CHAPTER XVII.

ASTROLOGY.
Astrologers professed to be able to foretell the future, and within certain limits to control it. I propose to give in this chapter a concise account of the rules they used for this purpose*.
I have not attempted to discuss the astrology of periods earlier than the middle ages, for the technical laws of the ancient astrology are not known with accuracy. At the same time there is no doubt that, as far back as we have any definite historical information, the art was practised in the East ; that thence it was transplanted to Egypt, Greece, and Rome ; and that the medieval astrology was founded on it. It is probable that the rules did not differ materially from those described in this chapterf , and it may be added that the more intelligent thinkers of the old world recognized that the art had no valid pretences to accuracy. I may note also that the history of the development of the art ceases with the general acceptance of the Copernican theory, after which the practice of astrology rapidly became a mere cloak for imposture.
* I have relied mainly on the Manual of Astrology by Eaphael — whose real name was R. C. Smith — London, 1828, to which the references to Eaph6,el hereafter given apply ; and on Cardan's writings, especially his commentary on Ptolemy's work and his Geniturarum Exempla. I am indebted also for various references and gossip to Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences ; to various works by Raphael, published in London between 1825 and 1832 ; and to a pamphlet by M. Uhlemann, entitled Grundziige der Astronomie und Astro- logie, Leipzig, 1857.
t On the influences attributed to the planets, see The Dialogue of Bardesan on Fate, translated by W. Cureton in the Spicilegium Syriacum, London, 1855.
CH. XVIl] ASTROLOGY 381
All the rules of the medieval astrology — to which I confine myself — are based on the Ptolemaic astronomy, and originate in the Tetr-abiblos* which is said, it may be falsely, to have been written by Ptolemy himself. The art was developed by numerous subsequent writers, especially by Albohazenf, and Firmicus. The last of these collected the works of most of his predecessors in a volume J, which remained a standard authority until the close of the sixteenth century.
I may begin by reminding the reader that though there was a fairly general agreement as to the methods of procedure and interpretation — which alone I attempt to describe — yet there was no such thing as a fixed code of rules or a standard text-book. It is therefore difficult to reduce the rules to any precise and definite form, and almost impossible, within the limits of a chapter, to give detailed references. At the same time the practice of the elements of the art was tolerably well established and uniform, and I feel no doubt that my account, so far as it goes, is substantially correct.
There were two distinct problems with which astrologers concerned themselves. One was the determination in general outline of the life and fortunes of an enquirer : this was known as natal astrology, and was effected by the erection of a scheme of nativity. The other was the means of answering any specific question about the individual : this was known as horary astrology. Both depended on the casting or erecting of a horoscope. The person for whom it was erected was known as the native.
A horoscope was cast according to the following rules §. The space between two concentric and similarly situated squares was divided into twelve spaces, as shown in the annexed dia- gram. These twelve spaces were known technically as houses ; they were numbered consecutively 1, 2, ..., 12 (see figure); and
* There is an English translation by J. Wilson, London [n.d.] ; and a French translation is given in Raima's edition of Ptolemy's works, t De Judiciis Astrorum, ed. Liechtenstein, Basle, 1571. X Astronomicorum, eight books, Venice, 1499. § Raphael, pp. 91— 1U9.
382
ASTROLOGY
[CH. XVII
were described as the first house, the second house, and so on. The dividing lines were termed cusps: the line between the houses 12 and 1 was called the cusp of the first house, the line between the houses 1 and 2 was called the cusp of the second house, and so on, finally the line between the houses 11 and 12
was called the cusp of the twelfth house. Each house had also a name of its own — thus the first house was called the ascendant house, the eighth house was called the house of death, and so on — but as these names are immaterial for my purpose I shall not define them.
