and that the rise of his faculties from a lower power to a
higher, or from a narrower to a wider field, may be due to the
- function of assimilating and storing outside force or forces. There
| | | |
_ is nothing unscientific in the idea that, beyond the lines of force | felt by the senses, the universe may be—as it has always been—
_ either a supersensuous chaos or a divine unity, which irresistibly
attracts, and is either life or deathtopenetrate. Thus far, religion, philosophy, and science seem to go hand in hand. The schools begin their vital battle only there. In theearlierstagesof progress, the forces to be assimilated were simple and easy to absorb, but, as the mind of man enlarged its range, it enlarged the fieldof com- plexity, and must continue to do so, even into chaos, until the reservoirs of sensuous or supersensuous energies are exhausted, or cease to affect him, or until he succumbs to their excess.
488 Tur Epucation or Henry ADAMS
For past history, this way of grouping its sequences may answer for a chart of relations, although any serious student | would need to invent another, to compare or correct its errors; , but past history is only a value of relation to the future, and this value is wholly one of convenience, which can be tested only by experiment. Any law of movement must include, to make it a convenience, some mechanical formula of acceleration.
‘CHAPTER XXXIV A Law or ACCELERATION (1904)
Inaces are not arguments, rarely even lead tc proof, but the mind craves them, and,.of late more than ever, the keenest experimenters find twenty images better than one, especially if contradictory; since the human mind has already learned to deal in contradictions.
The image needed here is that of a new centre, or preponderat- ing mass, artificially introduced on earth in the midst of a system of attractive forces that previously made their own equilibrium, and constantly induced to accelerate its motion till it shall es- tablish a new equilibrium. A dynamic theory would begin by as- suming that all history, terrestrial or cosmic, mechanical or intel- lectual, would be reducible to this formula if we knew the facts.
For convenience, the most familiar image should come first; and this is probably that of the comet, or meteoric streams, like the Leonids and Perseids;.a complex of minute mechanical agencies, reacting within and without, and guided by the sum of forces attracting or deflecting it. Nothing forbids one to assume that the man-meteorite might grow, as an acorn does, absorbing light, heat, electricity — or thought; for, in recent times, such transference of energy has become a familiar idea; but the simplest figure, at first, is that of a perfect comet — say that of 1843 — which drops from space, in a straight line, at the regu- lar acceleration of speed, directly into the sun, and after wheel- ana sharply about it. in heat that ought to dissipate any known substance, turns back unharmed, in detiance of law, by the path on which it came. The mind, by analogy, may figure as such a comet, the better because it also defies law.
_ Motion is the ultimate object of science, and measures of mo- tion are many; but with thought as with matter, the true meas-
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490 THE EpucaTion or HENRY ApAms
ure is mass in its astronomic sense — the sum or difference of | attractive forces. Science has quite enough trouble in measuring | its material motions without volunteering help to the historian, |
but the historian needs not much help to measure some kinds of social movement; and especially in the nineteenth century,
society by common accord agreed in measuring its progress by_| the coal-output. The ratio of increase in the volume of coal- |
power may serve as dynamometer.
The coal-output of the world, speaking roughly, doubled every |
ten years between 1840 and 1900, in the form of utilized power, for the ton of coal yielded three or four times as much power in 1900 as in 1840. Rapid as thisrate of accelérationin volume seems, it may be tested in a thousand ways without greatly reducing it. Perhaps the ocean steamer is nearest unity and easiest'tomeasure, for any one might hire, in 1905, for a small sum of money, the use of 30,000 steam-horse-power to cross the ocean, and by halving this figure every ten years, he got back to 234 horse-power for 1835, which was accuracy enough for his purposes. In truth, his chief trouble came not from the ratio in volume of heat, but from the intensity, since he could get no basis for a ratio there. All ages of history have known high intensities, like the iron-furnace, the burning-glass, the blow-pipe; but no society has ever used high intensities on any large scale till now, nor can a mére by- stander decide what range of temperature is now in common use. Loosely guessing that science controls habitually the whole range from absolute zero to 3000° Centigrade, one might assume, for convenience, that the ten-year ratio for volume couldbeusedtem- porarily for intensity; and still thereremainedaratiotobe guessed for other forces than heat. Since 1800scoresof new forceshad been discovered; old forces had been raised to higher powers, as could be measured in the navy-gun; great regions of chemistry had been opened up, and connected with other regions of physics. Within ten years a new universe of force had been revealed in radiation. Complexity had extendéd itself on immense horizons,
A Law oF ACCELERATION 491
and arithmetical ratios were useless for any attempt at accur- acy. The force evolved seemed more like explosion than gravi- tation, and followed closely the curve of steam; but, at all events, the ten-year ratio seemed carefully conservative. Unless
the calculator was prepared to be instantly overwhelmed by
physical force and mental complexity, he must stop there. Thus, taking the year 1900 as the starting point for carrying
back the series, nothing was easier than to assume a ten-year
period of retardation as far back as 1820, but beyond that point
_ the statistician failed, and only the mathematician could help.
