II. p. 275.

86 Variant, “I have not caused misery, I have not caused affliction.” 87 The words in brackets are added from the Papyrus of Amen-neb (Brit. Mus. No. 9,964). See Naville, op. cit., Bd. II. p. 282. 88 Variant, “I have not defrauded the gods of their chosen meat offerings.” _ 89 I.e._, the month called by the Copts Mekhir, the sixth month of the Egyptian year. 90 These words are added from the Papyrus of Nebseni. 91 These words are added from the Papyrus of Ani. 92 A city near Memphis. 93 The “Qerti,” or caverns out of which flowed the Nile, were thought to be situated between Aswān and Philæ. 94 Variant, Neha-hra. 95 Variant, “like fire.” _ 96 I.e._, the ninth nome of Lower Egypt, the capital of which was Per-Ausar or Busiris. 97 The “City of the Sycamore,” a name of a city of Upper Egypt. 98 The thirteenth nome of Lower Egypt. 99 The metropolis of the nineteenth nome of Upper Egypt. _ 100 I.e._, “lost my temper and become angry.” 101 These words are added from Brit. Mus. No. 9,905. Other papyri introduce the address with the words: (1) “To be said when [the deceased] cometh forth victorious from the Hall of double Maāti;” (2) “To be said when he cometh forth to the gods of the underworld;” (3) “The words which [are to be said] after the Hall of double Maāati.” 102 The ordinary reading is, “For I have heard the word which was spoken by the Ass with the Cat.” 103 A people who dwelt, probably, on the northeast frontier of Egypt, and who have been by some identified with the Phœnicians. 104 These words are added from the Papyrus of Nebseni. 105 The Papyrus of Nu continues: “ ‘I will not open unto thee and I will not let thee pass by me,’ saith the Guardian of this door, ‘unless thou tellest [me] my name’; ‘Ox of Seb’ is thy name.” See above, l. 30. 106 Here the Papyrus repeats a passage given above. 107 The words “sema-kua” are superfluous. 108 After “Osiris” a Paris papyrus adds, “He shall come forth in whatsoever form he is pleased to appear as a living soul forever and ever.” 109 This chapter has no title either in the Theban or in the Saïte Recension. 110 The words in brackets are added from Brit. Mus. No. 9,913. _ 111 I.e._, districts or divisions of the underworld. 112 A name of the city of Abydos. 113 “The Book of making the soul to live forever. [To be recited] on the day of embarking in the boat of Rā to pass over to the chiefs of flame.” See Naville, op. cit., Bd. II. p. 338. 114 Read “Shu” instead of “maat.” 115 Or, “images.” 116 Or, “The chapter of making the way into heaven nigh unto Rā.” 117 In the Saïte Recension (see Lepsius, op. cit., Bl. 54) the house is said to be “in the underworld.” 118 Another papyrus adds the words, “I have advanced, and behold, I have not been found light, and the Balance is empty of my affair.” 119 The Papyrus of Nebseni has, “The Osiris Nebseni is the lord of transformations in the presence of the hawk of gold.” 120 The Papyrus of Ani has “seven cubits.” 121 The words “or thy father” are from the Papyrus of Ani. 122 These words are from the Brocklehurst Papyrus (see Naville, op. cit., Bd. II. p. 334). There are three copies of this rubric extant, and no one of them is complete! 123 In the Papyrus of Nebseni the title of this chapter reads: “The Chapter of embarking in the boat of Rā and of being with those who are in his following.” 124 Read “god Osiris”? 125 Added from the Papyrus of Nebseni. 126 In the Papyrus of Nebseni the deceased is here addressed. 127 This name, frequently found in the letters, is the Egyptian “Neb-mat-ra,” or Amenophis III. 128 As the Amorite “z” or “s” seems sometimes to represent the Hebrew “sh,” this name might be compared with the Philistine “Achish.” 129 “Katna” is the present Katanah, on the south of Hermon, west of Damascus. 130 Others read “Nuhasse.” It was a Hittite country, and appears to be that of Mer’ash, under the Taurus, where a number of important Hittite remains are found (see especially B. 31, 32). 131 Throughout the letters the enemy is always called a “slave,” a “slave dog,” or “son of a dog,” as also in Egyptian texts. 132 Where breaks occur they are due to fractures of the tablet. 133 This appears, as throughout the letters, to apply to the King of Egypt. All the Egyptian kings were regarded as descendants of gods, and are so addressed in Egyptian records. 134 “Aidugama” does not appear to be a Semitic name, but, as we should expect in Hittite, it is Mongol, and compares with “Akkadian,” as meaning “the victorious lord.” He is called “Edagama” by the King of Tyre (B. M. 30), who mentions his fighting with Neboyapiza, and Aziru’s also. 135 Probably “Lapana” is Lybo, now Lebweh, north of Baalbek. 136 Probably R’aith (or R’ais), on the east side of the Buka’ah plain, east of Zahleh, on the way from the Hittite country. 137 Perhaps should read “Zinaar” for “Senaar,” the Shinar of the Bible. Merash and Ni have been noted above. 138 This word “bitati” always applies (and it is used very often) to Egyptian soldiers. It seems to be an Egyptian word. Compare “pet” (“foot”) and “petet” (“to invade or march”) in Egyptian. 139 Huba is identified by Dr. Bezold with the land of Hobah (Gen. xiv. 15), which was at the “entering in” north of Damascus. The “entering in” here and at Hamath means a pass between hills leading to the city. It has been objected that Hobah would be “Ubatu” in Assyrian; but this fails in view of the detailed topography, which shows that Dr. Bezold was right. The Hebrew heh is often replaced by Aleph or vau in Aramaic. 140 The land Am or Amma, several times mentioned, appears to be the Old Testament land of Ham, in northern Bashan, near Damascus (Gen. xiv. 5). The Hebrew is spelled with the soft aspirate, not the hard guttural. It may perhaps be connected with the name of the “Amu” of Egyptian records. 141 Damascus according to Dr. Bezold. 142 This name can be read “Namyapiza” or “Zimyapiza,” but probably means “Nebo is holy,” Nebo being a well-known deity. 143 Gidisi or Cidisi is apparently Kadesh of the Hittites—now Kades on the Orontes—north of the city of Neboyapiza. It is called “Cidsi” by the King of Tyre (B. M. 30), and “Ciidsa” in the proclamation (92 B.). 144 “Paka” is one of the words used to designate Egyptian residents or generals. It seems to be Egyptian, and simply means “Pa-ka” (“chief man”). 145 Ammusi might be the ancient name of Emesa, now Homs, immediately north of Kadesh. 146 “Elohim” is in the plural, as several scholars have remarked. It often applies to the King of Egypt. 147 “Khazi” is evidently Ghazzeh, near the south end of the Baalbek plain, south of the Damascus road. 148 This is doubtful, as the text is broken, and only gives “Belgi ...” Baal Gad was, as I have attempted recently to show, probably near ’Ain Ju-deideh, on the north of Hermon, and close to the great pass. 149 “Maguzi,” or Mukhzi, is probably Mekseh, on the Damascus road, west of Stora. 150 May be read “Yanuamma.” It seems to be M’araba, north of Damascus, which agrees with the context. The great pass mentioned here in connection with Damascus was apparently that by which the main road from the west came down the Barada at Abila. This is the “entering in” to Damascus, which (Gen. xiv. 15) was in the land of Hobah. This agrees with the position of Neboyapiza’s town Kamid, west of Baal Gad, and to the west of the pass. The scribe here wrote “east of me,” and corrected to “behind me.” 151 Probably not Ashtoreth Carnaim, which is mentioned in another letter, but rather Stora, in the Baalbek plain, northwest of Baal Gad. Arzaya’s town seems to have been Mekseh, west of Stora (125 B. M.). 152 “Buzruna” is probably Batruna, on the mountain west of the west end of the pass, and immediately east of Baal Gad (perhaps mentioned again in the fragment 205 B.). 153 “Khalavunni,” or Halabunni, is the Helbon of the Bible (Ezek. xxvii. 18), now Helbon, north of Damascus, and five miles north of the middle of the pass. It must have been an important city because of the term “King.” It was noted for wine, not only in Ezekiel’s time, but, as Strabo mentions, the kings of Persia brought wine from Chalybon. 154 “Gizza” is perhaps the important town Jezzin, in the Lebanon, southwest of Kamid, unless it be Jizeh, in Bashan, between Edrei and Bozrah. 