" Next, the positions which the various astrological signs and planets had occupied at some definite time and place (for instance, the time and place of birth of the native, if hi? nativity was being cast) were marked on the celestial sphere. This sphere was divided into twelve equal spaces by great circles drawn through the zenith, the angle between any two consecutive circles being 30°. The first circle was drawn through the East point, and the space between it and the next circle towards the North corresponded to the first house, and sometimes was called the first house. The next space, proceed- ing from East to North, corresponded to the second house, and
CH. XVIl] ASTROLOGY 383
SO on. Thus each of the twelve spaces between these circles corresponded to one of the twelve houses, and each of the circles to one of the cusps. -
In delineating* a horoscope, it was usual to begin by in- serting the zodiacal signs. A zodiacal sign extends over 30°, and was marked on the cusp which passed through it : by its side was written a number indicating the distance to which its influence extended in the earlier of the two houses divided by the cusp. Next the positions of the planets in these signs were calculated, and each planet was marked in its proper house and near the cusp belonging to the zodiacal sign in which the planet was then situated : it was followed by a number indicating its right ascension measured from the beginning of the sign. The name of the native and the date for which the horoscope was cast were inserted usually in the central square. The diagram near the end of this chapter is a facsimile of the horoscope of Edward VI as cast by Cardan and will serve as an illustration of the above remarks.
We are now in a position to explain how a horoscope was read or interpreted. Each house was associated with certain definite questions and subjects, and the presence or absence in that house of the various signs and planets gave the answer to these questions or information on these subjects.
These questions cover nearly every point on which informa- tion would be likely to be sought. They may be classified roughly as follows. For the answer, so far as it concerns the native, to alLquestions connected with his life and health, look in house 1 ; for questions connected with his wealth, refer to house 2 ; for his kindred and communications to him, refer to 3 ; for his parents and inheritances, refer to 4 ; for his children and amusements, refer to 5 ; for his servants and illnesses, refer to 6 ; for his marriage and amours, refer to 7 ; for his death, refer to 8 ; for his learning, religion, and travels, refer to 9 ; for his trade and reputation, refer to 10; for his friends, refer to 11 ; and finally for questions connected with his enemies, refer to house 12. — "
• Eaphiiel, pp. 118—131.
384 ASTROLOGY [CH. XVII
I proceef\ to describe briefly the influences of the planets, and shall then mention those of the zodiacal signs ; I should note however that in practice the signs were in many respects considered to be more influential than the planets.
The astrological " planets " were seven in number, and in- cluded the Sun and the Moon. They were Saturn or the Great Infortune, Jupiter or the Great Fortune, Mars or the Lesser Infortune, the Sun, Venus or the Lesser Fortune, Mercury, and the Moon : the above order being that of their apparent times of rotation round the earth.
Each of them had a double signification. In the first place it impressed certain characteristics, such as good fortune, feeble- ness, &c., on the dealings of the native with the subjects con- nected with the house in which it was located; and in the second place it imported certain objects into the house which would affect the dealings of the native with the subjects of that house. "- To describe the exact influence of each planet in each house would involve a long explanation, but the general effect of their presence may be indicated roughly as follows*. The presence of Saturn is malignant : that of Jupiter is propitious : that of Mars is on the whole injurious: that of the Sun indicates respectability and moderate success: that of Venus is rather favourable : that of Mercury implies rapid practical action : and lastly the presence of the Moon merely faintly reflects the influence of the planet nearest her, and suggests rapid changes and fickleness. Besides the planets, the Moon's nodes and some of the more prominent fixed stars f also had certain influences. —
These vague terms may be illustrated by taking a few simple cases.
For example, in casting a nativity, the life, health, and general career of the native were determined by the first or ascendant house, whence comes the expression that a man's fortune is in the ascendant. Now the most favourable planet
* Eaphael, pp. 70—90, pp. 204—209. t Eapliael, pp. 129—131.
CH. XVll] ASTROLOGY 385
was Jupiter. Therefore, if at the instant of birth Jupiter was in the first house, the native might expect a long, happy, healthy life; and being born under Jupiter he would have a "jovial" disposition. On the other hand, Saturn was the most unlucky of all the planets, and was as potent as malignant. If at the instant of birth he was in the first house, his potency might give the native a long life, but it would be associated with an angry and unhappy temper, a spirit covetous, revengeful, stern, and unloveable, though constant in friendship no less than in hate, which was what astrologers meant by a "saturnine" character. Similarly a native born under Mercury, that is, ^\^th Mercury in the first house, would be of a mercurial nature, while anyone born under Mars would have a martial bent.
Moreover it was the prevalent opinion that a jovial person would have his horoscope affected by Jupiter, even if that planet had not been in the ascendant at the time of birth. Thus the horoscope of an adult depended to some extent on his character and previous life. It is hardly necessary to point out how easily this doctrine enabled an astrologer to make the prediction of the heavens agree with facts that were known or probable.
