part in the history of music was by no means unimportant) to that

absolute musical vacuum which we find typical of the Anglo-Saxon peoples later, and even to-day. Except for the negro churches, and the professional singers whom the Churches now engage as attractions (Trinity Church in Boston in 1904 for $8,000 annually), in America one also hears as community singing in general only a noise which is intolerable to German ears (partly analogous things in Holland also).
272
Notes
65. Just the same in Holland, as the reports of the Synods show. (See the resolutions on the Maypole in the Reitmaas Collection, VI, 78, 139.)
66. That the "Renaissance of the Old Testament" and the Pietistic orientation to certain Christian attitudes hostile to beauty in art, which in the last analysis go back to Isaiah and the 22nd Psalm, must have contributed to making ugliness more of a possible object for art, and that the Puritan repudiation of idolatry of the flesh played a part, seems likely. But in detail everything seems uncertain. In the Roman Church quite different demagogic motives led to outwardly similar effects, but, however, with quite different artistic results. Standing before Rembrandt's Saul and David (in the Mauritshuis), one seems directly to feel the powerful influence of Puritan emotions. The excellent analysis of Dutch cultural influences in Carl Neumann's Rembra7tdt probably gives everything that for the time being we can know about how far ascetic Protestantism may be credited with a positive fructifying influence on art.
67. The most complex causes, into which we cannot go here, wei:e responsible for the relatively smaller extent to which the Calvinistic ethic penetrated practical life there. The ascetic spirit began to wealcen in Holland as early as the beginning of the seventeenth century (the English Congregationalists who fled to Holland in 1608 were disturbed by the lack of respect for the Sabbath there), but especially under the Stadtholder Frederick Henry. Moreover, Dutch Puritanism had in general much less expansive power than English. The reasons for it lay in part in the political constitution (par- ticularistic confederation of towns and provinces) and in the far smaller degree of military force (the War of Independence was soon fought principally with the money of Amsterdam and mercenary armies. English preachers illustrated the Babylonian confusion of tongues by reference to the Dutch Arrny). Thus the burden of the war of religion was to a large extent passed on to others, but at the same time a part of their political power was lost. On the other hand, Cromwell's army, even though it was partly conscripted, felt that it was an army of citizens. It was, to be sure, all the more characteristic that just this army adopted the abolition of conscription in its pro- gramme, because one could fight justly only for the glory of God in a cause hallowed by conscience, but not at the whim of a sovereign. The constitution of the British Army, so immoral to traditional German ideas, had its historical origin in very moral motives, and was an attainment of soldiers who had never been beaten. Only after the Restoration was it placed in the service of the interests of the Crown .
The Dutch schutterijen, the champions of Calvinism in the period of the Great War, only half a generation after the Synod of Dordrecht, do not look in the least ascetic in the pictures of Hals. Protests of
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
the Synods against their conduct occur frequently. The Dutch concept of Deftigkeit is a mixture of bourgeois-rational honesty and patrician consciousness of status. The division of church pews according to classes in the Dutch churches shows the aristocratic character of this religion even to-day. The continuance of the town economy hampered industry. It prospered almost alone through refugees, and hence only sporadically. Nevertheless, the worldly asceticism of Calvinism and Pietism was an important influence in Holland in the same direction as elsewhere. Also in the sense to be referred to presently of ascetic compulsion to save, as Groen van Prinsterer shows in the passage cited below, note 87.
Moreover, the almost complete lack of belles lettres in Calvinistic Holland is of course no accident (see for instance Busken-Huet, Het Land van Rembrandt). The significance of Dutch religion as ascetic compulsion to save appears clearly even in the eighteenth century in the writings of Albertus Haller. For the characteristic peculiarities of the Dutch attitude toward art and its motives, compare for example the autobiographical remarks of Constantine Huyghens (written in 1629-31) in Oud Holland, 1891. The work of Groen van Prinsterer, La Hollande et Vinfluence de Calvin, 1864, already referred to, offers nothing important for our problems. The Ntew Netherlands colony in America was socially a half-feudal settlement of patroons, merchants who advanced capital, and, unlike New England, it was difficult to persuade small people to settle there.
68. We may recall that the Puritan town government closed the theatre at Stratford-on-Avon while Shakespeare was still alive and residing there in his last years, Shakespeare's hatred and contempt of the Puritans appear on every occasion. As late as 1777 the City of Birmingham refused to license a theatre because it was conducive to slothfulness, and hence unfavourable to trade (Ashley, Birmingham Trade and Commerce, 191 3).
69. Here also it was of decisive importance that for the Puritan there was only the alternative of divine will or earthly vanity. Hence for him there could be no adiaphora. As we have already pointed out, Calvin's own view was different in this respect. What one eats, wears, etc., as long as there is no enslavement of the soul to earthly desire as a result, is indifferent. Freedom from the world should be expressed, as for the Jesuits, in indifference, which for Calvin meant an indifferent, un covetous use of whatever goods the earth offered (pp. 409 ff. of the original edition of the Jnstit. Christ).
70. The Quaker attitude in this respect is well known. But as early as the beginning of the seventeenth century the heaviest storms shook the pious congregation of exiles in Amsterdam for a decade over the fashionable hats and dresses of a preacher's wife (charmingly described in Dexter's Congregationalism of the Last Three Hundred Years). Sanford (op. cit.) has pointed out that the present-day male
274
Notes
hair-cut is that of the ridiculous Roundheads, and the equally ridiculous (for the time) male clothing of the Puritans is at least in principle fundamentally the same as that of to-day.
71. On this point again see Veblen's Theory of Business Enterprise.
yz. Again and again we come back to this attitude. It explains statements like the following: "Every penny which is paid upon yourselves and children and friends must be done as by God's own appointment and to serve and please Him. Watch narrowly, or else that thievish, carnal self will leave God nothing" (Baxter, op. cit., I, p. 108). This is decisive; what is expended for personal ends is withdrawn from' the service of God's glory.