Laplace would have found it child’s-play to fix a ratio of pro- gression in mathematical science between Descartes, Leibnitz, Newton, and himself: Watt could have given in pounds the in- crease of power between Newcomen’s engines and his own. Volta and Benjamin Franklin would have stated their progress as absolute creation of power. Dalton could have measured minutely his advance on Boerhaave. Napoleon I must have had a distant notion of his own numerical relation to Louis XIV. No one in 1789 doubted the progress of force, least of all those who were to lose their heads by it.
Pending agreement between these authorities, theory may assume what it likes—say a fifty, or even a five-and-twenty-year period of reduplication for the eighteenth century, for the period matters little until the acceleration itself is admitted. The sub- ject is even more amusing in the seventeenth than in the eight- eenth century, because Galileo and Kepler, Descartes, Huygens, and Isaac Newton took vast pains to fix the laws of acceleration for moving bodies, while Lord Bacon and William Harvey were
- content with showing experimentally the fact of acceleration in
knowledge; but from their combined results a historian might be tempted to maintain a similar rate of movement back to 1600, subject to correction from the historians of mathematics.
The mathematicians might carry their calculations back as far as the fourteenth century when algebra seems to have become fot
492. Tue Epucation or Henry ApAmMs
the first time the standard measure of mechanical progress in western Europe; for not only Copernicus and Tycho Brahe, but even artists like Leonardo, Michael Angelo, and Albert Diirer - worked by mathematical processes, and their testimony would probably give results more exact than that of Montaigne or Shakespeare; but, to save trouble, one might tentatively carry back the same ratio of acceleration, or retardation, to the year 1400, with the help of Columbus and Gutenberg, so taking a uniform rate during the whole four centuries (1400-1800), and leaving to statisticians the task of correcting it.
Or better, one might, for convenience, use the formula of squares to serve for a law of mind. Any other formula would do
as well, either of chemical explosion, or electrolysis, or vegetable ' growth, or of expansion or contraction in innumerable forms; but this happens to be simple and convenient. Its force increases in the direct ratio of its squares. Asthe human meteoroid approached the sun or centre of attractive force, the attraction of one cen- tury. squared itself to give the measure of attraction in the next.
Behind the year 1400, the process certainly went on, but the progress became so slight as to be hardly measurable. What was gained in the east or elsewhere, cannot be known; but forces, called loosely Greek fire and gunpowder, came into use in the west in the thirteenth century, as well as instruments like the compass, the blow-pipe, clocks and spectacles, and materials like Paper; Arabic notation and algebra were introduced, while metaphysics and theology acted as violent stimulants to mind. An architect might detect a sequence between the Church of St. Peter’s at Rome, the Amiens Cathedral, the Duomo at Pisa, San Marco at Venice, Sancta Sofia at Constantinople and the churches at — Ravenna. All the historian dares affirm is that asequence ismani- festly there, and he has a right to carry back his ratio, to repre; sent the fact, without assuming its numerical correctness. On the human mind as a moving body, the break in acceleration in the Middle Ages is only apparent; the attraction worked through
A LAw oF ACCELERATION . 493
shifting forms of force, as the sun works by light or heat, elec- tricity, gravitation, or what not, on different organs with differ- ent sensibilities, but with invariable law.
The science of prehistoric man has no value except to prove that the law went back into indefinite antiquity. A stone arrow- head is as convincing as a steam-engine. The values were as clear a hundred thousand years ago as now, and extended equally over the whole world. The motion at last became infi- nitely slight, but cannot be proved to have stopped. The motion of Newton’s comet at aphelion may be equally slight. To evolu- tionists may be left the processes of evolution; to historians the single interest is the law of reaction between force and force — between mind and nature — the law of progress.
The great division of history into phases by Turgot and Comte
first affirmed this law in its outlines by asserting the unity of prog- ress, for a mere phase interrupts no growth, and nature shows innumerable such phases. The development of coal-power in the nineteenth century furnished the first means of assigning closer values to the elements; and the appearance of supersensual forces towards 1900 made this calculation a pressing necessity; since the next step became infinitely serious.