In the same way the other houses are affected. For in- stance, no astrologer, who believed in the art, would have wished to start on a long journey when Saturn was in the ninth house or house of travels ; and if, at the instant of birth, Saturn was in that house, the native would always incur con- siderable risk on his journeys.
Moreover every planet was affected to some extent by its aspect (conjunction, opposition, or quadrature) to every other planet according to elaborate rules* which depended on their positions and directions of motion : in particular the angular distance between the Sun and the Moon — sometimes known as the " part of fortune " — was regarded as specially important, and this distance affected the whole horoscope. In general, conjunction was favourable, quadrature unfavourable, and oppo- sition ambiguous.
♦ Eaphael, pp. 132—170.
B. R. 25
386 ASTBOLOGY [CH. XVII
Each planet not only influenced the subjects in the house in which it was situated, but also imported certain objects into the house. Thus Saturn was associated with grandparents, paupers, beggars, labourers, sextons, and gravediggers. If, for example, he was present in the fourth house, the native might look for a legacy from some such person; if he was present in the twelfth house, the native must be careful of the con- sequences of the enmity of any such person; and so on.
Similarly Jupiter was associated generally with lawyers, priests, scholars, and clothiers ; but, if he was conjoined with a malignant planet, he represented knaves, cheats, and drunkards. Mars indicated soldiers (or, if in a watery sign, sailors on ships of war), masons, doctors, smiths, carpenters, cooks, and tailors ; but, if afflicted with Mercury or the Moon, he denoted the presence of thieves. The Sun implied the action of kings, goldsmiths, and coiners ; but, if afflicted by a malignant planet, he denoted false pretenders. Venus imported musicians, em- broiderers, and purveyors of all luxuries; but, if afflicted, prostitutes and bullies. Mercury imported astrologers, philo- sophers, mathematicians, statesmen, merchants, travellers, men of intellect, and cultured workmen ; but, if afflicted, he signified the presence of pettifoggers, attorneys, thieves, messengers, footmen, and servants. Lastly, the presence of the Moon introduced sailors and those engaged in inferior offices.
I come now to the influence and position of the zodiacal signs. So far as the first house was concerned, the sign of the zodiac which was there present was even more important than the planet or planets, for it was one of the most important indications of the duration of life.
Each sign was connected with certain parts of the body — ex. gr. Aries influenced the head, neck and shoulders — and that part of the body was affected according to the house in which the sign was. Further each sign was associated with certain countries and connected the subjects of the house in which the sign was situated with those countries: ex. gr. Aries was associated especially with events in England, France, Syria, Verona, Naples, &c.
CH. XVIl] ASTKOLOGY 3§V
The sign in the first house determined also the character and appearance of the native*. Thus the character of a native born under Aries (m) was passionate; under Taurus (/) was dull and cruel ; under Gemini (m) was active and ingenious ; under Cancer (/) was weak and yielding ; under Leo (7/^) was generous, resolute, and ambitious ; under Virgo (/) was sordid and mean ; under Libra {m) was amorous and pleasant ; under Scorpio (/) was cold and reserved ; under Sagittarius (m) was generous, active, and jolly; under Capricorn (/) was weak and narrow ; under Aquarius {in) was honest and steady ; and under Pisces (/) was phlegmatic and effeminate.
Moreover the signs were regarded as alternately masculine and feminine, as indicated above by the letters m or / placed after each sign. A masculine sign is fortunate, and all planets situated in the same house have their good influence rendered thereby more potent and their unfavourable influence mitigated. But all feminine signs are unfortunate, their direct effect is evil, and they tend to nullify all the good influence of any planet which they afflict {i.e. with which they are connected), and to increase all its evil influences, while they also import an element of fickleness into the house and often turn good influences into malignant ones. The precise effect of each sign was different on every planet.
I think the above account is sufficient to enable the reader to form a general idea of the manner in which a horoscope was cast and interpreted, and I do not propose to enter into further details. This is the less necessary as the rules — especially as to the relative importance to be assigned to various planets when their influence was conflicting — were so vague that astro- logers had little difficulty in finding in the horoscope of a client any fact about his life of which they had information or any trait of character which they expected him to possess.
