CHAPTER XXIII

THE HETAIRIA
Various origins have been ascribed to the Greek revolu¬ tionary society Hetairia, whose name means “Union of Friends,” and several patriots are put in competition for the honour of having formed it. The earliest date mentioned is 1796, when the Greek poet Constantinos Rhigas formed a plot in Vienna for an insurrection in Greece, but before he could take any active steps he was handed over by the Austrian authorities to the Porte, and hanged in Belgrade in 1798. If he did found the society, it died with him. The next claimant is Prince Alexander Mavrocordato, ex- Hospadar of Wallachia, who when an exile in Russia at the beginning of the nineteenth century formed a society with the ostensible object of educating the youth of Greece, but actually, some say, to effect a revolution in that country. Then in 1812 another society, Hetairia Philomuse, was planted at Vienna, to deal with the preservation of Greek art, etc., and on this body Count Capo d’lstria is said to have grafted the militant Hetairia, when the Philomuse had proved itself impotent, for its appeal to the Congress of Vienna in the cause of Greek liberty fell on deaf ears. Another story is that the society was founded in 1814 at Odessa by a group of obscure Greek exiles, including one Xanthos of Patmos, who was a Freemason and devised a ritual for the association; while yet another story says that it was formed in 1814 in Vienna by Prince Alexander Ipsilanti and other young Greeks residing in that city.
All these conflicting versions seem to point to the true origin of a knot of educated Greeks, including Count Capo dTstria, private secretary to the Tsar of Russia, and Prince
180
THE HETAIRIA
1 8 1
Alexander Ipsilanti, all members of the Philomuse, who having found that nothing politically useful could be accom¬ plished by the latter society copied the example of the German Tugendbund and established the revolutionary Hetairia.
The members were divided into five grades: (i) Adelphoi or Brothers, who simply took an oath of secrecy and fidelity, but remained ignorant of the society’s real object; (2) Sys- temenoi or Bachelors, who were told that the liberation of Greece was to be effected by revolution; (3) Priests of Eleusis, who were kept informed of the progress of the movement; (4) Prelates, who received the most secret information and were deputed to superintend the provinces ;
(5) the Grand Arch, which exercised supreme control and consisted of about a dozen members, self-elected.1
The oath of the society bound the candidate to be faithful to his country, to labour with all his might for her regenera¬ tion, to preserve secrecy, and to put to death even his nearest relatives if they were guilty of treachery to the cause of Greece. Each initiate bound himself in writing to pay a certain contribution to the funds proportionate to his means, and signed this declaration with a cipher, which was used as a test of authenticity. Some of the signs and pass-words were common to all the grades ; but the superior grades had special modes of recognition.
Every member had the right to initiate candidates, but he was held responsible for the subsequent behaviour of those whom he had introduced.
The identity of the persons who formed the Grand Arch is doubtful, and accounts are misleading, because the society has often been confused with the Philomuse, which was an open body2 used by the real Hetairia as a cloak for its conspiracy. The probability is that both Capo d’lstria and Ipsilanti were members of the Royal Arch. This Directory was removed to Moscow soon after the formation
1 Heckcthorn, Secret Societies, says there were seven grades as follows: (i) Brother; (2) Apprentice; (3) Priest of Eleusis; (4) Shepherd; (5) Prelate;
(6) Initiate; (7) Supreme Initiate; the last two grades being military and intended for those who were prepared to take up arms. The text follows Thomas Frost’s statement on the matter.
- Meaning a society whose meetings and aims were not concealed in mystery.
N
182 famous secret societies
of the society, and issued its orders to the Prelates from there. The leaders asserted that they had a secret understanding with the Tsar Alexander.
Agents known as Apostles were despatched to Paris and London to collect secret information and win support for the movement; but nothing was achieved in either city. In southern Russia and the Danubian region, on the other hand, the society gained many supporters.
In 1 8 1 6 a propagandist revolutionary movement was undertaken in Greece by Anthymos Gazi, a famous scholar, and others. They found good human material waiting to be employed against the Turk, for the French had disbanded a battalion of Albanians in Corfu, and the British two others that had been raised in Albania and the Morea; and there is no better stuff for kindling a revolt or leading a forlorn hope than recently disbanded troops whose occupation is gone. The other Apostles who were travelling through Europe at the same period under the veil of the Philomuse were tolerably successful in raising funds, but in nothing else.
Among the Greek people at large the Hetairia began now to take on the aspect of a national institution, for it soon embraced every class of society, from the Princes John Caradja and Michael Soutzo, who hoped to become rulers of Wallachia and Moldavia respectively, down to the wealthy agriculturists of the Morea and the Greek clergy generally.
In 1820 the Grand Arch removed from Moscow to Kishenev, a town in Bessarabia. It is quite probable that this action might have been taken as the result of corres¬ pondence and deliberation with other European secret societies, for the year 1820 was one of general revolt. This move was accompanied by increased propaganda of a much more public character in Greece. It was while engaged in such a task that Count Galati, a member of the Royal Arch, was assassinated at Hermione; some said because he had betrayed the secrets of the Hetairia to the Turks, while others ascribed the crime to Ipsilanti’s jealousy and a dispute about the disposal of the society’s funds. Whatever the real truth may be, there is no doubt that serious differences
THE HETAIRIA 183
of opinion existed at this time in the councils of the Hetairia.