73. Quite rightly it is customary to recall (Dowden, op. cit.) that Cromwell saved Raphael's drawings and Mantegna's Triumph of Ctssar from destruction, while Charles II tried to sell them. More- over, the society of the Restoration was distinctly cool or even hostile to English national literature. In fact the influence of Versailles was all-powerful at courts everywhere. A detailed analysis of the influence of the unfavourable atmosphere for the spontaneous enjoyment of everyday life on the spirit of the higher types of Puritan, and the men who went through the schooling of Puritanism, is a task which cannot be undertaken within the limits of this sketch. Washington Irving {Bracebridge Hall) forniulates it in the usual English terms thus: "It [he says political freedom, we should say Puritanism] evinces less play of the fancy, but more power of the imagination." It is only necessary to think of the place of the Scotch in science, literature, and technical invention, as well as in the business life of Great Britain, to be convinced that this remark approaches the truth, even though put somewhat too narrowly. We cannot speak here of its significance for the development of technique and the empirical sciences. The relation itself is always appearing in everyday life. For the Quakers, for instance, the recreatjons which are permissible (according to Barclay) are: visiting of friends, reading of historical works, mathematical and physical experiments, gardening, discussion of business and other occurrences in the world, etc. The reason is that pointed out above.
74. Already very finely analysed in Carl Neumann's Rembrandt, which should be compared with the above remarks in general.
75. Thus Baxter in the passage cited above, I, p. 108, and below.
76. Compare the well-known description of Colonel Hutchinson (often quoted, for instance, in Sanford, op. cit., p. 57) in the biography written by his widow. After describing all his chivalrous virtues and his cheerful, joyous nature, it goes on: "He was wonderfully neat, cleanly, and genteel in his habit, and had a very good fancy in it ; but he left off very early the wearing of anything that was costly." Quite similar is the ideal of the educated and highly civilized Puritan
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
woman who, however, is penurious of two things: (i) time, and (2) expenditure for pomp and pleasure, as drawn in Baxter's funeral oration for Mary Hammer {Works of the Puritan Divines, p. 533).
77. I think, among many other examples, especially of a manu- facturer unusually successful in his business ventures, and in his later years very wealthy, who, when for the treatment of a trouble- some digestive disorder the doctor prescribed a few oysters a day, could only be brought to comply with difficulty. Very considerable gifts for philanthropic purposes which he made during his lifetime and a certain openhandedness showed, on the other hand, that it was simply a survival of that ascetic feeling which looks upon enjoy- ment of wealth for oneself as morally reprehensible, but has nothing whatever to do with avarice.
78. The separation of workshop, office, of business in general and the private dwelling, of firm and name, of business capital and private wealth, the tendency to make of the business a corpus mysticum (at least in the case of corporate property) all lay in this direction. On this, see my Handelsgesellschaften im Mittelalter {Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, pp. 312 ff.).
79. Sombart in his Kapitalismus (first edition) has already well pointed out this characteristic phenomenon. It must, however, be noted that the accumulation of wealth springs from two quite distinct psycho- logical sources. One reaches into the dimmest antiquity and is expressed in foundations, family fortunes, and trusts, as well as much more purely and clearly in the desire to die weighted down with a great burden of material goods ; above all to insure the continuation of a business even at the cost of the personal interests of the majority of one's children. In such cases it is, besides the desire to give one's own creation an ideal life beyond one's death, and thus to maintain the splendor familiee and extend the personality of the founder, a question of, so to speak, fundamentally egocentric motives. That is not the case with that bourgeois motive with which we are here dealing. There the motto of asceticism is "Entsagen sollst du, sollst entsagen" in the positive capitalistic sense of "Erwerben sollst du, sollst erwerben". In its pure and simple non -rationality it is a sort of categorical imperative. Only the glory of God and one's own duty, not human vanity, is the motive for the Puritans; and to-day only the duty to one's calling. If.it pleases anyone to illustrate an idea by its extreme consequences, we may recall the theory of certain American millionaires, that their millions should not be left to their children, so that they will not be deprived of the good moral effects of the necessity of working and earning for themselves. To-day that idea is certainly no more than a theoretical soap-bubble.
80. This is, as must continually be emphasized, the final decisive religious motive (along with the purely ascetic desire to mortify the flesh). It is especially clear in the Quakers.
276
Notes
8i. Baxter {Saints' Everlasting Rest, p. 12) repudiates this with precisely the same reasoning as the Jesuits: the body must have what it needs, otherwise one becomes a slave to it.
82. This ideal is clearly present, especially for Quakerism, in the first period of its development, as has already been shown in im- portant points by Weingarten in his Englische Revolutionskirchen. Also Barclay's thorough discussion {op. cit., pp. 519 ff., 533) shows it very clearly. To be avoided are: (i) Worldly vanity ; thus all osten- tation, frivolity, and use of things having no practical purpose, or which are valuable only for their scarcity (i.e. for vanity's sake). (2) Any unconscientious use of wealth, such as excessive expenditure for not very urgent needs above necessary provision for the real needs of life and for the future. The Quaker was, so to speak, a living law of marginal utility. "Moderate use of the creature" is definitely per- missible, but in particular one might pay attention to the quality and durability of materials so long as it did not lead to vanity. On all this compare Morgenblatt für gebildete Leser, 1846, pp. 216 ff. Especially on comfort and solidity among the Quakers, compare Schneckenburger, Vorlesungen, pp. 96 f.
83. Adapted by Weber from Faust, Act I. Goethe there depicts Mephistopheles as "Die Kraft, die stets das Böse will, und stets das Gute schafft". — Translator's Note.
84. It has already been remarked that we cannot here enter into the question of the class relations of these religious movements (see the essays on the Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen). In order to see, however, that for example Baxter, of whom we make so much use in this study, did not see things solely as a bourgeois of his time, it will suflSce to recall that even for him in the order of the religious value of callings, after the learned professions comes the husband- man, and only then mariners, clothiers, booksellers, tailors, etc. Also, under mariners (characteristically, enough) he probably thinks at least as often of fishermen as of shipowners. In this regard several things in the Talmud are in a different class. Compare, for instance, in Wünsche, Babyl. Talmud, II, pp. 20, 21, the sayings of Rabbi Eleasar, which though not unchallenged, all contend in effect that business is better than agriculture. In between see II, 2, p. 68, on the wise investment of capital: one-third in land, one-third in merchandise, and one-third in cash.
