I. From the voluminous literature which has grown up around

this essay I cite only the most comprehensive criticisms, (i) F. Rachfahl, "Kalvinismus und Kapitalismus", biternationale Wochen- schrift für Wissenschaft, Kunst und Technik (1909), Nos. 39-43. In
186
Notes
reply, my article: "Antikritisches zum Geist des Kapitalismus," Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik (Tübingen), XX, 1910. Then Rachfahl's reply to that: "Nochmals Kalvinismus und Kapitalismus", 1910, Nos. 22-25, of the Internationale Wochenschrift. Finally my "Antikritisches Schlusswort", Archiv, XXXI. (Brentano, in the criticism presently to be referred to, evidently did not know of this last phase of the discussion, as he does not refer to it.) I have not incorporated anything in this edition from the somewhat un- fruitful polemics against Rachfahl . He is an author whom I otherwise admire, but who has in this instance ventured into a field which he has not thoroughly mastered . I have only added a few supplementary references from my anti -critique, and have attempted, in new passages and footnotes, to make impossible any future misunderstanding. (2) W. Sombart, in his book Der Bourgeois (Munich and Leipzig, 191 3, also translated into English under the title The Quintessence of Capitalism, London, 1915), to which I shall return in footnotes below. Finally (3) Lujo Brentano in Part II of the Appendix to his Munich address (in the Academy of Sciences, 191 3) on Die Anfänge des modernen Kapitalismus, which was published in 191 6. (Since Weber's death Brentano has somewhat expanded these essays and incorporated them into his recent book Der wirtschaftende Mensch in der Geschichte. — Translator's Note.) I shall also refer to this criticism in special footnotes in the proper places. I invite anyone who may be interested to convince himself by comparison that I have not in revision left out, changed the meaning of, weakened, or added materially different statements to, a single sentence of my essay which contained any essential point. There was no occasion to do so, and the development of my exposition will convince anyone who still doubts. The two latter writers engaged in a more bitter quarrel with each other than with me. Brentano's criticism of Sombart 's book, Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben, I consider in many points well founded, but often very unjust, even apart from the fact that Brentano does not himself seem to understand the real essence of the problem of the Jews (which is entirely omitted from this essay, but will be dealt with later [in a later section of the Religionssoziologie. — Translator's Note]).
From theologians I have received numerous valuable suggestions in connection with this study. Its reception on their part has been in general friendly and impersonal, in spite of wide differences of opinion on particular points. This is the more welcome to me since I should not have wondered at a certain antipathy to the manner in which these matters must necessarily be treated here. "What to a theologian is valuable in his religion cannot play a very large part in this study. We are concerned with what, from a religious point of view, are often quite superficial and unrefined aspects of relligious life, but which, and precisely because they were superficial and unrefined, have often influenced outward behaviour most profoundy.
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The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
Another book which, besides containing many other things, is a very welcome confirmation of and supplement to this essay in so far as it deals with our problem, is the important work of E. Troeltsch, Die Soziallehren der christlichen Kirchen und Gruppen (Tübingen, 1912). It deals with the history of the ethics of Western Christianity from a very comprehensive point of view of its own, I here refer the reader toitfor general comparison instead of makingrepeated references to special points . The author is principally concerned with the doctrines of religion, while I am interested rather in their practical results.
2. The exceptions are explained, not always, but frequently, by the fact that the religious leanings of the labouring force of an industry are naturally, in the first instance, determined by those of the locality in which che industry is situated, or from which its labour is drawn. This circumstance often alters the impression given at first glance by some statistics of religious adherence, for instance in the Rhine provinces. Furthermore, figures can naturally only be conclusive if individual specialized occupations are carefully distinguished in them. Otherwise very large employers may sometimes be grouped together with master craftsmen who work alone, under the category of "pro- prietors of enterprises". Above all, the fully developed capitalism of the present day, especially so far as the great unskilted lower strata of labour are concerned, has become independent of any influence which religion may have had in the past. I shall return to this point.
3. Compare, for instance. Schell, Der Katholizismus als Prinzip des Fortschrittes (Würzburg, 1897), p. 31, and V. Hertling, Das Prinzip des Katholizismus und die Wissenschaft (Freiburg, 1899), p. 58.
4. One of my pupils has gone through what is at this time the most complete statistical material we possess on this subject : the religious statistics of Baden. See Martin Offenbacher, "Konfession und soziale Schichtung", Eine Studie über die wirtschaftliche Lage der Katholiken und Protestanten i?i Baden (Tübingen und Leipzig, 1901), Vol. IV, part V, of the Volkswirtschaftliche Abhandlungen der badischen Hochschulen. The facts and figures which are used for illustration below are all drawn from this study.