155 “Saddu” is perhaps Nebi Shit, south of Baalbek, or possibly, though less probably, Sh’ait, south of Kamid, on the southwest slope of Hermon. 156 “Cumidi,” or Kamid, was important as a central station between Damascus and the coast cities of Sidon and Beirut. 157 Or, perhaps, “hard-pressed.” 158 “Mikhiza,” perhaps the same as Maguzi, written by another scribe—the modern Mekseh, as given above. “Maguzi” might be otherwise transliterated as “Mukhzi.” 159 “Tubakhi” is the Tabukhai of the “Travels of an Egyptian” in the reign of Rameses II (Chabas, p. 313), mentioned with Kadesh on Orontes, and is the Tibhath of the Bible (1 Chron. xviii. 8), otherwise Berothai. It may perhaps be the present Kefr Dubbeh, west of Baalbek, and south of Kadesh, while Berothai is thought to be the present Brithen (see 2 Sam. viii. 8), a few miles south of Baalbek. The letter shows Aziru in league with the Hittites. David conquered these cities from the King of Damascus. 160 Dr. Sayce calls this “the fields of Bashan”; probably, when taken with the next letters, we may place the site at Zora, in Bashan, now Ezra. De Rougé and Mariette showed that Thothmes III conquered Bashan. 161 “Gubbu” is perhaps Jubbata, on the south side of Hermon, near the places mentioned in the next letter. 162 Yankhamu, an Egyptian commander, appears in these letters in all parts of the country, from the extreme south to the north, and in Phœnicia as well as in Bashan. His name does not seem to be Semitic. 163 This letter does not say who the enemies were or in which direction they advanced. Perhaps “Bikhisi” may be regarded as the present “’Abbaseh” (by inversion of the guttural), which is fifteen miles southwest of Damascus, near the main road to the town of Jabesh, whence the letter comes. 164 The word “rabizi,” which is here made equivalent to “zukini,” gives great difficulty. In Hebrew the root means “to rest,” and the word is still applied in Palestine to resting of flocks. “Zukini” appears, as Dr. Bezold points out, to be the same as the Phœnician word “Soken” (which has exactly the required letters); but the meaning of this also is doubtful. Renan translates it either “inhabitant” or “senator.” The word occurs in the Bible (1 Kings i. 2, 4; Ezek. xxviii. 14), with the meaning also doubtful, but the root means “to cherish.” Perhaps “friends” suits best the various recurrences. 165 This word seems to mean “glory of the sun,” the Egyptian “Khu-en-Aten.” The explanation throws light on a difficult passage in a letter from Elishah (B. M. 5). If “Khu-en-Aten” (Amenophis IV) is intended, he may have been commander while still only a prince, since the events seem to belong to the reign of Amenophis III. 166 “Astarti” seems here to be Ashtoreth Carnaim, the present “Tell Ashterah.” 167 “Udumu,” now Dameh, the Dametha of Maccabean times. 168 “Aduri”—Edrei in Bashan, now Edhr’a. 169 “Araru”—’Ar’ar, nine miles southeast of Ashtoreth. 170 “Meispa”—Ramath-Mizpah of Basnan, now Remtheh. 171 “Macdalim,” probably Mejdel Shems, east of Banias. 172 “Khini”—Hineh, south of Hermon, near the last. 173 “Zaar”—Zora of Bashan, now Ezra. 174 “Yabisi”—Yabis, a few miles northwest of the last. 175 The Egyptians would cross the Jordan near Megiddo, and come from the southwest to oppose an enemy on the north and east, and reach ’Abbâseh, on the north, later than Yabis. 176 Saskhi is probably S’as’a, east of Banias, and northwest of Yabis. 177 Lupackhallu, a non-Semitic Hittite name. As a Mongol word, “the very swift.” 178 Zitatna was King of Accho—a somewhat similar name; but probably the King of Arvad is meant, as appears later. 179 This letter belongs to a late period in the war, since Ullaza has been taken. It is given here as referring to the land of Ham. It may very well have been written after Ribadda, the King of Gebal, left the city (see 71 B.). 180 “Ammia,” mentioned again, appears to be Amyun south of Simyra. 181 “Ardata” is Ardi, near the last. 182 Kefr Khullis, north of Gebal, agrees with the required position for Ullaza, which is mentioned often. 183 Nariba is Nereb, on the Euphrates, in the Hittite country. 184 An Egyptian name; perhaps to be compared with “han” (“kind”) in Egyptian. An envoy of this name was sent to Dusratta, King of Armenia, by Amenophis III, as an “interpreter” (21 B.). 185 Perhaps the Hittite King of Kadesh, or some other city. 186 Or perhaps “oil.” 187 Dodo in the Bible (1 Chron. xi. 12), from the same root as “David.” He was not really Aziru’s father, but apparently a friend in Egypt. 188 “Beiti beitac” is still a polite phrase of welcome in Palestine. 189 The text is clear, but the epigram is not. He appears to mean the King of Egypt when speaking of his gods, as also a few lines lower. 190 Meaning the King of Egypt. 191 “Khai” is also an Egyptian name, meaning “distinguished” in that language. He is perhaps the “Khaia” of another letter by Ribadda (57 B.). It would seem that his embassy to Aziru had occurred between the first and second visits of the envoy Khanni. 192 Mer’ash was in the west of the Hittite country, seventy-five miles northwest of Tunep. The distance fits well, since thirty-seven and one-half miles may be considered a forced march. 193 We cannot rely on Aziru’s protestations. If Khatib was a Hittite King, it is certain that both were intriguing against Egypt. 194 Probably the pass in the valley of the ’Afrin River, near Kyrrhus, twenty miles north of Tunip, is meant, being on the direct road to Mer’ash. 195 “Abuca” (“your father”) might be understood in the sense in which it is used every day in the East, where abûc means, “God curse your father!” 196 Ni was to the east of Aziru’s country near Tunip. 197 “Khat-ib” may mean “Hittite hero.” The name of the Hittites means probably “the confederates”; and the sign used on Hittite monuments for the nation seems to be that which represents two allies facing each other. 198 Abdasherah, as Dr. Sayce points out, means the servant of the goddess Asherah (“the grove” of the Bible), and this is rendered certain by the sign for Deity prefixed in one instance. It has no connection with the name of Ashtoreth. 199 An Egyptian name, “Pa-Khemt” or “Pa-Khent,” meaning “very strong” (see B. M. 24, Pakhamnata). It appears from Ribadda’s letter that the station of this Paka was Simyra, and apparently the Amorites killed him later on. 200 The word “Gur” is used in these letters as in the Bible, and, like the Arab “Jâr,” to mean a man of one tribe or race protected by a powerful tribe or person of another country. 201 In each case “gate” might be rendered “port,” as both of the cities had famous ports. 202 The word “Khazanu,” commonly used in these letters for a ruling class, apparently native, and in communication with the “Paka,” or “head man,” who was Egyptian, appears to come from a root which means “to treasure.” The word “Khazanutu” appears to mean “a government.” 203 “Canaan” in these letters, as on the Phœnician coins and in the Bible, is used in its strict sense as a geographical term for the “lowlands” of Phœnicia and Philistia. 204 “Pisyari” appears to be a Hittite name, like the “Pisiris” of an Assyrian inscription (Schrader), being the Mongol “bisir” (“rich”), with the indefinite nominative in s, which marks the Hittite as a non-Semitic tongue. The other names are also apparently non-Semitic, and may refer to Hittites. 205 “Pabahaa” is perhaps the “Papaa,” conquered by Thothmes III (Karnak List, No. 296), which was somewhere in North Syria, not far from Tunip. The wickedness of this chief is said to have caused the war. 206 Gutium, mentioned in Assyrian texts, was a country on the northeast, near the Caucasus. It has been compared with the word “Goim,” for “Gentiles,” in Hebrew. Perhaps “Jebel Judi” (“Ararat”) is intended, being Dusratta’s country allied to Egypt. 207 Probably ’Arkah, a well-known Phœnician city north of Tripoli, but south of Simyra (Gen. x. 17). Aziru killed its king (91 B.). 208 “Yapaaddu” (“Adonis is beautiful”) is often mentioned again. He (see 61 B.) fell into the hands of Aziru, and seems to have been a king of one of the cities near Simyra, apparently Sigata. This letter was probably written about the time of the siege of Tyre, at a late period in the war. 209 Ugariti is mentioned in a letter from Tyre (B. M. 30) in a connection which shows that it was the present Akrith, between Tyre and Accho. 