A law of acceleration, definite and constant as any law of me- chanics, cannot be supposed to relax its energy to suit the con- venience of man. No one is likely to suggest a theory that man’s convenience had been consulted by Nature at any time, or that Nature has consulted the convenience of any of her creations, except perhaps the Tevebratula. In every age man has bitterly and justly complained that Nature hurried and hustled him, for inertia almost invariably has ended in tragedy. Resistance is its law, and resistance to superior mass is futile and fatal.
Fifty years ago, science took for granted that the rate of accel. eration could not last. The world forgets quickly, but even to~ day the habit remains of founding statistics on the faith that consumption will continue nearly stationary. Two generations
494 THE EDUCATION OF HENRY ADAMS
with John Stuart Mill, talked of this stationary period, which | was {) follow the explosion of new power. All the men who were © elderly in the forties died in this faith, and other men grew old | nursing the same conviction, and happy in it; while science, for | fifty years, permitted, or encouraged, society to think. that force
would prove to be limited in supply. This mental inertia of sci-
ence lasted through the eighties before showing signs of break-
ing up; and nothing short of radium fairly wakened men to the |
fact, long since evident, that force was inexhaustible. Even then |
the scientific authorities vehemently resisted. Nothing so revolutionary had happened since the year 300.
Thought had more than once been upset, but never caught and | whirled about in the vortex of infinite forces. Power leaped from |
every atom, and enough of it to supply the stellar universe showed itself running to waste at every pore of matter. Man could no longer hold it off. Forces grasped his wrists and flung him about as though he had hold of a live wire or a runaway
automobile; which was very nearly the exact truth for the pur-
poses of an elderly and timid single gentleman in Paris, who never drove down the Champs Elysées without expecting an ac- cident, and commonly witnessing one; or found himself in the neighborhood of an official without calculating the chances of a
bomb. So long as the rates of progress held good, these bombs j
would double in force and number every ten years.
Impossibilities no longer stood in the way. One’s life had fat- tened on impossibilities. Before the boy was six years old, he had —
seen four impossibilities made actual —the ocean-steamer, the railway, the electric telegraph, and the Daguerreotype; nor could he ever learn which of the four had most hurried others to come. He had seen the coal-output of the United States grow from noth-
ing to three hundred million tons or more. What was far more serious, he had seen the number of minds, engaged in pursuing —
force —the truest measure of its attraction — increase from a few scores or hundreds, in 1838, to many thousands in 1905,
A Law oF ACCELERATION 495
trained to sharpness never before reached, and armed with in- struments amounting to new senses of indefinite power and accu- racy, while they chased force into hiding-places where Nature her- self had never known it to be, making analyses that contradicted being, and syntheses that endangered the elements. No one could say that the social mind now failed to respond to new force, even when the new force annoyed it horribly. Every day Nature violently revolted, causing so-called accidents with enormous de- struction of property and life, while plainly laughing at man, who helplessly groaned and shrieked and shuddered, but never for a single instant could stop. The railways alone approached the car- nage of war; automobiles and fire-arms ravaged society, until an earthquake became almost a nervous relaxation. An immense volume of force had detached itself from the unknown universe of energy, while still vaster reservoirs, supposed to be infinite, steadily revealed themselves, attracting mankind with more compulsive course than all the Pontic Seas or Gods or Gold that ever existed, and feeling still less of retiring ebb. _ In 1850, science would have smiled at such a romance as. this, _ but, in 1900, as far as history could learn, few men of science | _ thought it a laughing matter. If a perplexed but laborious fol- lower could venture to guess their drift, it seemed in their minds a toss-up between anarchy and order. Unless they should be more _ honest with themselves in the future than ever they were in the _ past, they would be more astonished than their followers when _ they reached the end. If Karl Pearson’s notions of the universe _ were sound, men like Galileo, Descartes, Leibnitz, and Newton | should have stopped the progress of science before 1700, supposing | them to have been honest in the religious convictions they ex- _ pressed. In 1900 they were plainly forced back on faith ina unity ‘unproved and an order they had themselves disproved. They | had reduced their universe to a series of relations to themselves. | They had reduced themselves to motion in a universe of motions, | with an acceleration. in their own case, of vertiginous violence
496. THE EpucaTioN or HENRY ADAMS