For those to whom no causal explanation is adequate without an economic (or materialistic as it is unfortunately still called) inter- pretation, it may be remarked that I consider the influence of economic development on the fate of religious ideas to be very important and shall later attempt to show how in our case the process of mutual adaptation of the "two took place. On the other haiid, those religious ideas themselves simply cannot be deduced from economic circumstances. They are in themselves, that is beyond doubt, the
277
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
most powerful plastic elements of national character, and contain a law of development and a compelling force entirely their own. Moreover, the most important differences, so far as non-religious factors play a part, are, as with Lutheranism and Calvinism, the result of political circumstances, not economic.
85. That is what Eduard Bernstein means to express when he says, in the essay referred to above (pp. 625, 681), "Asceticism is a bourgeois virtue." His discussion is the first which has suggested these important relationships. But the connection is a much wider one than he suspected. For not only the accumulation of capital, but the ascetic rationalization of the whole of economic life was involved.
For the American Colonies, the difference between the Puritan North, where, on account of the ascetic compulsion to save, capital in search of investment was always available, from the conditions in the South has already been clearly brought out by Doyle.
86. Doyle, The English in America, II, chap. i. The existence of iron -works (1643), weaving for the market (1659), and also the high development of the handicrafts in New England in the first generation after the foundation of the colonies are, from a purely economic view-point, astounding. They are in striking contrast to the conditions in the South, as well as the non-Cälvinistic Rhode Island with its complete freedom of conscience. There, in spite of the excellent harbour, the report of the Governor and Council of 1686 said: "The great obstruction concerning trade is the want of merchants and men of considerable estates amongst us" (Arnold, History of the State of Rhode Island, p. 490). It can in fact hardly be doubted that the compulsion continually to reinvest savings, which the Puritan curtailment of consumption exercised, played a part. In addition there was the part of Church discipline which cannot be discussed here.
87. That, however, these circles rapidly diminished in the Nether- lands is shown by Busken-Huet's discussion {op. cit., II, chaps, iii and iv). Nevertheless, Groen van Prinsterer says {Handb. der Gesch. van het Vaderland, third edition, par. 303, note, p. 254), "De Neder- landers verkoopen vtel en verbruiken wenig", even of the time after the Peace of Westphalia.
88. For England, for instance, a petition of an aristocratic Royalist (quoted in Ranke, Engl. Geschichte, IV, p. 197) presented after the entry of Charles II into London, advocated a legal prohibition of the acquisition of landed estates by bourgeois capital, which should thereby be forced to find employment in trade. The class of Dutch regents was distinguished as an estate from the bourgeois patricians of the cities by the purchase of landed estates. See the complaints, cited by Fruin, Tien jaren uit den tachtigjarigen oorlog, of the year 1652, that the regents have become landlords and are no longer merchants. To be sure these circles had never been at bottom strictly
278
Notes
Calvinistic. And the notorious scramble for membership in the nobility and titles in large parts of the Dutch middle class in the second half of the seventeenth century in itself shows that at least for this period the contrast between English and Dutch conditions must be accepted with caution. In this case the power of hereditary moneyed property broke through the ascetic spirit.
89. Upon the strong movement for bourgeois capital to buy English landed estates followed the great period of prosperity of English agriculture.
90. Even down into this century Anglican landlords have often refused to accept Nonconformists as tenants. At the present time the two parties of the Church are of approximately equal numbers, while in earlier times the Nonconformists were always in the minority.
91. H. Levy (article in Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozial- politik, XLVI, p. 605) rightly notes that according to the native character of the English people, as seen from numerous of its traits, they were, if anything, less disposed to welcome an ascetic ethic and the middle-class virtues than other peoples. A hearty and un- restrained enjoyment of life was, and is, one of their fundamental traits. The power of Puritan asceticism at the time of its predominance is shown most strikingly in the astonishing degree to which this trait of character was brought under discipline among its adherents.
92. This contrast recurs continually in Doyle's presentation. In the attitude of the Puritan to everything the religious motive always played an important part (not always, of course, the sole important one). The colony (under Winthrop's leadership) was inclined to permit the settlement of gentlemen in Massachusetts, even an upper house with a hereditary nobility, if only the gentlemen would adhere to the Church. The colony remained closed for the sake of Church discipline. The colonization of New Hampshire and Maine was carried out by large Anglican merchants, who laid out large stock- raising plantations. Between them and the Puritans there was very little social connection. There were complaints over the strong greed for profits of the New Englanders as early as 1632 (see Weeden's Economic and Social History of New England, I, p. 125).
93. This is noted by Petty {Pol. Arith.), and all the contemporary sources without exception speak in particular of the Puritan sectarians, Baptists, Quakers, Mennonites, etc., as belonging partly to a property- less class, partly to one of small capitalists, and contrast them both with the great merchant aristocracy and the financial adventurers. But it was from just this small capitalist class, and not from the great financial magnates, monopolists, Government contractors, lenders to the King, colonial entrepreneurs, promoters, etc., that there originated what was characteristic of Occidental capitalism : the middle-class organization of industrial labour on the basis of private
279
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
property (see Unwin, Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, London, 1914, pp. 196 ff.)» To see that this difference was fully known even to contemporaries, compare Parker's Discourse Concerning Puritans of 164 1, where the contrast to promoters and courtiers is also emphasized.
94. On the way in which this was expressed in the politics of Pennsylvania in the eighteenth century, especially during the War of Independence, see Sharpless, A Quaker Experiment in Government, Philadelphia, 1902.
95. Quoted in Southey, Life of Wesley, chap, xxix (second American edition, II, p. 308). For the reference, which I did not know, I am indebted to a letter from Professor Ashley (191 3). Ernst Troeltsch, to whom I communicated it for the purpose, has already made use of it.
96. The reading of this passage may be recommended to all those who consider themselves to-day better informed on these matters than the leaders and contemporaries of the movements themselves. As we see, they knew very well what they were doing and what dangers they faced. It is really inexcusable to contest so lightly, as some of my critics have done, facts which are quite beyond dispute, and have hitherto never been disputed by anyone. All I have done is to investigate their underlying motives somewhat 'more carefully. No one in the seventeenth century doubted the existence of these relationships (compare Manley, Usury of 6 per Cent. Examined, 1669, p. 137). Besides the modern writers already noted, poets like Heine and Keats, as well as historians like Macaulay, Cunningham, Rogers, or an essayist such as Matthew Arnold, have assumed them as obvious. From the most recent literature see Ashley, Birmingham Industry and Commerce (191 3). He has also expressed his complete agreement with me in correspondence. On the whole problem now compare the study by H. Levy referred to above, note 91.