210 “Sigata” appears to be Shakkah, north of the great pass of Shakkah (Theouprosopon), where the King of Gebal was defeated by Aziru. 211 “Ambi” is now ’Aba, immediately east of Shakkah. 212 Simyra was on the low hills above the sea-plains, by the river Eleutherus. 213 The last words explain how the letter got to Egypt. 214 These ships of the men of Misi are mentioned by Ribadda as failing in an attempt to assist him. We may, perhaps, understand Egyptian ships, and compare the Egyptian name “Mesti” applied to part of the Delta. 215 From Dusratta’s great Hittite letter (27 B.) it appears that the King of the Minyans, whose country was called Mitani, west of Lake Van, in Armenia, claimed to be King of all the Hittites; and this is what appears to be here intended. In other letters he is mentioned among the invaders. 216 Arada, a city mentioned again as assisting Aziru with ships, appears to be Aradus, the Arvad of the Bible, now Er Rûad, the island town north of Simyra. 217 “Gula” is perhaps the town of Jûneh, north of Beirût, on the way to Gebal. 218 “Ammiya” is Amyun, north of Gebal; and “Ardata” is Ardi near the preceding. 219 Arpad is the city close to Tennib, which is mentioned in the Bible in several passages (2 Kings xvii. 34; xix. 13; Isa. x. 9; Jer. xlix. 23, etc.), now Tell Erfûd. It is remarkable that Aleppo is not mentioned in this correspondence, for it is referred to in Egyptian texts. 220 “Ribadda” (as the name is spelled in some of the letters in syllables) may mean “child of Adonis.” Compare the Chaldee “Ribah” for “girl,” in the feminine. That “Adda” was Adonis seems to be derivable from the name “Adoram” (2 Sam. xx. 20), otherwise Adoniram (1 Kings iv. 6). 221 “Gebal,” now “Jubeil,” was apparently the chief city of Phœnicia. Its goddess Baalath is mentioned in the famous inscription of Yehumelec (about 800 B.C.), found in the ruins of Gebal. She is also mentioned in the “Travels of an Egyptian” (Chabas, p. 312). 222 Hamath was half-way from Aziru’s country to that of Ribadda. 223 A name very like Jeremiah. 224 “Mitana,” the later Matiene, Dusratta, its king, claimed to rule the Hittites. The Amorites joined this league. 225 The region called “Casi” in the inscription of Usurtasen I (Brugsch, “Hist.,” i., p. 139) was in Upper Egypt, and the Cush of the Bible is apparently intended—a very vague term for the southern deserts from the Euphrates to Nubia. There were, however, Cushites also in Babylonia. In the present case the Cassites who lived on the Euphrates, east of the Hittites, and who were Mongols, are probably intended. 226 Literally “boys.” It seems often in these letters to be used as the word “weled” (“a boy”) is still used in Syria to mean “a fellow,” applied often to very old men. 227 This letter shows that the war lasted several years, over which the Gebal letters (written by three or four different scribes) extend; that the attack on Sidon preceded the taking of Gebal; and that Ribadda was not deceived by Amorite promises, knowing their co-operation with their Mongol allies of Armenia and the Hittite country. 228 The letter in question may have been the proclamation against Aziru given above. 229 “Milukha,” or Meroe, in Assyrian inscriptions means, according to Dr. Brugsch, Nubia. 230 This perhaps refers to Khanni’s proclamation already given, and to the Khai who had been sent at an earlier period to Aziru. The rebels are named in the proclamation of the later embassy, which we thus see to have had no effect. An envoy without a military force behind him usually fails. 231 Durubli is probably the city which the Greeks called Tripoli, the largest town between Simyra and Gebal. There is a village called Turbul, on the northeast of Tripoli (Trâblus). 232 “Kau Pa-ur,” Egyptian words in the plural. “Kau” signifies “men,” and “Pa-ur” (as in the letter from Jerusalem, B. 103) means “very important.” 233 Probably the “Pakhanata” (97 B.) who was the “Paka,” or chief, of whom Abdasherah speaks in the letter about the town of Ullaza, near Gebal. He seems to have been the resident in Simyra (B. 80). 234 “Abur” is perhaps Beit-Abura, in the valley north of the great pass Theouprosopon, between Gebal and Tripoli. The enemy had not as yet forced the pass. 235 The second sign is doubtful, and the place does not suggest identification (see 60 B.). 236 This agrees with the Jerusalem letters, as showing that the troops had been withdrawn to Egypt. Amenophis sent commissioners and summoned native levies, but does not appear to have been able to send Egyptian forces. 237 The name “Saarti” perhaps survives in that of the Sha’arah district of Lebanon, immediately south of Simyra, and near Yapaaddu’s town of Sigata (Shakkah). 238 In Assyria we find the “measure of Istar.” 239 The Berbers are mentioned in Egyptian texts as inhabitants of Upper Egypt. 240 “Khaia,” now in Egypt, had no doubt already become known to Ribadda as an envoy. 241 A god Sausbe is mentioned in Dusratta’s Hittite letter. 242 Sigata (Shakkah) was just outside the great pass between Batrûn and Tripoli. 243 Ambi (’Aba) was close to the last. 244 Only—rari is left, which Dr. Bezold thinks refers to Amenophis IV; but it is doubtful if this letter can be placed so late. 245 “Kappa” is Keffa. The plain of Keffa is close to Amyun, north of the great pass of Theouprosopon (Shakkah). Amyun follows at once. 246 “Batruna” is the well-known town Batrûn, the “Botrys” of classical writers, which lies south of the wild pass of Râs Shakkah, where apparently one of the battles of the war occurred (22 B. M.). When the pass was taken, Batrûn seems still to have held out with Gebal, being no doubt provisioned by sea. 247 “Kalbi” is Kelbata, in the heart of the great pass. I visited all these places in 1881. 248 In this case the modern name “Akka” is nearer to the spelling of these letters than is the Hebrew. This is the case with Shiloh and other important towns, showing the Canaanite extraction of the modern peasantry in Palestine. The Hebrews hardly ever renamed towns, and the nomenclature preserves the ancient Canaanite forms found in the lists of Thothmes III a century earlier than these letters. Many towns were named from Canaanite and Philistine gods (Shamash, Dagon, etc.), and the forms of the names in the Karnak lists are Aramaic, and not Hebrew. 249 “Patzil” I understand to be equivalent to the Arabic “Fadl,” meaning to do pleasure or honor to a person. 250 The Amorite chief had more than one son, as is clear in some cases. Benmabenat (or Bumabuat) was Aziru’s brother. 251 Perhaps the name survives in that of the river Kadisha, near Tripoli. 252 Ardata (Ardi), Ambi (’Aba), and Sigata (Shakkah) were north of the pass; Yahlia, representing I’al, rather farther north than the others. 253 Ullaza (Kefr Khullis) was close to Batrûn, on the south. 254 “Caphar Yazu,” or Alu-yazu, seems to be Kefr Yashit, near the others. 255 Perhaps “Takheda” of another letter (58 B.). 256 See letter 71 B. The sign has the meaning “oracle,” “prophet.” No doubt Ribadda had his diviners, like the kings of Assyria in later times. 257 No. 53 B. is another short letter, much injured, which mentions Batrûn; and in this a town called “Sina” is apparently noticed, which, if the broken tablet can be so read, would be “Kefr Zina.” In 54 B. a city “Zina” occurs, but seems to be a clerical error for “Sidon.” The land of Mitana is also mentioned in 53 B. 258 Neboyapiza had his own difficulties, as appears from his letters (96 B., 142 B., 43 B. M.). 259 Zimridi of Sidon is mentioned as a fugitive, while Gebal still held out. Aziru marched from (ina) Gebal, no doubt, to attack the south. In later ages the shore cities often held out while invaders from the North marched on Egypt. 260 Amanabba was not really his father; it is a title of courtesy. His father was Rabzabi (81 B., 82 B.), and Amanappa is an Egyptian name. A certain captain Amenemhib has left an account of his services in North Syria, at Aleppo, Carchemish, Kadesh, and at Ni, where he hunted elephants; but this is supposed to have been a century earlier. The site of Ni is settled by these letters and by the Karnak lists as being in Mesopotamia, and there is a picture of an elephant among the Asiatic spoils of Thothmes III. It is very curious to find elephants so far west in Asia at this period. 