That this vagueness was utilized by quacks is notorious, but no doubt many an astrologer in all honesty availed himself of it, whether consciously or unconsciously. It must be re- membered also that the rules were laid down at a time when
* Raphael, pp. 01 — 09.
25—2
386
j68 astrology [CH. XVII
men were unacquainted with exact sciences, with the possible exception of mathematics, and further that, if astrology had been reduced to a series of inelastic rules applicable to all horo- scopes, the number of failures to predict the future correctly would have rapidly led to a recognition of the folly of the art. As it was, the failures were frequent and conspicuous enough to shake the faith of most thoughtful men. Moreover it was a matter of common remark that astrologers showed no greater foresight in meeting the difficulties of life than their neigh- bours, while they were neither richer, wiser, nor happier for their supposed knowledge. But though such observations were justified by reason they were often forgotten in times of diffi- culty and danger. A prediction of the future and the promise of definite advice as to the best course of action, revealed by the heavenly bodies themselves, appealed to the strongest desires of all men, and it was with reluctance that the futility of the advice w^as gradually recognized.
The objections to the scheme had been stated clearly by' several classical writers. Cicero* pointed out that not one of the futures foretold for Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar had been verified by their subsequent lives, and added that the planets, being almost infinitely distant, cannot be supposed to affect us. He also alluded to the fact, which was especially pressed by Pliny f, that the horoscopes of twins are practically identical though their careers are often very different, or as Pliny put it, every hour in every part of the world are born lords and slaves, kings and beggars.
In answer to the latter obvious criticism astrologers replied by quoting the anecdote of Publius Nigidius Figulus, a cele- brated Roman astrologer of the time of Julius Caesar. It is said that when an opponent of the art urged as an objection the different fates of persons born in two successive instants, Nigidius bade him make two contiguous marks on a potter's wheel, which was revolving rapidly near them. On stopping the wheel, the two marks were found to be far removed from
* Cicero, De Divinatione, ii, 42.
f Pliny, Historia NaturaliSy vii, 49 ; xxix, 1.
CH. XVIl] ASTROLOGY 389
each other. Nigidius received the name of Figulus, the potter, in remembrance of this story, but his argument, says St Augustine*, who gives us the narrative, was as fragile as the ware which the wheel manufactured.
On the other hand Seneca and Tacitus may be cited as being on the whole favourable to the claims of astrology, though both recognized that it was mixed up with knavery and fraud. An instance of successful prediction which is given by the latter of these writers f may be used more correctly as an illustration of how the ordinary professors of the art varied their predictions to suit their clients and themselves. The story deals with the first introduction of the astrologer Thra- syllus to the emperor Tiberius. Those who were brought to Tiberius on any important matter were admitted to an inter- view in an apartment situated on a lofty cliff in the island of Capreae. They reached this place by a narrow path over- hanging the sea, accompanied by a single freedman of great bodily strength ; and on their return, if the emperor had con- ceived any doubts of their trustworthiness, a single blow buried the secret and its victim in the ocean. After Thrasyllus had, in this retreat, stated the results of his art as they concerned the emperor, the latter asked the astrologer whether he had calculated how long he himself had to live. The astrologer examined the aspect of the stars, and while he did this showed, as the narrative states, hesitation, alarm, increasing terror, and at last declared that the present hour was for him critical, perhaps fatal. Tiberius embraced him, and told him he was right in supposing he had been in danger but that he should escape it ; and made him thenceforth a confidential counsellor. But Thrasyllus would have been but a sorry astrologer had he not foreseen such a question and prepared an answer which he thought fitted to the character of his patron.
A somewhat similar story is told;]: of Louis XI of France.
♦ St Augustine, De Civitate Dei, bk. v, chap, iii; Opera Omnia, ed. Migne, vol. vii, p. 143.
t Annales, vi, 22 : quoted by Whewell, History of the Inductive Sciences,
vol. I, p. yi3.