97. Weber's italics.
98. That exactly the same things were obvious to the Puritans of the classical era cannot perhaps be more clearly shown than by the fact that in Bunyan Mr. Money-Love argues that one may become religious in order to' get rich, for instance to attract customers. For why one has become religious makes no difference (see p. 114, Tauchnitz edition).
99. Defoe was a zealous Nonconformist.
100. Spener also {Theologische Bedenken, pp. 426, 429, 432 ff.), although he holds that the merchant's calling is full of temptations and pitfalls, nevertheless declares in answer to a question: "I am glad to see, so far as trade is concerned, that my dear friend knows no scruples, but takes it as an art of life, which it is, in which much good may be done for the human race, and God's will may be carried out through love." This is more fully justified in other passages by mercantilist arguments. Spener, at times in a purely Lutheran strain,
280
Notes
designates the desire to become rich as the main pitfall, following I Tim. vi, viii, and ix, and referring to Jesus Sirach (see above), and hence rigidly to be condemned. But, on the other hand, he takes some of it back by referring to the prosperous sectarians who yet live righteously (see above, note 39). As the result of industrious work wealth is not objectionable to him either. But on account of the Lutheran influence his standpoint is less consistent than that of Baxter.
loi. Baxter, op. cit., II, p. 16, warns against the employment of "heavy, flegmatic, sluggish, fleshly, slothful persons" as servants, and recommends preference for godly servants, not only because ungodly servants would be mere eye-servants, but above all because "a truly godly servant will do all your service in obedience to God, as if God Himself had bid him do it". Others, on the other hand, are inclined "to make no great matter of conscience of it". However, the criterion of saintliness of the workman is not for him the external confession of faith, but the "conscience to do their duty". It appears here that the interests of God and of the employers are curiously harmonious. Spener also (Theologische Bedenken, III, p. 272), who otherwise strongly urges taking time to think of God, assumes it to be obvious that workers must be satisfied with the extreme minimum of leisure time (even on Sundays). English writers have rightly called the Protestant immigrants the pioneers of skilled labour. See also proofs in H. Levy, Die Grundlagen des ökonomischen Liberalismus in der Geschichte der englischen Volkswirtschaft, p. 53.
102. The analogy between the unjust (according to human standards) predestination of only a few and the equally unjust, but equally divinely ordained, distribution of wealth, was too obvious to be escaped. See for example Hoornbeek, op. cit., I, p. 153. Further- more, as for Baxter, op. cit., I, p. 380, poverty is very often a symptom of sinful slothfulness.
103. Thomas Adams {Works of the Puritan Divines, p. 158) thinks that God probably allows so many people to remain poor because He knows that they would not be able to withstand the temptations that go with w^ealth. For wealth all too often draws men away from religion.
104. See above, note 45, and the study of H. Levy referred to there. The same is noted in all the discussions (thus by Manley for the Huguenots).
105. Charisma is a sociological term coined by Weber himself. It refers to the quality of leadership which appeals to non-rational motives. See Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, pp. 140 ff. — Translator's Note.
106. Similar things were not lacking in England. There was, for example, that Pietism which, starting from Law's Serious Call (172S), preached poverty, chastity, and, originally, isolation from the world.
u 281
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
107. Baxter's activity in Kidderminster, a community absolutely debauched when he arrived, which was almost unique in the history of the ministry for its success, is at the same time a typical example of how asceticism educated the masses to labour, or, in Marxian terms, to the production of surplus value, and thereby for the first time made their employment in the capitalistic labour relation (putting-out industry, weaving, etc.) possible at all. That is very generally the causal relationship. From Baxter's own view-point he accepted the employment of his charges in capitalistic production for the sake of his religious and ethical interests. From the standpoint of the development of capitalism these latter were brought into the service of the development of the spirit of capitalism.
108. Furthermore, one may well doubt to what extent the joy of the mediaeval craftsman in his creation, which is so commonly appealed to, was effective as a psychological motive force. Never- theless, there is undoubtedly something in that thesis. But in any case asceticism certainly deprived all labour of this worldly attractiveness, to-day for ever destroyed by capitalism, and oriented it to the beyond. Labour in a calling as such is willed by God. The im- personality of present-day labour, what, from the standpoint of the individual, is its joyless lack of meaning, still has a religious justifi- cation here. Capitalism at the time of its development needed labourers who were available for economic exploitation for conscience' sake. To-day it is in the saddle, and hence able to force people to labour without transcendental sanctions.
109. Petty, Political Arithmetick, Works, edited by Hull, I, p. 262. no. On these conflicts and developments see H. Levy in the book
cited above. The very powerful hostility of public opinion to monopolies, which is characteristic of England, originated historically in a combination of the political struggle for power against the Crown — the Long Parliament excluded monopolists from its member- ship— with the ethical motives of Puritanism; and the economic interests of the small bourgeois and moderate -scale capitalists against the financial magnates in the seventeenth century. The Declaration of the Army of August 2, 1652, as well as the Petition of the Levellers of January 28, 1653, demand, besides the abolition of excises, tariffs, and indirect taxes, and the introduction of a single tax on estates, above all free trade, i.e. the abolition of the monopolistic barriers to trade at home and abroad, as a violation of the natural rights of man.
111. Compare H. Levy, Die Grundlagen des ökonomischen Liberal- ismus in der Geschichte der englischen Volkswirtschaft, pp. 5 1 f .
112. That those other elements, which have here not yet been traced to their religious roots, especially the idea that honesty is the best policy (Franklin's discussion of credit), are also of Puritan origin, must be proved in a somewhat different connection (see the following essay [not translated here]). Here I shall limit myself to
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Notes
repeating the following remark of J. A. Rowntree {Quakerism, Past and Present, pp. 95-6), to which E. Bernstein has called my atten- tion: "Is it merely a coincidence, or is it a conseqtience, that the lofty profession of spirituality made by the Friends has gone hand in hand with shrewdness and tact in the transaction of mundane affairs? Real piety favours the success of a trader by insuring his integrity and fostering habits of prudence and forethought, im- portant items in obtaining that standing and credit in the commercial world, which are requisites for the steady accumulation of wealth" (see the following essay). "Honest as a Huguenot" was as proverbial in the seventeenth century as the respect for law of the Dutch which Sir W. Temple admired, and, a century later, that of the English as compared with those Continental peoples that had not been through this ethical schooling.