261 Probably “outside” means north of the pass, and Ribadda made the serious military mistake of defending his pass from outside instead of inside. 262 This would seem to have been about the time of the proclamation against Aziru, or rather earlier. 263 “Sapi” is probably the famous fortress Safita, northwest of Simyra. 264 The reinforcements were expected by sea, no doubt in the ships of the Misi, or Delta men, the soldiers being Nubians from near Tell Amarna, which was 180 miles south of Memphis. 265 Or Zabanba. Perhaps this is the Subandi, who writes letters from an unknown town. 266 King of Beirût (B. M. 26, 27). 267 This translation is confirmed by the independent letter of Ribadda’s friend Ammunira (B. M. 36). 268 Egada is no doubt the land of Ikatai mentioned in the “Travels of an Egyptian” (Chabas, p. 312); it there occurs with Aleppo and the country of the Hittites. In the letter of the Hittite Prince of Rezeph (north of Palmyra) we hear of his country as Egait (B. 10). Rezeph was not far south of Tiphsah, on the Euphrates, and southeast of Aleppo. Bikhuru is, however, mentioned (18 B. M.) in connection with the town of Cumidi. 269 I misread this name at first. The Amorite chief seems to have had five sons including Aziru and (p. 224) Ben-mabenat (or Bumabula). 270 The paragraphs are marked off in many of the letters by the word “sacunu” (“pause”). 271 “Taratzi” may perhaps be Tarsus. Baal Tarzi is the legend on Phœnician coins of that city. Its king naturally would have a common border with Abdasherah on the north, if his fortresses (or land) were outside the northern Lebanon, which was the Amorite country, and he was therefore regarded as a possible ally. 272 Comparing the letters from Beirût and Sidon (27 B. M., 90 B.) it will be seen that the city whose freemen were on the side of Aziru was Sidon. 273 If Ukri be the right reading, the town of ’Akkar in Lebanon, east of Tripoli, would be probable. It gives its name to the district of Jebel ’Akkâr, and is at the source of the river ’Akkår, which agrees with the mention of the “waters.” 274 “Maar”(ah) is probably the Mearah of the Bible (Josh. xiii. 4), now “el Mogheiriyeh,” six miles northeast of Sidon. This conquest may have just preceded the fall of Sidon. 275 Gebal and Batrûn are ten miles apart. Ribadda’s kingdom had extended at least twenty miles along the coast; and if Beirût and Tripoli were not independent, his land would have reached much farther—to Simyra and Sidon. 276 This letter shows very clearly that the taking of Sidon preceded the fall of Byblos (Gebal). 277 From 75 B. it seems that Amanabba had been sent to Gebal (probably in consequence of the former letters from Ribadda), but it seems he fled again. 278 In later times the small mina of Palestine was £8 6s. 8d., and the large was £16 13s. 4d. (see Conder’s “Handbook to the Bible,” p. 81). This represents, therefore, at least £500 or perhaps £1,000; but in this early age the value of money was probably higher. 279 Ribadda has said (63 B.) that his sons fell into the power of the enemy when in ships. He also sends a list of property to Egypt (85 B.). Probably when these ships were sent his father went to Egypt, whence he wrote (82 B.), and a copy was sent to the King. There is one other letter in the collection, which was written from Egypt, by Amenophis III to the King of Babylon (B. M. 1), which seems to be a copy, unless in both cases the letters were not sent. (See Appendix.) 280 Gebal was celebrated for its papyrus. It grew in the river Adonis, close to the city. The enemy were now closing in. 281 The salutations in the last letters are very curt as compared with the earlier ones. 282 The King of Babylon refused to help the Canaanites in the reign of Amenophis III. 283 The younger brother was not the one left in charge. 284 “Buruzizi” probably Beit Ziza, east of Batrûn, in the range which runs out to the great pass of Ras Shakkah. Batrûn was perhaps still holding out, and the town was a refuge high up in the wild mountains. “Buru” means “well”; and “Beit” “house” of Ziza. 285 As regards the final outcome of these wars in the north we obtain light from the letters of Dusratta, King of Mitani. He was a younger man than Amenophis III, and his sister married the said King of Egypt. His daughter Tadukhipa married Amenophis IV, and there were friendly relations with Egypt in the latter as well as in the former reign. In his Hittite letter (27 B.) Dusratta speaks of the boundaries of a region which seems to have been conceded to him as his daughter’s wedding-gift. He calls himself “Great Chief of the Hittites,” and the border was to run to Harran, Chalcis (south of Aleppo), and the “Phœnician West.” Thus Dusratta, who says in another letter (apparently his first) that he has conquered the Hittites, would seem to have swallowed up the Hittite King of Mer’ash and part, if not the whole, of Aziru’s country; and the Mongol populations were thus to be ruled from Armenia, which was much nearer than Egypt. What became of the King of Kadesh these letters do not say; but he was independent in later times, when Seti I went up “to conquer the city of Kadesh in the land of the Amorites” (Brugsch, Hist., ii. p. 15), and Kadesh was taken by Rameses II, the successor of Seti I, after which a commercial treaty was made with Kheta Sar, the King of Kadesh, whose daughter Rameses II married. There was thus, perhaps, Hittite blood in the veins of the Pharaohs of the nineteenth dynasty. In the treaty papyrus (see Chabas’ “Voyage,” p. 336), it is mentioned that the same terms—of equality—had existed in the time of the writer’s father and grandfather that were claimed of Rameses II, and that war had occurred later. This seems to show that Kadesh was independent shortly after the time of the rebellion detailed in the Tell Amarna letters. The relations with the Hittites were still friendly in the reign of Rameses III, when the Aryan hordes from Asia Minor overran the Hittite country, and came down even to Egypt. In David’s time, the border between his kingdom and those of the Hittites and Phœnicians was drawn from Hermon to Danjaan, south of Tyre (2 Sam. xxiv. 6), and Solomon married Hittite princesses. The Hittite independence was only finally destroyed about 700 B.C. by the Assyrians. 286 The mulberry is still found in large gardens at Beirût and throughout the Lebanon. Since Justinian’s time it has been the food of silkworms. 287 This repetition may perhaps be regarded as only a phonetic explanation of the preceding ideograms; but perhaps the words were added to show with certainty that by the terms God and Sun he meant the King of Egypt. 288 The name “Abimelech” at Tyre is interesting. It occurs as the name of a Phœnician king in the time of Assurbanipal (885-860 B.C.). The chief deity of Tyre was Moloch, or Melkarth; and the name means “my father is Moloch,” claiming a divine descent. The son of Gideon and certain Philistine kings are so named in the Bible. 289 Huzu is probably the modern el Ghazîyeh, near Sidon. It is at the foot of the hills, and there is a stream (Nahr ez Zahrâny, “flowery river”) four miles to the south, which accounts for the notice of the waters. It seems clearly to have been in the direction of Sidon. 290 “Belu amil neru,” literally “a lord, a chief man of the yoke (or government).” 291 See the letters from Hazor after those from Tyre. This petty monarch was an enemy to the southern possessions of the King of Tyre. 292 The site of Zarbitu is probably the Sarepta, or Zarephah, of the Bible (1 Kings xvii. 9, etc.), which is now Sarafand, half way between Tyre and Sidon. The decision was therefore just; but though apparently satisfied Abimelec did not get what he asked in the preceding letter—if that demand was really the earlier one. There is a fine fountain (’Ain el Kantarah, “spring of the arch”) to the north of Sarepta, and the region generally is well watered. The town was famous in the Byzantine age for wine. 293 “Danuna” is probably the Danjaan of the Bible, now the ruin Dâniân, four miles north of Achzib, and on the border between Tyre and Accho (see 2 Sam. xxiv. 6). 