The main rift was between Ipsilanti, who was all for raising a revolt in Moldavia, and Mavrocordato, who opposed this scheme. The former carried his point, how¬ ever, and was appointed Procurator-General of the Order, which was enjoined by circular to yield him implicit obedience.
Ipsilanti’s belief was that Bulgaria, Serbia, Wallachia and Moldavia would all rise given the chance, whereas those best informed knew that only in Moldavia could the movement count on some support, and that but small. To make the situation even less hopeful, news of the intended Greek revolt was soon conveyed to the Turkish Government, which, however, was so dilatory in taking any steps to prevent it that the plot might as well not have been betrayed, for any use the Porte made of the knowledge.
The death of the Hospodar of Wallachia, Prince Soutzo, on the 30th January, 1821, was the signal for the revolt, which was characterized by horrible cruelties perpetrated by the Christians on the Mohammedans in Jassy and Galatz. The insurgents declared that the revolution had been under¬ taken with the full approval of the Tsar, but when on the nth March the standard of the Hetairia, bearing the phoenix as emblem, was unfurled at Jassy, Russia at once informed the Porte that, far from approving, she had no sympathy whatever with the revolt.
In the outcome, the people of Moldavia did not rise as Ipsilanti had expected, so he marched his forces into Wallachia where a similar lack of enthusiasm for the cause of the Hetairia was shown. The ensuing military operations were distinguished by treachery, bad leadership, rapine and plunder. After having been worsted in several engage¬ ments, Ipsilanti led the remnants of his army into Austrian territory, where it was interned, and its chief confined in the Hungarian fortress of Munkacs, where he was kept a prisoner for the next seven years and released only to die soon after. By July, 1821, the last band of insurgents had been exter¬ minated by the Turks.
184 FAMOUS SECRET SOCIETIES
In the meantime, however, the Hetairia had struck again and this time with better results. In April a revolt fostered by the society broke out in the Morea, was successful, and spread into Attica, the advance of the triumphant Greeks being attended by massacres of the Moslems, while in Constantinople and other towns where the Turks were predominant massacres of the Greeks took place in retalia¬ tion. On the 27th May the Greeks defeated the Turks at the battle of Valtezza. Had a skilful general been available to lead the 20,000 insurgents now in arms, much might have been accomplished towards Greek freedom, but leadership was lacking. The Grand Arch had done its best by des¬ patching Prince Demetrius Ipsilanti, brother to the prisoner of Munkacs, to be their general, and he arrived on the spot about a fortnight after the day of Valtezza, only to find that the Greeks were not disposed to recognize his authority. However, on his threatening to leave Greece at once, if not accepted as general-in-chief, his claim was granted.
In August, Prince Alexander Mavrocordato and other leading Hetairists landed at Missolonghi. An assembly of deputies from the provinces of continental Greece was convened in November, and adopted a system of govern¬ ment for the eastern districts. A national assembly was established later at Argos, when a republican form of government was declared, with Mavrocordato president of the executive council. At the beginning of 1822 the in¬ dependence of Greece was proclaimed. Shortly afterwards a constitution was promulgated, and the seat of government removed to Corinth.
The fall of the fortress of Janina, where Ali Pasha had been defying the Porte, set free large Turkish forces to march against the Greeks. The latter, however, continued to hold their own in the field, and none of the Turkish successes had any decisive result.
In diplomacy, however, the Hetairia was not so fortunate. Its envoy Count Metaxa was refused admission to the Congress of Verona. Nor were internal politics running smoothly. At Corinth quarrels broke out in the Senate, of which Mavrocordato resigned the presidency in the hopes
THE HETAIRIA
185
of achieving unity by this act of renunciation, only to witness renewed quarrelling between the new leaders. As for the Greek army, its chiefs would accept orders from no one. Things were in this unsatisfactory condition when in Jan¬ uary, 1824, Lord Byron arrived on the scene. He set himself to restore order in the young republic, and achieved much, but perhaps his early death, which cast a halo of self- sacrifice round his fame as a poet, did more for the cause of Greek independence than all his efforts in life. Dying with his task incomplete, the sound of his name resounded through Europe like a word of power to bid the generous of heart take their stand on the side of Greek liberty.
By this time the revolutionary movement in Greece had become too strong to be cramped by the directions of any secret society. The Grand Arch and all its squabbling factions, for it had split into groups with conflicting aims, gradually sank into impotence, and then out of existence. It was probably no more than a ghost when in the year 1827 Great Britain, France and Russia agreed to intervene and secure the recognition of Greece as a semi-independent State. That Capo d’lstria was chosen president for seven years, with the unexpected result of producing greater harmony in the new State, was probably not due to any influence of the Hetairia.
The society had completed its useful work long before. It had been a means of bringing together men who loved their country; it had provided them with a means of striking a blow for her liberty; and, when that blow had been success¬ fully struck, there was no proper place for any such secret society as the Hetairia in a free Greece.