With the correctness of their science, history had no right to med- | ‘dle, since their science now lay in a plane where scarcely one or two hundred minds in the world could follow its mathematical: processes; but bombs educate vigorously, and even wireless teleg- raphy or airships might require the reconstruction of society. If any analogy whatever existed between the human mind, on one side, and the laws of motion, on the other, the mind had already entered a field of attraction so violent that it must immediately _ pass beyond, into new equilibrium, like the Comet of Newton, ’ to suffer dissipation altogether, like meteoroids in the earth’s
atmosphere. If it behaved like an explosive, it must rapidly re- cover equilibrium; if it behaved like a vegetable, it must reach — its limits of growth; and even if it acted like the earlier crea- tions of energy — the saurians and sharks — it must have nearly reached the limits of its expansion. If science were to go on dou-
bling or quadrupling its complexities every ten years, even math- - ematics would soon succumb. An average mind had succumbed already in 1850; it couldnolonger understand theproblemin 1900. Fortunately, a student of history had no responsibility for the problem; he took it as science gave it, and waited only to be taught. With science or with society, he had no quarrel and claimed no share of authority. He had never been able to acquire knowledge, still less to impart it; and if he had, at times, felt seri- ous differences with the American of the nineteenth century, he felt none with the American of the twentieth. For this new crea- tion, born since 1900, a historian asked no longer to be teacher or, even friend; he asked only to be a pupil, and promised to be do- cile, for once, even though trodden under foot; for he could see that the new American — the child of incalculable coal-power, chemical power, electric power, and radiating energy, as well as of new forces yet undertermined — must be a sort of God com- pared with any former creation of nature. At the rate of progress since 1800, every American who lived into the year 2000 would know how to control unlimited power. He would think incomplex-
A Law oF ACCELERATION 497
ities unimaginable to an earlier mind. He would deal with prob- lems altogether beyond the range of earlier society. To him the nineteenth century would stand on the same plane. with the fourth — equally childlike—and he would only wonder how both of them, knowing so little, and so weak in force, should have done so much. Perhaps even he might go back, in 1964, to sit with Gibbon on the steps of Ara Ceeli. Meanwhile he was getting education. With that, a teacher who © had failed to educate even the generation of 1870, dared not inter- fere. The new forces would educate. History saw few lessons in the past that would be useful in the future; but one, at least, it did see. The attempt of the American of 1800 to educate the Ameri- can of 1900 had not often been surpassed for folly; and since 1800 the forces and their complications had increased a thousand times or more. The attempt of the American of 1900 to educate the American’ of 2000, must be even blinder than that of the Congressman of 1800, except so far as he had learned his igno- - rance. During a million or two of years, every generation in turn had toiled with endless agony to attain and apply power, all the while betraying the deepest alarm and horror at the power they created. The teacher of 1900, if foolhardy, might stimulate; if foolish, might resist; if intelligent, might balance, as wise and foolish have often tried to do from the beginning; but the forces would continue to educate, and the mind would continue to react. All the teacher could hope was to teach it reaction. Even ‘there his difficulty was extreme. The most elementary books of science betrayed the inadequacy of old implements of thought. Chapter after chapter closed with phrases such as one never met in older literature: “The cause of this phenomenon is not understood”; “science no longer ventures to explain causes” ; “the first step towards a causal explanation still remains to be taken”; “opinions are very much divided”; “in spite of the.con- fradictions involved”; “science gets on only by adopting differ: ent theories, sometimes contradictory.” Evidently the new Amer
498 THE EDUCATION OF HENRY ADAMS
x ican would need to think in contradictions, and instead of Kant’s famous four antinomies, the new universe would know no law that could not be proved by its anti-law.
To educate — one’s self to begin with —thad been the effort of one’s life for sixty years; and the difficulties of education had gone on doubling with the coal-output, until the prospect of waiting another ten years, in order to face a seventh doubling ot complexities, allured one’s imagination but slightly. The law of acceleration was definite, and did not require ten years more study except to show whether it held good. No scheme could be suggested to the new American, and no fault needed to be found, or complaint made; but the next great influx of new forces seemed near at hand, and its style of education promised to be violently coercive., The movement from unity into multi- plicity, between 1200 and 1900, was unbroken in sequence, and rapid in acceleration. Prolonged one generation longer, it would require a new social mind. As though thought were common salt in indefinite solution it must enter a new phase subject to new laws. Thus far, since five or ten thousand years, the mind had successfully reacted, and nothing yet proved that it would fail to react —- but it would need to jump.