294 “Hugarit” is probably ’Akrîth, eight miles east of Danjaan. It has been mentioned as taken by Aziru, in Yapaaddu’s letter (128 B.). Perhaps the attack was from the east; and the King of Hazor seems to have joined the Hittites (see 99 B.). 295 Edagama has been mentioned as “Aidugama” in Akizzi’s letter from Katna, which was east of Neboyapiza’s city Cumidi (Kamid). See B. M. 37. 296 In the former letters (B. M. 31, B. 99) Abimelec has spoken of the Paka as distinct from himself. Perhaps the Egyptian residents withdrew when the troops were withdrawn. 297 Irib is probably ’Arab Salim, fourteen miles southeast of Sidon, on the highest part of the mountains. It stands on a precipice 400 feet above the gorge of the Zahrany River (Robinson, “Later Bib. Res.,” p. 47), and was a stronghold. 298 Aziru’s allies from Arvad no doubt attacked Tyre by sea. 299 Dr. Bezold has remarked that want of water was always the weakness of Tyre. In the reign of Rameses II the Egyptian traveller (Chabas, p. 313) speaks of water sent to the island of Tyre in boats. Tyre is called by him the city of “two ports,” one being on the north, called the Sidonian, and one on the south, called the Egyptian. 300 This letter agrees with others preceding. Neboyapiza’s town Kamid, in Lebanon, was about sixty miles to the northeast of Accho, and Ziza was perhaps his sister or daughter, married to the king of an adjoining kingdom. The soldiers to be sent to Megiddo would obtain news, perhaps, of his fate, from a force on its way to Yabis, in Bashan, which his enemies reached after taking Damascus. Makdani is probably the Megiddo of the Bible, on the way to Bashan, at the great ruin of Mujedd’a, near Beisân. The situation agrees with that of the city of Makta, or Megiddo, mentioned by the Egyptian traveller near the Jordan fords (Chabas, p. 207). The Magid— of the previous passage is probably another spelling of the same name. The lady seems to have intended to go there with a guard, and perhaps to obtain a detachment to go to Kamid. In the lists of Thothmes III, Megiddo (Makdi) stands second, after Kadesh of the Hittites; and it was at Megiddo that the chief victory of Thothmes was won. It was then already a fortress which stood a siege, and was the key to the road from Accho to Damascus. The form “Makdani” is explained by the Megiddo of Zechariah (xii. II); and this final “n” is represented by the guttural “’Ain” of the modern Arabic “Mujedd’a.” There is no reason at all for placing the site at Legio, west of the plain of Esdraelon, a site which does not agree with any monumental notice, or with the Biblical accounts (see “Memoirs of the Survey of Western Palestine,” vol. ii.). 301 There were several Hazors in the north of Palestine. Perhaps the most likely site is the Hazor of the Egyptian traveller. It is mentioned as on a mountain (Chabas, p. 313), between Aksap (Achzib, north of Accho) and the Sea of Galilee. This might be the Hazor which Joshua took (Josh. xi. 1) from Jabin, which was above the Hûleh. The name only remains, west of the probable site, in the Arabic “Jebel Hadireh,” a high mountain of Upper Galilee. The King of Hazor’s name is unfortunately not quite clear in the text, but seems to be either Abdebaenu, or more probably Iebaenu (Jabin). There was another Jabin of Hazor later on in history (Judges iv. 2). It was no doubt a family name. 302 The nearest places to Hebron seem to have been Nezeb in the valley of Elah, easily reached by a broad, flat road, and on the south Kanana (Kana’an), a fortress taken by Seti I, which is only two miles southwest of Hebron. This was (if the identification be accepted) the limit of conquest (see Brugsch, “Hist.,” vol. ii., p. 13), when Seti (about 1366 B.C.) conquered the Beersheba plains, advancing by Rehoboth and Bethlebaoth. The land of Zahi was south of Hebron, and famous for its wine and trees (Brugsch, vol. i., p. 330), Hebron still possessing fine vineyards. But the Amorites of Hebron were never apparently disturbed by the chariots, and appear in these letters as marauders of Egyptian stations. There is no mention of any advance of the Egyptians into Moab, though Seir and Edom are noticed very early, when the Sinaitic copper-mines were being worked, and before chariots came into use. In the time of the twelfth and thirteenth dynasties, however, the political conditions in Syria were different. The Akkadian King Kudea—a Mongol—was ruling in 2500 B.C. in North Syria, and sent for granite to Sinai. At this time also, according to the Bible, there were Hittites in Hebron, who had been driven to the north by Ahmes about 1700 B.C. So that the population in 1500 B.C. seems to have been entirely Semitic. 303 Gulata is an interesting name to find in the south, as it may have some connection with that of Goliah. 304 The sign of deity is attached to this name, showing that Dagon, the Philistine god, is intended; and it appears to mean “Thou, Dagon, art a shield.” Compare Yamirdagan (B. 136). 305 The word “Khazanu” is here used of an Egyptian official, but with the qualification “chief Ka” introducing the Egyptian word. This agrees with the view that “Pa-ka” means “principal man.” 306 The sign meant originally “cup.” It is remarkable that wine is not mentioned in the letters, unless the drink here noticed was wine. There was plenty of wine in Syria and in Hebron as early as 1600 B.C. 307 The text is damaged. It seems perhaps to read “Citam Mizpi.” If this is right, Mizpah near Jerusalem might be intended, or it may mean “below the heights.” 308 Gazri is the Gezer of the Bible, now Tell Jezar, at the foot of the Jerusalem hills. 309 Tabu is probably Taiyibeh, seven miles northwest of Hebron, on a hill at the head of the valley of Elah. This fits in with the rest of the topographical notices. 310 Probably the same Khaia who appears in the north as an envoy to the Amorites—an Egyptian official. 311 Takanu (see B. 199, 70 B. M.) lived near Givti, and perhaps was the chief of that town, which may be Gibeah of Judah, near the valley of Elah, south-east of Makkedah. It is mentioned with Hareth, which was close by Gibeah. 312 Referring to the King’s order on papyrus. In Dusratta’s Hittite letter a royal decree on papyrus is also mentioned. 313 Biruyapiza was probably the second son of Labaya. 314 Macdalim may be Mejdel, in the Philistine plain, which is still a place of importance, with a market. 315 Cuuzbe is probably the Chezib of the Bible (Gen. xxxviii. 5), in the low hills east of Gath, now ’Ain Kezbeh. The marauders seem to issue from the mountains, destroying the commerce of the plains (compare 59 B. M.). Chezib is again mentioned (104 B.). 316 This letter is perhaps explained by another (104 B.), in which the King of Jerusalem sends his wives to Egypt with the Egyptian envoy, on account of the war with the Hebrews. 317 Chief of Keilah, whose letters follow. 318 If Takanu’s town was Givti, and Givti was Gibeah of Judah, he is referring to the southern route by the Valley of Elah. 319 “Tarka” instead of “Paka.” In Egyptian the word “tar” means “to drive” or “compel,” preceding the sign of a man with a stick. “Tarka” is thus apparently an “overseer” of the people. 320 “Yapa’a” is the same name as “Japhia,” mentioned as the King of Lachish (Josh. x. 3), who was the enemy of Joshua. He appears here as King of Gezer, and the King of Gezer is called in the Bible Horam (x. 33). The words Gezer and Lachish would not look unlike in the writing of the earlier Hebrew (about the Christian era), but it is not impossible that the two towns may have had the same king. Indeed, the letter seems to show this, as Mer’ash is near Lachish. 321 “Mu(ra)’azi” seems clearly to be “Mer’ash,” the Hebrew “Moresheth Gath” (Micah i. 14). The modern name is nearer to the Amorite than to the Hebrew, having a guttural at the end; and, as in other cases, the Amorite “z” stands for a Hebrew “s.” The site is south of Gath, and not far from Lachish, close to Beit Jibrîn. 