+ Personal Characteristics from French History, by Baron F. RotLscliilJ,
390 ASTROLOGY [CH. XV 11
He sent for a famous astrologer whose death he was meditating and asked him to show his skill by foretelling his own future. The astrologer replied that his fate was uncertain, but it was so inseparably interwoven with that of his questioner that the latter would survive him but by a few hours, whereon the superstitious monarch not only dismissed him uninjured, but took steps to secure his subsequent safety. The same anecdote is also related of a Scotch student who, being captured by Algerian pirates, predicted to the Sultan that their fates were so involved that he should predecease the Sultan by only a few weeks. This may have been good enough for a barbarian, but with most civilized monarchs probably it would be less effectual, as certainly it is less artistic, than the answer of Thrasyllus.
I may conclude by mentioning a few notable cases of horoscopy.
Among the most successful instances of horoscopy enumerated by Raphael * is one by W. Lilly, given in his Monarchy or No Monarchy, published in 1651, in which he predicted a plague in London so terrible that the number of deaths should exceed the number of coffins and graves, to be followed by " an exorbi- tant fire." The prediction w^as amply verified in 1665 and 1666. In fact Lilly's success was embarrassing, for the Committee of the House of Commons, which sat to investigate the causes of the fire and ultimately attributed it to the papists, thought that he must have known more about it than he chose to declare, and on October 25, 1666, summoned him before them: Lilly proved himself a match for his questioners.
An even more curious instance of a lucky hit is told of Flamsteedf, the first astronomer royal. It is said that an old lady who had lost some property wearied Flamsteed by her perpetual requests that he would use his observatory to discover
London, 1896, p. 10. The story was introduced by Sir Walter Scott in Quentin Durward, chap. xv.
* Manual of Astrology, p. 37.
t The story, though in a slightly different setting, is given in The London Chrovicle, Dec. 3, 1771, and it is there stated that Flamsteed attributed the result to the direct action of the devil.
CH. XVIl] ASTROLOGY ,Sbx>
her property for her. At hist, tired out with her importunities, he determined to show her the folly of her demand by making a prediction, and, after she had found it false, to explain again to her that nothing else could be expected. Accordingly he drew circles and squares round a point that represented her house and filled them with all sorts of mystical symbols. Suddenly striking his stick into the ground he said, " Dig there and you will find it." The old lady dug in the spot thus indicated, and found her property ; and it may be conjectured that she believed in astrology for the rest of her life.
Perhaps the belief that the royal observatory was built for such purposes may still be held, for De Morgan, writing in 1850, says that "persons still send to Greenwich to have their fortunes told, and in one case a young gentleman wrote to know who his w4fe was to be, and what fee he was to remit."
It is easier to give instances of success in horoscopy than of failure. Not only are all ambiguous predictions esteemed to be successful, but it is notorious that prophecies which have been verified by the subsequent course of events are remembered and quoted, while the far more numerous instances in which the prophecies have been falsified are forgotten or passed over in silence.
As exceptionally well-authenticated instances of failures I may mention the twelve cases collected by Cardan in his Geniturarum Exempla. These are good examples because Cardan was not only the most eminent astrologer of his time, but was a man of science, and perhaps it is not too much to say was accustomed to accurate habits of thought; moreover, I believe he was honest in his belief in astrology. To English readers the most interesting of these is the horoscope ot Edward VI of England, the more so as Cardan has left a full account of the affair, and has entered into the reasons of his failure to predict Edward's death.
To show how Cardan came to be mixed up in the transaction I should explain that in 1552 Cardan went to Scotland to prescribe for John Hamilton, the archbishop of St Andrews, who was ill with asthma and dropsy and about whose treatment the
39^
>2 ASTROLOGY [CH. XVII
ph}-icians had disagreed*. On his return through London,
Carcxn stopped with Sir John Cheke, the Professor of Greek at
CamHdge, who was tutor to the young king. Six months
previously, Edward had been attacked by measles and small-pox
whch had made his health even weaker than before. The
King's guardians were especially anxious to know how long he
would live, and they asked Cardan to cast Edward's nativity
with particular reference to that point.