113. Well analysed in Bielschowsky's Goethe, \l, chap, xviii. For the development of the scientific cosmos Windelband, at the end of his Blütezeit der deutschen Philosophie (Vol. H of the Gesch. d. Neueren Philosophie), has expressed a similar idea.
114. Saints' Everlasting Rest, chap. xii.
115. "Couldn't the old man be satisfied with his $75,000 a year and rest? No! The frontage of the store must be widened to 400 feet. Why? That beats everything, he says. In the evening when his wife and daughter read together, he wants to go to bed. Sundays he looks at the clock every five minutes to see when the day will be over — what a futile life!" In these terms the son-in-law (who had emigrated from Germany) of the leading dry-goods man of an Ohio city expressed his judgment of the latter, a judgment which would un- doubtedly have seemed simply incomprehensible to the old man. A symptom of German lack of energy.
116. This remark alone (unchanged since his criticism) might have shown Brentano {op. cit.) that I have never doubted its inde- pendent significance. That humanism was also not pure rationalism has lately again been strongly emphasized by Borinski in the Abfiandl. der Münchener Akad. der Wiss., 191 9.
117. The academic oration of v. Below, Die Ursachen der Refor- mation (Freiburg, 1916), is not concerned with this problem, but with that of the Reformation in general, especially Luther. For the question dealt with here, especially the controversies which have grown out of this study, I may refer finally to the work of Hermelink, Reformation und Gegenreformation, which, however, is also primarily concerned with other problems.
118. For the above sketch has deHberately taken up only the relations in which an influence of religious ideas on the material culture is really beyond doubt. It would have been easy to proceed beyond that to a regular construction which logically deduced everything characteristic of modern culture from Protestant rational-
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The Protesta?jt Ethic afid the Spirit of Capitalism
ism. But that sort of thing may be left to the type of dilettante who believes in the unity of the group mind and its reducibility to a single formula. Let it be remarked only that the period of capitalistic development lying before that which we have studied was every- where in part determined by religious influences, both hindering and helping. Of what sort these were belongs in another chapter. Further- more, whether, of the broader problems sketched above, one or another can be dealt with in the limits of this Journal [the essay first appeared in the Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik — Translator's Note] is not certain in view of the problems to which it is devoted. On the other hand, to write heavy tomes, as thick as they would have to be in this case, and dependent on the work of others (theologians and historians), I have no great inclination (I have left these sentences unchanged).
For the tension between ideals and reality in early capitalistic times before the Reformation, see now Strieder, Studien zur Ges- chichte der kapit. Organizationsformen, 1914, Book II. (Also as against the work of Keller, cited above, which was utilized by Sombart.)
119. I should have thought that this sentence and the remarks and notes immediately preceding it would have sufficed to prevent any misunderstanding of what this study was meant to accomplish, and I find no occasion for adding anything. Instead of following up with an immediate continuation in terms of the above programme, I have, partly for fortuitous reasons, especially the appearance of Troeltsch's Die Soziallehren der christlichen Kirchen und Gruppen, which disposed of many things I should have had to investigate in a way in which I, not being a theologian, could not have done it; but partly also in order to correct the isolation of this study and to place it in relation to the whole of cultural development, determined, first, to write down some comparative studies of the general historical relationship of religion and society. These follow. Before them is placed only a short essay in order to clear up the concept of sect used above, and at the same time to show the significance of the Puritan conception of the Church for the capitalistic spirit of modern times.
284
INDEX
absolution, sacrament of, 1 16, 134 acquisition, as principle of econo- mic action, 63 acquisition, impulse to, 16, 56 Adams, Thomas, 223, 237, 258, 259, 266, 267, 269, 272, 281 adaptation, 72
(see selection) adiaphora, 256, 274 administration, 25 adventurers, capitalistic, 20, 24, 58, 69, 76, 166, 174, 186, 199, 279 after-life, idea of, 97, 109 Alberti, Leon Battista, 194, 202,
262 Anglican Church, 82, 99, 179 Anthony of Florence, 73, 83, 197,
201, 202 anthropology, 30 Anti-authoritarianism, 167
{see also asceticism) architecture, in West, 15 aristocracy, antagonism to, 150 aristocracy, commerical, 37, 65, 74 Aristotle, 14, 235, 244, 249 Arminians, 200, 217 Arnold, Matthew, 191, 280 Arnold, Samuel G., 278 art in West, 14 Arte di Calimala, 203 arts, Puritan attitude to, 168, 272 asceticism, an ti -authoritarian, ten- dency of, 167, 255 asceticism, definition of, 193-4 asceticism, monastic, 80, 121,
253-4 asceticism, sexual, 158 asceticism, tendency of capitalism
to, 71 asceticism, types of, 118 asceticism, worldly, 149, 154 Ashley, W. J., 280
Augsburg Confession, 102, 206,
209 Augustine, St., loi Aymon, Jean, 190
Bailey, R., 106, 129, 132, 222,
228, 231, 233, 238, 245,
259 Baird, Henry M., 219 Bank of England, 186 baptism, 145, 222 Barclay, Robert, 148, 156, 171,
252, 257, 269 Barebones, Praisegod, 243 Bartholomew's day, St., 156 Bax, E. Belfort, 253 Baxter, Richard, 106, 155, 181,
218, 224, 226 flf., 245, 259 flF. Becker, Bernhard, 247 begging, 177, 268 believers' church, 122, 144
{see also sect) Below, Georg von, 283 Benedict, St., 118 Bernhard, St., 230, 236, 238, 241,
267 Bernhard of Siena, 197, 201, 202 Bernstein, Eduard, 219, 256, 258,
278, 283 Berthold of Regensburg, 208 Beruf, 79, 204 ff. Beruf, translation of, 194 Beza, Theodore, iio, 230 bibliocracy, 123, 146 Bielschowsky, Albert, 283 Bohemian Brothers, 197 Bonaventura, St., 236, 242, 267 Bonn, M. J., 217 book-keeping, 22, 67 book-keeping, moral, 124, 238 Borinski, Karl, 283 bourgeoisie, 23, 24, 176 Brassey, Thomas, 198
285
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
Braune, Wilhelm, 207 Brentano, Lujo, 185, 187, 190,
192, 193, 194, 198, 205, 209,
210, 217, 259, 283 Brodnitz, Georg, 203 brotherly love, 81, 108, 163, 226 Brown, John, 219 Browne, John, 243 Bryce, James, 235, 268 Bucer, letter to, 228 Buckle, Henry Thomas, 44 Buddhism, 228 Bunyan, John, 107, 124, 176, 223,
227, 230, 234, 259, 271, 280 Busken-Huet, 274, 278 Butler, Samuel, 168
Caesarism, Puritan immunity to, 224
calling, duty in a, 54, 62
calling, idea of, 79 ff.