322 The name of the King of Jerusalem is rendered “Abdhiba” by Dr. Winckler, and “Abd Tobba” by Dr. Sayce. The second reading is possible in all cases but one (B. 102), when the sign used was not the syllabic value “Tob,” but only “Khi” or “Hi.” This would mean “servant of the Good One.” Adonizedek was the name of the King of Jerusalem killed by Joshua (x. 3). It is to be remembered that many of the names in these letters are written, not in syllables, but by ideograms. Ribadda’s name is hardly ever spelled syllabically, though it is rendered certain by the cases in which it is so spelled. I am inclined, therefore, to suppose that we have to deal, not with an unusual name, like Abdhiba or Abdtobba, which is unknown in history, but with the name of Joshua’s contemporary, spelled “US” (= “Adoni” “Lord”), and “KHI” × “BA,” “good do” = “zedec” (“justice”). There must, however, always be some doubt as to personal names, unless checked by variant readings. 323 Adonizedek is meditating flight. His letters speak of a raid on Gezer, Ascalon, and as far as Lachish, after the taking of Ajalon by the Hebrews, but they say nothing of Makkedah. From the book of Joshua we learn that after the battle of Ajalon the Hebrews pursued to Azekah, perhaps the ruin of Zak, east of Gaza, and to Makkedah (x. 11), and then returned to Gilgal (15). An interval of unstated duration occurred, while the five kings, Adonizedek, Japhia, Hoham, Piram, and Debir (ver. 3), fled to Makkedah, where they were found hid in a cave. It was during this interval, apparently, that these Jerusalem letters were written. 324 The sign is unusual. The words are “icalu, ca-ar (Irhu) zabbatu,” or perhaps “icalu-ca ar(unu) zabbatu.” The latter would mean “They prevail over thee; they have been swift to seize.” 325 “I have no father and no army.” It either means this or “Have I no father and no friend?” It might refer to his father’s death, or to the King of Egypt not being his father and friend. Dr. Sayce renders “neither father nor mother” (“SAL um” for “rag um”); but it is very unusual for orientals to refer to their female relations or wives, though in the case of the King of Accho (95 B.) the writer speaks of his wife; but this is for a special reason (see also 104 B.). 326 “’Abiri.” This is read by others “Habiri” (“allies”); but the political circumstances do not agree with this explanation, and the sign is used throughout the letters for the guttural “’Ain” (as, for instance, in the name of Azzah or Gaza). There is no mention in the southern letters of Aziru, Abdasherah, Aitugama, or any of the northern allies; and the sign for “allies” or “helpers” in the northern letters is quite different. On the other hand, the ’Abiri are never mentioned, except in the south, near Jerusalem. They are called people of the “blood” or “tribe” of the ’Abiri (B. 106), and of the “land” of the ’Abiri (B. 199), showing that the term is derived from the ’Abarim, or mountains east of Jordan. The Abiru chiefs are mentioned in the singular (B. 102, 104), and none of these facts can be reconciled with the view that they were “allies.” They are distinctly said to have come from Seir (Edom) in one letter (B. 104), and to have left their pastures (B. 103), and are probably the “desert people” of the Gezer letter (51 B. M.). Their actions are those recorded of Joshua’s first campaign, and the date agrees, as does also the notice in the letters of Jabin, Japhia, and Adonizedek, the contemporaries of Joshua. Another suggestion has been that they were Hebronites; but in such case the “n” would not be absent, and the sign for city would no doubt occur. They have also been supposed to be Babylonians, but this is indirect contradiction to the relations noticed in the letters between Egypt and Babylon at this time. 327 Ilimelec is a name found in the Bible (Ruth i. 2; ii. 1) as the name of Ruth’s father-in-law, a native of Bethlehem, in the time of the Judges. It is therefore a Hebrew name. 328 Milcilu was the King of Gezer, and Suardata of Keilah; his letters follow. This represents the league of kings before the battle of Ajalon. 329 Givti is probably one of the Gibeahs, perhaps Gibeah of Judah, now Jeb’a, southwest of Jerusalem, in the direction of Keilah (Josh. xv. 57), eight miles west of Bethlehem; unless we should read Gimtzi, in which case it would be Gimzu (2 Chron. xxviii. 18), now Jimzu, east of Lydda, and north of Gezer. The former reading seems the better (see 199 B.). 330 “Kielti” is “Keilah” (Josh. xv. 44), now Kilah, east of the Valley of Elah, in the direction of Hebron. 331 Rubute is Rabbah of Judah, now the ruin Rubba, in the same district, four miles east of Beit Jibrîn (Josh. xv. 60). 332 “Beth Baalath” is probably Baalath of Judah, the old name of Kirjath Jearim, now Erma, in the Valley of Sorek. The word “gur” may either mean that the city was “near” Jerusalem, or that it had been an ally of Jerusalem. It is clear that if the forces of the lowlands were marching to assist Jerusalem by the highway, past Kirjath Jearim, the revolt of that town would delay the forces from Gezer, which would naturally take that route. 333 “Beth Amilla” is evidently the “Beth ham Millo” of the Bible (2 Sam. v. 9); “house of the chief,” as we now know. It was the royal palace in the lower city (Akra), north of Zion. There was also a Millo in Shechem (Judges ix. 6, 20), evidently the palace of that city. 334 When Adonizedek sent away his women he was preparing for his own flight, by the advice, it would seem, of Egypt. The Egyptian resident also retired. Suta has already been mentioned as an Egyptian official in the north (48 B.); he is also mentioned in a letter from Babylon (4 B. M.), and by the King of Accho, who was a contemporary of Neboyapiza and of Aziru (95 B.), which with other indications shows that Aziru’s revolt was contemporary with the Hebrew invasion—at least, within a few years. 335 This shows the enemy as coming from Mount Seir or Edom. 336 This “Givti” would seem to be one of the Gibeahs, unless we should read “Gimtzi” as before. 337 Perhaps this is capable of being rendered, “I am breaking to pieces; the chief is becoming master.” 338 What is meant is that the Egyptians, having come by sea to Ascalon or Gaza, are to march to Jerusalem by the Valley of Elah, the highway by which the Philistines came up against Saul. “Cazib” (“Chezib”) is in this valley, now ’Ain Kezbeh; and north of it is a valley with the unique name “Naheir” (“the little river”). The road becomes difficult when the Valley of Elah turns to the south, which is alluded to in the next letter (B. 103). (For Chezib see also 73 B. M.) 339 “Tu-ur ba-zu” appears to be spelled phonetically, but does not sound like a Semitic name. If it were taken as an ideogram it might be rendered “Ben Zicaru.” 340 “Zelah” has been proposed (Heb. “Zel’a”), but the final sign does not seem to be used to represent the “’Ain.” There were two Zelahs, one being Petra, the other north of Jerusalem (now probably the ruin of Salah); it appears to me more probable that Shiloh is intended. The Amorite “z” or “s” occasionally stands for a Hebrew “sh”; and the modern name “Seilûn” has always presented the difficulty that the “s” is not the proper representative of the Hebrew “sh.” Perhaps, as in other cases, the peasant pronunciation represents the Amorite rather than the Hebrew sound. Shiloh is remarkable for the great pass it commands. 341 There was a siege of Lachish by Joshua (Josh. x. 33). 342 Rimmon is probably the Rimmon of Benjamin, not far south of Shiloh, now the village of Rummon (Judges xx. 45, etc.). 343 The name spelled in other cases “U-ru-sa-lim” is here spelled “Uru-sa-lim,” showing that the usual explanation, “city of peace,” is probable. It has been proposed to translate “city of the god Salim,” a deity who is not known otherwise; but in these letters the names of gods have the prefix AN (“deity”), which does not occur in any instance in the name of the city. The word “salim” for “peace” has just been used in the letter, and occurs elsewhere in these letters. 344 “Casipi.” It has been read “Casia” (“Cushites”), but the word before is in the plural, and the plural could not end in “a.” Any great success is still attributed to sorcery in the East. It may, however, only mean “malicious,” according to its use in Hebrew. 