The Italian was granted an audience in October, of which he wrote a full account in his diary, quoted in the Geniturarum Exempla. The king, says hef, was "of a stature somewhat below the middle height, pale faced, with grey eyes, a grave aspect, decorous, and handsome. He was rather of a bad habit of body than a sufferer from fixed diseases, and had a somewhat projecting shoulder-blade." But, he continues, he was a boy of most extraordinary wit and promise. He was then but fifteen years old and he was already skilled in music and dialectics, a master of Latin, English, French, and fairly proficient in Greek, Italian, and Spanish. He " filled with the highest expectation every good and learned man, on account of his ingenuity and suavity of manners.... When a royal gravity was called for, you would think that it was an old man you saw, but he was bland and companionable as became his years. He played upon the lyre, took concern for public affairs, was liberal of mind, and in these respects emulated his father, who, while he studied to be [too] good, managed to seem bad." And in another place J: he
* Luckily they left voluminous reports on the case and the proper treatment for it. The only point on which there was a general agreement was that the phlegm, instead of being expectorated, collected in his Grace's brains, and that thereby the operations of the intellect were impeded. Cardan was celebrated for his success in lung diseases, and his remedies were fairly successful in curing the asthma. His fee was 500 crowns for travelling expenses from Pavia, 10 crowns a day, and the right to see other patients; the archbishop actually gave him 2300 crowns in money and numerous presents in kind ; his fees from other persons during the same time must have amounted to about an equal sum (see Cardan's De Libris Propriis, ed. 1557, pp. 159 — 175 ; Gonsilia Medica, Opera, vol. ix, pp. 124 — 148 ; De Vita Propria, ed. 1557, pp. 138, 193 et seq.).
t I quote from Morley's translation, vol. n, p. 135 et se^'
X De Reruvi Varietate, p. 285.
CH. XVIl]
ASTROLOGY
393
describes him as "that boy of wondrous hopes." At the close of the interview Cardan begged leave to dedicate to Edward a work on which he was then engaged. Asked the subject of the woi-k, Cardan replied that he began by showing the cause of comets. The subsequent conversation, if it is reported correctly, shows good sense on the part of the young king.
I J 57 nicimdecimoSlcb.nor, lymmUS'd VieridielondinJ,
R*^ Hv^tU Uiodrdi SexH,
./ 9j -V -iv "^
0
I have reproduced above a facsimile of Cardan's original drawing of Edward's horoscope. The horoscope was cast and read with unusual care. I need not quote the minute details given about Edward's character and subsequent career, but obviously the predictions were founded on the impressions derived from the above-mentioned interview. The conclusion about his length of life was that he would certainly live past middle age, though after the age of 55 years 3 months and 17 days various diseases would fall to his lot*.
In the following July the king died, and Cardan felt it necessary for his reputation to explain the cause of his error. The title of his dissertation is Quae i^ost consideravi de eodemf. In effect his explanation is that a weak nativity can never be
* Geniturarum Exempla, p. 19. t Ibid., p. 23.
394 ASTROLOGY [Cli. XVII
predicted from a single horoscope, and that to have ensured success he must have cast the nativity of every one with whom Edward had come intimately into contact; and, failing the necessary information to do so, the horoscope could be regarded only as a probable prediction.
This was the argument usually offered to account for non- success. A better defence would have been the one urged by Raphael* and by Sou they f that there might be other planets unknown to the astrologer which had influenced the horoscope, but I do not think that medieval astrologers assigned this reason for failure.
I have not alluded to the various adjuncts of the art, but astrologers so frequentl}^ claimed the power to be able to raise spirits that perhaps I may be pardoned for remarking that I believe some of the more important and elaborate of these deceptions were effected not infrequently by means of mirrors and lenses or perhaps by the use of a magic lantern, the pictures beinof sometimes thrown on to a fixed surface or a mirror and at other times on to a cloud of smoke which caused the images to move and finally disappear in a fantastic way capable of many explanations!.
I would conclude by repeating again that though the practice of astrology was so often connected with impudent quackery, yet one ought not to forget that most physicians and men of science in medieval Europe were astrologers or believers in the art. These observers did not consider that its rules were definitely established, and they laboriously collected much of the astronomical evidence that was to crush it. Thus, though there never was a time when astrology was not practised by knaves, there was a period of intellectual development when it was honestly accepted as a difficult but a real science.
* The Familiar Astrologer, London, 1832, p. 248. t The Doctor, chap. xcii.
X See ex. gr. the life of Cellini, chap, siii, Eoscoe's translation, pp. 144 — 146. See also Sir David Brewster's Letters on Natural Magic,
395