5. For instance, in 1895 in Baden there was taxable capital available for the tax on returns from capital :
Per 1,000 Protestants . . . . . . 954,000 marks
Per 1,000 Catholics '. . . . . . 589,000 marks
It is true that the Jews, with over four millions per 1,000, were far ahead of the rest. (For details see Offenbacher, op. cit., p. 21.)
6. On this point compare the whole discussion in Offenbacher's study.
7. On this point also Offenbacher brings forward more detailed evidence for Baden in his first two chapters.
8. The population of Baden was composed in 1895 as follows : 188
Notes
Protestants, 37*0 per cent.; Catholics, 61*3 per cent.; Jewish, 1*5 per cent. The students of schools beyond the compulsory public school stage were, however, divided as follows (OfFenbacher, p. 16):
Protestant.
Catholic.
Jews.
Gymnasien . .
Realgymnasien . .
Oberrealschulen . .
Realschulen
Höhere Bürgerschulen . .
Per Cent.
43 69 52 49 51
Per Cent. 46
31 41 40
37
Per Cent. 9.5
9
7 II 12
Average
48
42
10
(In the Gymnasium the main emphasis is on the classics. In the Realgymnasium Greek is dropped and Latin reduced in favour of modern languages, mathematics and science. The Realschule and Ober- realschule are similar to the latter except that Latin is dropped entirely in favour of modern languages. See G. E. Bolton, The Secondary School System in Germany, New York, 1900. — Translator's Note.)
The same thing may be observed in Prussia, Bavaria, Würtemberg, Alsace-Lorraine, and Hungary (see figures in Offenbacher, pp. 16 ff.).
9. See the figures in the preceding note, which show that the Catholic attendance at secondary schools, which is regularly less than the Catholic share of the total population by a third, only exceeds this by a few per cent, in the case of the grammar schools (mainly in preparation for theological studies). With reference to the subse- quent discussion it may further be noted as characteristic that in Hungary those affiliated with the Reformed Church exceed even the average Protestant record of attendance at secondary schools. (See Offenbacher, p. 19, note.)
10. For the proofs see Offenbacher, p. 54, and the tables at the end of his study.
11. Especially well illustrated by passages in the works of Sir William Petty, to be referred to later.
12. Petty 's reference to the case of Ireland is very simply explained by the fact that the Protestants were only involved in the capacity of absentee landlords. If he had meant to maintain more he would have been wrong, as the situation of the Scotch-Irish shows. The typical relationship between Protestantism and capitalism existed in Ireland as well as elsewhere. (On the Scotch-Irish see C. A. Hanna, The Scotch-Irish, two vols.; Putnam, New York.)
13. This is not, of course, to deny that the latter facts have had exceedingly important consequences. As I shall show later, the fact
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The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
that many Protestant sects were small and hence homogeneous minorities, as were all the strict Calvinists outside of Geneva and New England, even where they were in possession of political power, was of fundamental significance for the development of their whole character, including their manner of participation in economic life. The migration of exiles of all the religions of the earth, Indian, Arabian, Chinese, Syrian, Phoenician, Greek, Lombard, to other countries as bearers of the commercial lore of highly developed areas, has been of universal occurrence and has nothing to do with our problem. Brentano, in the essay to which I shall often refer, Die Anfänge des modernen Kapitalismus, calls to witness his own family. But bankers of foreign extraction have existed at all times and in all countries as the representatives of commercial experience and con- nections. They are not peculiar to modem capitalism, and were looked upon with ethical mistrust by the Protestants (see below). The case of the Protestant families, such as the Muralts, Pestalozzi, etc., who migrated to Zurich from Locarno, was different. They very soon became identified with a specifically modern (industrial) type of capitalistic development.
14. Offenbacher, op. cit., p. 58.
15. Unusually good observations on the characteris'tic peculiarities of the different religions in Germany and France, and the relation of these differences to other cultural elements in the conflict of nation- alities in Alsace are to be found in the fine study of W. Wittich, "Deutsche und französische Kultur im Elsass", Illustrierte Elsässische Rundschau (1900, also published separately).
16. This, of course, was true only when some possibility of capitalistic development in the area in question was present.
17. On this point see, for instance, Dupin de St. Andr6, "L'ancienne ^glise röform^e de Tours. Les membres de I'^glise", Bull, de la soc. de I' hist, du Protest., 4, p. 10. Here again one might, especially from the Catholic point of view, look upon the desire for emancipation from monastic or ecclesiastical control as the dominant motive. But against that view stands not only the judgment of contemporaries (including Rabelais),* but also, for instance, the qualms of conscience of the first national synods of the Huguenots (for instance ist Synod,