345 There was an Egyptian known to history who bore the name of Paur (Brugsch, “Hist.” i. p. 462); he was a governor in Nubia, somewhat later than the present events. The name, however, must have been common, since “Paur” stands for “Paka” in some cases. It has been already explained as an Egyptian word. 346 The participle is feminine. 347 There had been four previous letters, agreeing with my arrangement. 348 Ajalon (now Yâlo) is at the foot of the Bethhoron Pass, where the battle against the five kings occurred. The women were apparently sent away before the battle of Ajalon, after which the easiest road to the plains, by Bethhoron and Ajalon, was closed. The flight of Adonizedek took place, according to the Biblical account, after the battle of Ajalon, while Joshua was at Gilgal, where the news was brought. 349 This appears to be the meaning, and refers to the road, mentioned in the last letter, by the Valley of Elan—less easy than that by Ajalon. 350 “Casi,” or Cush, as in Egyptian records, appears to mean upper Egypt. See what has been said as to this name in Ribadda’s letter (61 B.). 351 “Harti Cirmiel” is evidently Hareth Carmel, representing the Hebron country from Hareth (Kharas), on the northwest, above the Valley of Elah, to Carmel of Judah on the southeast. This would agree with placing Givti at Jeb’a. 352 Apparently the southern Gibeah of Judah, mentioned before (106 B.). Dr. Sayce reads Gath, but when Gath is mentioned it it called Giti (154 B.). 353 “Labaya” may mean, according to a common form of expression, the land of Labaya. 354 “Salabimi,” Shaalbim (Judges i. 35; 1 Kings iv. 9) or Shaalabbin (Josh. xix. 42), is probably Selbît, lying southeast of Lydda, near Ajalon. 355 In Judges i. 35 we read of the Amorites remaining in this district. 356 This name may be read various ways, as “Addamaru” or “Abu Amaru.” Perhaps the name “Ithamar” may be compared (Exod. vi. 23; xxviii. 1). See also Yabitiri of Joppa (Abiather?). 357 The only difficulty in identifying this place, “Ci el-ti,” with Keilah lies in the spelling with “Caph” instead of “Koph.” The name contains the required guttural found in the Hebrew; this has disappeared from the modern name, “Kilah.” The sign for “Ki” does not seem to be used in these letters; and there are several other instances of confusion of the two letters, as when “Ka” is written for “Ca” (“thee”) in a few cases. 358 “Ra” is apparently an Egyptian name. The order for withdrawal of the troops appears to have arrived. 359 This quarrel between the King of Jerusalem, the King of Makkedah, and the King of Keilah is probably early, before the appearance of the Hebrews; for Adonizedek says that the sons of Labaya (103 B.) were his contemporaries at that time, and Suyardata becomes his ally (106 B.) in presence of the common danger. If “behind” means to the west (the front being always the east), the attack was from the Valley of Elah. Keilah has very rough mountains on the east, and is easily reached on the west. 360 The meaning seems to be that Adonizedek had seized the flocks and herds. 361 “Basmath,” meaning “balsam” or “sweet,” was no doubt a common woman’s name. It occurs as the name of Ishmael’s daughter whom Esau married (Gen. xxxvi. 3, 4, 13), and as that of one of Solomon’s daughters (1 Kings iv. 15). She may have been the wife of Milcilu, King of Gezer, and pleads for her sons after her husband’s death. He had apparently been seized by the Hebrews (106 B.). 362 Zorah, now Sur’ah (Josh. xix. 41; Judges xiii. 2, etc.), was not far south of Ajalon, and near Gezer on the southeast. 363 This name cannot be identified, as has been proposed, with that of Abdasherah, since “Ashtoreth” and “Asherah” are different words. 364 If it is to be read simply as a syllabic name, it would be perhaps “Musi-huna.” There is a “Mes-hah” (“place of unction”) in lower Galilee. I have here supposed “huna” to come from the root “hana” (Heb. “hanah”), “to inhabit.” 365 “Tuser Atta,” a Mongol name, “father of conquest.” “Arta Sumara” appears to mean “destroying hero.” 366 “Mitani” or Matiene (Herod, i. 72, 189, 202; iii. 94; v. 49, 52; vii. 72) extended from the sources of the Araxes to the Halys River, and thus included all Armenia west of Lake Van: other names for the region were, the “Land of Khani Rabbe” (or Khani Rabbatu) and the “Land of the Minyans.” (See 27 B.) 367 The Hittites clearly did not live in Matiene, but in the adjacent country of northern Syria. 368 “Gilukhipa,” a Mongol name, “possessing glory.” 369 “Gilia” and “Tunipripi,” Mongol names, “glorious” and “very reliable.” 370 This may be dated late in the reign of Amenophis III, as Dusratta survived him. 371 Possibly Queen Teie or Thi. 372 Amanu, the Egyptian god Amen. 373 The word “Khatanu” means any kinsman by marriage, and “emu” is still used generally of any “kinsman” or even for “friend.” Some have translated “son-in-law” and “father-in-law,” but the latter word would be “khamu,” not “emu.” Dusratta was the father-in-law of Amenophis IV, but brother-in-law of Amenophis III. 374 “Binti,” not “Bintiya” (“my daughter”). The word “Bint” is still used generally for “a young woman.” Perhaps Queen Teie is intended. 375 “Targumanu” (“interpreter”) is the modern “dragoman.” Khani (see p. 201) was sent to Aziru, showing that the Canaanite rebellion may have occurred in the reign of Amenophis III. 376 “Assat mariya elme,” or perhaps “Assutti elme” (“in marriage to the youth”). There is no statement that shows Dusratta’s daughter to have married Amenophis III. She married his son, and is called “daughter-in-law” of Queen Teie (11 B. M.). 377 The gold came from Nubia and Abyssinia. (See Brugsch, “Hist. Egypt,” i. pp. 287, 310.) 378 In Aramaic “Gilia,” in the native tongue “Gilias,” with the Mongol termination of the nominative indefinite. 379 “Ikhibin,” possibly Kaban Maden in Armenia. 380 “Si-migi-s” is apparently a Mongol title for some deity, “the eye of night” (or “of sunset”), either the moon or the evening star. 381 “Khalci,” either Chalcis near Aleppo, or the “Land of the Khal” or “Phœnicians.” (Karnak list, No. 140.) 382 The Minyans (Jer. li. 27; and in Ps. xlv. 8, Targum) lived west of Lake Van. The Hyksos are called Men, or Menti in Egyptian texts. Apepi, the Hyksos King, adored Set, or Sut, who was adored also by the Hittites, and from whom Dusratta’s father, Sut-tarna (“Set is his lord”) was probably named. It would appear that the Hyksos, Hittites, and Armenians, were of the same race. The land of the Men is said to have been near Assyria, and east of Syria, which agrees. (See Brugsch, “Hist. Egypt,” i. pp. 210, 233, 234, 239.) The Minyæ of Herodotus (i. 146; iv. 145-148) are noticed as mixed with Aryans in Ionia, and in Lacedæmon were regarded as descendants of sailors in the Argo—perhaps from Colchis and the Caucasus. See what is said as to the similarity of the presents from Armenia (26 B.), and the art of Mycenæe and Troy, which is of Asiatic origin. 383 Harran (Gen. xi. 31, etc.), now Harrân, was on the south border of Dusratta’s kingdom, marching with Assyria. (Compare 24 B.) 384 “Tadukhipa,” a Mongol name, “possessing sweetness.” 385 Probably Teie is here meant, as there is no notice of Gilukhipa. She may have died. 386 “Walk after” for “obey” or “worship,” is used just as in Biblical Hebrew. 387 The broken name was “Nabkhuriya,” or Amenophis IV, as is clear from the next paragraph. He was also the husband of Tadukhipa, as here stated. (See 11 B. M.) 388 “Sitatama,” a Mongol name, apparently “fair-faced.” “Suttarna,” also Mongolic, “Sut is his Lord.” 389 As Gilukhipa was married during the reign of Suttarna (apparently from Egyptian sources in the tenth year of Amenophis III, or about 1490 B.C.), it is possible that “Teie” is here intended; but her father’s name was Iuaa, or Ivaa, and it is not clear what relation she was to Dusratta. From 11 B. it seems clear that they were related, and later in the present letter he mentions the “father of Teie,” apparently as living with him after his own father’s death. The syllables “Ivve” (perhaps for “Ivaa”) precede the father’s name, but as the text is here broken, it is not certain that these syllables represent a personal name. Perhaps Teie was Dusratta’s cousin. She was certainly of royal birth, and is represented as very fair, but with dark hair. The words “a daughter” may mean only “a young woman.” 