Calvin, John, 45, 89 and predestination, 102 attitude to certitudo salutis, no attitude toward wealth, 157
Calvinism, social organization of, 224
Calw, 44
Campbell, Douglas, 218
Carlyle, Thomas, 37, 214, 219
capital, definition of, 17
capital, origin of, 68
capital, ownership of, 36
capitalism, concept of, 16
Cato, 19s, 201
Cavaliers, 88, 169
certitudo salutis, no, 114-15, 129, r33, 139-40, 203. 226, 229, 272
charisma, 178, 281
Charles I, 166
Charnock, Stuart, 231, 232, 235, 238, 259
Chillingworth, William, 127
chosen people, belief in, 166 (see also elect)
286
Christopher, Duke of Würtem-
berg, 268 Cicero, 205 Cistercians, 118 Cluny, Monks of, 118 Colbert, Jean Baptiste, 43 Columella, 196 comfort, idea of, 171 commenda, 17, 20, 58 Communion, admission to, in,
155 . confession, 106, 124, 134, 137,
153 confessions, Baptist, 231
(see also Dordrecht, West-
munster, Augsburg, Han-
serd Knolly) Congregationalists, 217 consilia evangelica, 80, 120, 137 contemplation, 26, H2, 158, 159,
212 conventicles, 130, 131, 167, 245 conversion, 140 Corinthians, ist Epistle to the,
84, 164, 206, 208, 214 Cornelius, Carl Adolf, 253, 255 counterpoint, 14 Court, Peter de la, 177 Cramer, S., 257 Cranmer, Thomas, 210 creation, joy of, 282 Cromwell, Oliver, 82, 156, 213,
226, 275 Cromwell, Richard, 251 Crosby, Thomas, 235 Cunningham, William, 280
Da Costa, 226
Defoe, Daniel, 180, ä8o
Deissmann, Adolf, 209
democracy, 224
Denifle, Heinrich, 211
Deventer, Provincial Synod of,
260 Dexter, H. M., 219, 252, 274 Dieterich, A., 205
Index
dilettantes, 29
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 209 Dippel, Johann Conrad, 248 discipline. Church, 97, 152, 155,
178 « discipline, monastic, 174
distribution of goods, unequal,
177 Divine Comedy, 87 DöUinger, Johann Joseph Iquaz
von, 107 domestic industry, 21, 192 'if Dordrecht, Synod of, 99, 102,
226, 240 Dowden, Edward, 176, 221, 222,
258, 270, 275 Doyle, John Andrew, 172, 219,
278 Dunckards, 150
Eck Bible translation, 10
Economic interpretation of His- tory {see Materialism, his- torical)
education and capitalism, 38
Eger, Karl, 211
elect, aristocracy of, 104, 121, 122, 131-8, 151, 242
elect, membership in, no
emotion, emphasis on, 131, 135 138-40
Enlightenment, The, 45, 70, 106 182
Entzauberung der Welt, 221 {see also magic, elimination of)
Erastianism, 2x7
d'Este, Renata, 237
Ethnography, 29
experiment, method of, 1 3
faith, justification by, 112, 114 faith, results of, 114
{see also proof) fatalism, 131, 232 feudal state, 16 feudalism, 185
Fieschi, 235
Firth, Charles Harding, 219, 236 Fleischiitz, Bible translator, 207 formalism, as characteristic of
Puritanism, 166 Fox, George, 89, 146, 148, 253,
266 Francis of Assissi, 120, 146, 254 Franciscans, 253 Franck, Sebastian, 121, 220 Francke, August Hermann, 132-
3, 138, 246 Franklin, Benjamin, 48, 50, 64,
71, 82, 124, 151, 158, .i8o,
192, 19s, 263 Frederick, Henry, Stadholder,
273 Frederick William I, 44, 250 Freytag, Gustav, 242 Froude, James Anthony, 223 Fruin, Robert, 219, 278 Fugger, Jacob, 51, 192 Fuggers, 82, 202, 213 Fuller, Thomas, 231 Funck, 201
Gardiner, Samuel Rawson, 213,
219, 272 Gerhard, Johannes, 229 Gerhard, Paul, 88 Giles, St., 146 God, Calvinistic conception of,
103 Goethe, Wolfgang, 151, 181, 261,
277 Goodwin, John, 246 Gorichem, Synod of, 260 Gothein, Eberhard, 43 Grab, Hermann von, 222 Grubbe, Edward, 253
Haller, Albertus, 274 Hals, Frans, 273 handicrafts, 21, 38, 65 Hanna, C. A., 189
287
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
Hanserd Knolly, Confession of, 125, 220, 221, 225, 231, 257
harmony, 14
Harnack, Adolf, 262
Hasbach, Wilhelm, 198
Hebrews, 265 {see Jews)
Heidegger, Johann Heinrich, 228
Heine, Heinrich, 280
Hellpach, W., 244
Henry, Matthew, 238, 259, 261
Heppe, Heinrich Ludwig, 221, 228, 247
heredity, influence of, 30, 279
Hermelink, Heinrich, 283
Hermhut, 135, 248
Hertling, Georg von, 188
historical individual, 47
Hoenicke, 238
Hoffmann, 255
honesty, best policy, 282
Honigsheim, Paul, 212, 222, 226, 229
Hooker, Richard, 127
Hoops, Johannes, 207
Hoornbeek, J., 221, 223, 228, 232,
234,259 Howe, Daniel Wait, 219 Howe, John, 237, 251, 259 Hudibras, 235
{see also Bulter) Hugenots, 39, 43, 201 Humiliati, 254
Hundeshagen, Carl Bernhard, 226 Huntingdon, Lady, 125 Huss, John, 95, 198 Hutchinson, Colonel John, 275 Huyghens, Constantine, 274
ideal type, 71, 98, 200
idolatry of the flesh, 105, 146,
150, 169, 171, 224, 266, 270,
272-3 Ignatius, St., 119 Independents, 99, 122, 217, 242 India, religious teaching of, 265
288
individualism, 105, 222 indulgence, 120 industria, 73, 196, 197 inner light, doctrine of, 147 institution for salvation, church
as, 227 interest, prohibition of, 73, 201 interests, capitalistic, influence of,
24 Irving, Washington, 261, 275 isolation ,of individual, 108
Jacoby, Ludwig S., 250
Jains, 191, 197, 228
James I, 99, 166
James, William, 232
Janeway, James, 259, 268
Jansenists, 221, 222, 229
Jaspers, Karl, 186
Jerome, St., 205
Jesuits, 81, 118, 124, 267, 274, 277
Jesus , Jx. —N
/Jews as minorities, 39, 191 news as representing adven- I turer's capitalism, 186, 271
Jews, problem of, 187, 197
Jews, Puritans' relation to, 165, 180
Jews, rationalization of, 117, 222 / ob. Book of, 164
Jones, Ruf us B., 253
joy of living, 41, 42, 45
joy of living, relation of Puri- tanism to, 163, 166-7, 173
Judaism {see Jews)
Jülicher, A., 214
Jüngst, Johannes, 251
Kampschulte, F. Wilhelm, 218 Kant, Immanuel, 270 Kattenbusch, Ferdinand, 255 Kautsky, Karl, 258 Keats, John, 44, 270 Keller, F., 191, 200, 284 Keller, Gottfried, 107
Index
Kierkegaard, Soren, 109
Klages, Ludwig, 186
de Kock, 226
Knolley, Hanserd {see Hanserd
Knolley) » Knox, John, 45, 219 Koehler, Walther, 211 Koester, A., 211 Köhler, August, 219, 226, 247,
269 Kolde, Theodor, 251 Kommanditgesellschaft, 20 Köstlin, Julius, 221 Kürnberger, Ferdinand, 50
Labadie, Jean de, 240, 241, 245
laboratory, modern, 13
labour, division of^_8i^6o, 161 /labour, rational, capitälTstic'^r- *• — ^-^^amzation of, 21, 22, 24, 166
labour, valuation of, 158
Lambeth Article, 220
Lamprecht, Karl, 244, 248
Lang, J. C, 252
Laud, Bishop William, 179, 213
Lavelye, ßmile, 191
law, canon, 14, 73
law, mosaic, 123, 165, 2 j i.
law, natural {see lex natures)
law, rational structure of, 25
law, Roman, 14, 77
Lenau, Nicolaus, 192
Leonard, Ellen M., 268
Levy, Hermann, 213, 217, 268, 279, 281, 282
lex naturce, 109, 114, 211, 256, 270
liberum arbitrium, 57, 77
Liguori, Alfonso of, 107
literature, Puritan attitude to, 168
Lobstein, Paul, 229
Lodensteyn, Jodocus van, 241
Loofs, Friedrich, 250, 252
Lorimer, G., 253
Löscher, Valentine Ernest, 246
Luthardt, Christoph Ernst, 214
Luther, use of "calling," 164,
204 ff. Lutheranism, ethical theory of,
238 Lutheranism, moral helplessness
of, 126 Lutheranism, relation to Pietism,
95
Lutheranism, relation to world, 87, 160
Lutheranism, traditionalistic ten- dency of, 86
Lutheranism and Predestination,
IÜ2
Macaulay, Thomas Babington,
219, 220, 223, 280 Machiavelli, Nicolo, 14, 107 magic, elimination of, 105, 117,
149 Magna Charta, 217 Maliniak, J., 200 Manley, Thomas, 280 manors, 21 Marcks, Erich, 218 marriage, Puritan conception of,
158, 263 masserizia, 195 Masson, David, 219, 220 materialism, historical, 24, 55,
75, 90-2, 183, 266, 277 Maurenbrecher, Max, 211 Maurice of Orange, 235 Meissner, Balthasar, 229 Melancthon, Philip, 102, 227,
239, 244 Menno, Simons, 89, 145 Mennonites, 44, 144, 149, 150,
217, 255, 256, 257 mercantilism, 23, 152, 197, 242 Merx, Albrecht, 203, 204, 208 Milton, John, 87, loi, 220, 267 minorities, 39, 190 Mirbt, Carl, 242 missionary, 136, 225 monasti ism, 118, 119, 158, 174
289
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
money-lenders, 20 monopolies, 65, 82, 179, 271 Montesquieu, Charles Louis de,
45 Moravians, 96, 135 Mormons, 264 Motley, John Lothrop, 219 Müller, Karl, 219, 253, 255 Münster, 149, 253 Murch, J., 253 music, 14 Muthmann, 223 mystics, German, 79, 86, 112, 132
Naber, 219 Neal, David, 235 needs, satisfaction of, 63 Neumann, Carl, 273, 275 Newman, A. H., 253 Nicklaes, Hendrik, 269 Nicolai, Philip, 229 Nietzsche, Friedrich, 232 Nuyens, W. J. F., 219, 221
official, 16
OflFenbacher, Martin, 188
oikos, 22
Old Testament, 123
Oldenbarneveld, Joan van, 99
Olevianus, J
organization, capitalistic forms of,
64,67 organization. Church, 128 organization, social, superiority of
Calvinism in, 108 orphans, Amsterdam, 226 ostentation, avoidance of, 71 otherworldliness, 40, 41, 42, 118,
14s Owen, John, 237
Parker, 179
Parsees, 191
parvenus, 65, 71, 163, 268
Pascal, Blaise, 81, 113, 211 222,
227, 229 Paterson, William, i86 /
290
Paul, St., 84, 159, 160, 212 Petty, Sir William, 43, 179, 189,
279, 282 piece-rates, 59 Pierson, Allard, 219 Pietism, 42 Plitt, Hermann, "247 Plutarch, 236 Polenz, Gottlob van, 219 Poor relief, English, 178 poverty, glorification of, 136 Praetorius, Abdias, 229 Praxis pietatis, 129, 130 precisians, 117 predestination, doctrine of, 98 fF.,
i09iT., 121, 125, 128, 131, \^ 143,148,226,227,232 Presbyterians, 125, 146 Price, Thomas, 219 Prinsterer, Groen van, 219, 274,
278 printing, 15 privileges, 65 profitableness, as sign of grace,