390 Khai was sent to Aziru (31 B.), which again shows the date of the Canaanite rebellion to have been early. 391 This agrees with 27 B. as regards Dusratta’s conquests in the Hittite country. 392 As Amenophis IV was married already in the reign of Amenophis III, his mother’s marriage evidently took place some twenty years at least before the date of this letter. 393 Apparently this was written at least four years after the death of Amenophis III, or about 1450 B.C. at earliest. 394 The lands given when Tadukhipa was married. 395 “Mazipalali,” a Mongol name, “hero with the sword.” 396 Indicating that these Mongols were not monogamists. 397 Mongol name, “Ar-Tessupas,” “worshipper of Tessupas” (Rimmon). Other Mongol names occur in 27 B. (in the native speech) including Asali (“joyful”) and Artatan (“strong soldier”). If Teie’s name was Mongolic, it would mean “bright.” 398 Similar extradition is noticed in the treaty between Rameses II and Kheta Sar, the Hittite king, a century later. 399 The signs _IZCU_, _SAK_, _TAK_ (“weapon, stone, head”) seem to indicate a stone axe such as the Carians used. Battle-axes of flint are noticed in the time of Thothmes III. (Brugsch, “Hist. Egypt,” i. p. 342.) 400 This letter may, perhaps, be earlier than the preceding. 401 From a later letter (1 B. M.) it seems that the foreign ladies were shown to envoys from their parents, to enable them to report as to their health. 402 Or “the curious things.” 403 Or, perhaps, “but letters are received.” 404 This agrees with the letters from Babylonia in showing the disturbed state of the countries between Armenia and Egypt early in the reign of Amenophis IV, due to the revolts of Hittites, Amorites, and Hebrews. 405 The two-headed eagle was a Hittite emblem; it is also found at Mycenæ. 406 Iron from Asia is believed to have been known yet earlier (Brugsch. “Hist. Egypt,” i. pp. 342, 354). It was known in the fourteenth century B.C. by its Semitic name, “berzil.” 407 Clearly written to Teie, as Amenophis IV is mentioned as her son. 408 “Yuni,” as a Mongol name, would mean “true.” 409 “Rimmon Nirari” is an Assyrian name, but the king so called lived a good deal later. The rank of this writer is evidently inferior, but not as inferior as that of the Canaanite chiefs. He may have been an Assyrian prince, and perhaps wrote to Amenophis III. “Nukhasse” Dr. Bezold supposes to be the “Anaugas” of the records of Thothmes III, an unknown region in Syria. I have supposed it to be Merash, reading “Markhasse.” 410 This king, unknown before, was probably older than Amenophis III, who married his daughter, who was marriageable before the writer’s father died. 411 As in the previous case (82 B.). See p. 236. 412 Probably Irtabi (1 B.). 413 The month names are written in ideograms of Accadian origin. 414 This King’s date has been placed as late as 1400 B.C., but the dates are not accurately fixed. His daughter appears to have married Burnaburias of Babylon before 1450 B.C. (“Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch.” i. p. 69). His predecessor, Buzur, Assur, had settled the Assyrian boundary with Burnaburias. (Ibid., p. 68.) 415 This interruption (see also the letter from Chaldea, 18 B., in the later reign of Horus) was probably due to the Syrian revolt (compare 23 B., 7 B., and 8 B.), showing that the power of Egypt, broken in 1480 B.C., was still unrecognized as late as 1400 B.C., which brings us near the time when Rameses II recognized the independence of the Hittites, about 1360 B.C. (See p. 241.) 416 Supposed to have reigned about 1550 B.C.: presents from Assyria were received by Thothmes III even earlier (Brugsch, “Hist. Egypt,” i. p. 328), including chariots and cedar-wood. 417 Burnaburias appears to have reigned about 1450 B.C., or a little later. As regards the dates of Egyptian kings, they rest on the statement (see Brugsch, “Hist.,” i. p. 395) that the star Sothis rose on the 28th of Epiphi, in the reign of Thothmes III, and on the date of the new moon of various months in the same reign. The Egyptian year was a year of 365 days, and therefore vague as regarded the sidereal year. The risings of Sothis (Sirius) are recorded (“Decree of Canopus”) in the later Ptolemaic times as they occurred in connection with the Egyptian year, changing one day every four solar years; and the Rosetta stone fixes the calendar. From the rising of Sothis we should obtain a date about 1598 B.C. as falling in the reign of Thothmes III; and from the coincidences of the new moon we should obtain 1574 B.C. as the thirty-fourth and 1585 B.C. as the twenty-third years of his reign. He would, therefore, accede 1608 B.C. Dr. Brugsch places his accession about 1600 B.C. 418 This indicates the beginning of the Syrian wars in the reign of Amenophis III. 419 Apparently a Babylonian princess was to be sent to Egypt, and an Egyptian princess to Babylon. The two royal families were already allied by the marriage of Irtabi, and yet earlier of the sister of Callimmasin (1 B. M.), even if no Egyptian princess had been granted to the latter. The writer’s son was probably Carakhardas, who succeeded him. 420 Zalmu was a Babylonian. See the next letter. 421 Khai was still living in the reign of Amenophis IV. 422 “Siiri,” “a company of merchants,” as in Hebrew. 423 Or “advised this.” The foes attacking Egypt were at some distance from Babylonia, and the news only came by the envoy from Egypt. 424 “Sumatta.” Compare “Shammah” (Gen. xxxvi. 13-17), a proper name, perhaps, from the same root. 425 “Khinna tuni” would mean “inhabiting Khinna,” see Khini (64 B. M., p. 25), but more probably Hannathon in lower Galilee, east of Accho, is intended, now Kefr’ Anân. 426 See Zatatna and Surata, kings of Accho (93 B., 95 B.), p. 249. This, taken with the name of Neboyapiza in the latter letter, indicates a date early in the reign of Amenophis IV. 427 Alasiya was apparently a maritime region beyond the tributary Egyptian States, and not either in Babylonia (Shinar) nor in the Hittite country (5 B. M.); probably it is the Elishah of the Bible on the south shores of Asia Minor. (See my note “P. E. F. Quarterly Statement,” January, 1892, p. 44.) Elishah (Gen. x. 4; Ezek. xxvii. 7) was a maritime region. The diffusion westward of a Semitic population in Cilicia has long been suspected to have occurred early. 428 Semitic personal names, showing the worship of Ea and Baal in Elishah. 429 The signs SAL US indicate “female servants.” 430 “Lukki,” perhaps the Lycians, or perhaps the Ligyes of Herodotus, on the borders of Matiene (vii. 72). They appear to be the Laka who lived in the Taurus, the Leku of Egyptian records (Brugsch, ii. pp. 44, 54, 116, 124) mentioned with other tribes of north Syria, and with the Shakalisha—perhaps Cilicians. 431 “An-Amar-ut” (“sun-disk”) I have supposed to be the name of Khu-en-Aten (“glory of the sun-disk”), a title apparently of Amenophis IV (Brugsch, “Hist. Egypt,” i. p. 441); but it may, of course, refer to the god so called (see note, p. 198). The King of Egypt is called the sun-god in many of the letters in this collection. 432 The sign KHU means “bird,” but also “glory” and “prince.” “Ilid KHUMES” I take to mean “born of princes.” Others have rendered it “who trains birds,” but it would rather mean “who gives birth to birds,” which is impossible. 433 The name of the King is everywhere written in full, with the two cartouches. 434 Here and in other places a gap in the tablet has been filled up by the corresponding sentence in the inscription of Medinet Habou. 435 The plants. 436 Allusion to the festival of the coronation. 437 The τριακονητηρις here and in the title of the King has been employed as we should say a “century.” 438 Literally, life, health, and strength. _ 439 I.e._, the flocks of the temple’s estates. 440 The defaced passages ran thus, “Adoration of Osiris by the steward of the flocks (Amen-mes), son of the Lady Nefer-t-ari.” 441 Ave! 442 Vide Goodwin, in Chabas; Mélanges III, Tom. I, pl. 257. 443 Hermopolis magna. 444 The entrance to the dwelling of the dead. 445 The words “paut” and “paut-ti,” or double-paut, are connected with the idea of “creation.” 446 ΝΟΥΝ, νουν, abyssus. 447 “Mesess,” sky, vault, and veil. 448 Ritual, ch. XVIII. Lepsius, “Todtenbuch,” xi. ch. XVIII. ix. e. 17.