162 proletariat, 25 proof, doctrine of, 112, 115, 126,
129, 133, 137, 141, 142,
153,203 Prynne, William, 179, 269 psychology, in sociological in- vestigation, 31, 244 Puritanism, attitude to sensuous
culture, 105 Puritanism, definition of, 96 putting-out system, 23, 66, 179
Quakers, 39, 44, 86, 144 ff., 150, 217,276,283 {see also Barclay, Robert)
Rabelais, Frangois, 190 Rachfel, Felix, i86 Ranke, Leopold von, 210 nraribnalism, 2^740, 75 \ (see also rationalization)^
Index
rationalization, 25, 68, 136, 147 {see also rationalism ; rn^gic,
elimination of ) -""" " Rembrandt7i69, 273 Rer»aissance, Puritan relation to,
168 Rhodes, Cecil, 42 Ritschl, Albrecht, 134, 139, 219,
221, 229, 237, 240, 245, 247,
253.254,271 Rogers, Thorold, 280 Roloff, Gustav, 235 romanticism, 71 romanticists, 65 Roosevelt, Theodore, 269 Roundheads, 88 Rowntree, J. A., 283
Sack, Carl Heinrich, 219 sacraments, 104 Salmasius, Claudius, 201 salvation, conditions of, 113 sanctification, 138, 140 sanctions, psychological, 97, 128,
178, 197, 267 Sanford, John Langton, 123, 217,
274 saving, ascetic compulsion to,
172, 276 Savoy Declaration, 114, 125, 231 Schäfer, Dietrich, 222 Schechter, Solomon, 204 Scheibe, Max, 221 Schell, Hermann, 188 SchmoUer, Gustav, 214 Schneckenburger, Matthias, 112,
143, 214, 219, 228, 230, 232,
251.277 Scholasticism, 83, 168
{see also Thomas Aquinas) Schortinghuis, Wilhelmus, 229,
244 Schulze-Gaevemitz, G. von, 198 Schwenkfeld, Caspar, 146, 256 science, Puritan attitude to, 168,
249
science. Western characteristics
of, 13, 15, 24 Scotists, 202 Scotus, Duns, 235 sea loans, 20
sect, distinguished from church, 145, 152,254 {see also believers' church) Sedgwick, Obadiah, 228, 231,
234.259 Söe, Henri, 185
Seeberg, 211, 214, 215, 219, 235 Seiss, J. A., 253 selection, concept of, 55, 72 Seneca, 205 Septuagint, 204 Sermon on the Mount, 250 Shakespeare, William, 274 Simmel, Georg, 185, 193 Sirach, Jesus, 79, 164, 204 ff, Skeats, Herbert S., 252 Skoptsi, 197 Sloth, 264 Smend, Rudolf, 204 Smith, Adam, 81, 161 socialism, 23 Sombart, Werner, 63, 75, 185,
187, 191, 192, 193-8, 200 ff.,
214, 217, 259, 261, 271, 276 South Sea Bubble, 186 Southey, Robert, 251, 280 Spangenberg, A. G., 136,223,248 Spener, Philip Jacob, 95, 132-5,
138, 150, 156,222,245, 247,
257, 262, 266 Spinoza, Baruch de, 245 Sports, Book of, 166 St. Andre, Dupin de, 190 State, characteristics of, 179 State, modern, 16, 72 Sternberg, H. von, 214 Strieder, Jacob, 284 Stundists, 197
talents, parable of the, 163 Talmud, 83, 165, 207, 270, 277
291
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
Tauler, Johannes, 86, 208, 212,
216, 229, 236, 24s Taylor, Hudson, 225 Taylor, J. J., 219 Teellinck, W., 241 Teersteegen, 245 Terminism, doctrine of, 133 theodicy problem, 109 Theophylaktos, 209 Tholuck, A., 240 Thomas, Alton C, 253 Thomas Aquinas, St., 80, 150,
159, 160, 196, 211, 215,
267 Thomas ä Kempis, St., 242, 245 Thucydides, 14 time is money, 48, 158 Time, waste of, 157 toleration, idea of, 242 traditionalism, 36, 59 ff., 65 fr.,
76, 84, 164, 191, 215, 265,
271 Troeltsch, Ernst, i88, 211, 214,
218,219,236,239,255,270,
284 Tyerman, Luke, 251 Tyermans, 218 Tyndale, William, 210
Ullrich, F., 227, 240 uniformity, tendency toward, 169 unio mysHca, 112, 113, 130 Unwin, George, 280 utilitarianism, 52, 81, 109, 126,
161,176, 183, 196,265 utilitarianism, hygienic, 263
Van Wyck, A., 227
value, judgments of, 29, 98, 112,
182, 236 Varro, 196
Veblen, Thorstein, 258, 275 Vedder, Henry C, 253 Vischer, F. T., 247 Voet, Gisbert, 45, 218, 234, 241, 259
292
Voltaire, 77 Vol gate, 205
wages and productivity, 60, 198
Wagner, Richard, 107
Wahl, Adalbert, 191
waiting for Spirit, 148
Ward, Frank G., 214
Warneck, Johannes, 225
Watson, Richard, 251
Watts, Isaac, 251
wealth, temptations of, 156, 172,
174 wealth, uses approved by Puri- tans, 171 Weingarten, H., 219, 277 Wesley, John, 89, 125, 135, 140,
142, 175,218,227,251 Westminster Confession, 99, 220,
228, 244 Westminster, Synod of, 99, 102,
156, 226 Whitaker, W., 242 White, G., 246, 268 Whitefield, George, 125, 251 William of Orange, 242 Williams, Roger, 243 Windelband, Wilhelm, 236, 249,
283 Wiskemann, Heinrich, 214 Wittich, W., 190 Wolff, Christian, 263 workers, women, 62 workSj.^odj^£iS, 117, 148 workSjSaivatiorrEy . 1 1 ■; . 1 1 6 . 141,
143, 150 Wupperthal, 44 Wyclif, John, 198, 203, 210
Xenophon, 196
Zeller, 226
Zinzendorf, Count Nicolaus, 95,
132, 134, 138, 143, 178.248,
264 Zwingli, Ullrich, 87 Zwinglianism, 217
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