part in the wayugo spell, which has been given here in full native

text (compare the free translations of both spells in previous Chapters).
In the ligogu spell of the same Chapter, the w’ula opens with another juggling of words :—
virayra’t (repeated) ; morayra’t (repeated) ; female rayra’i ; male rayra’l ;
bastlabust Wayayla, basilalaguwa
I shall penetrate (at) Wayayla, I shall emerge (at) Oyanakt ; bastlalaguwa Wayayla, Oyanaki ; I shall emerge (at) Wayayla, basilabust Oyanaki ;
I shall penetrate Oyanaki ;
WORDS IN MAGIC 445
This part of the u’uJa has not been translated in the text, as its meaning is ‘ magical ’ and can be better grasped in connection with the native text. The word rayra’s is a magical word only. It is first given with the antithetic opposition of the male and female prefixes vi- and mo-. The following phrase is a typical example of a geographical antithesis. The two names refer to the promontories facing one other across the sea passage Kaulokoki, between Boyowa and Kayleula. Why those two points are mentioned I could not find out. In the kadumiyala spell, given in Chapter IX, we have the
following opening :—
Vinapega, pega; vinamwana, mwana ;
nam mayouyat, makarvyouya’t, odabwana ;
nam mayouya’t, makariyouya’t, o'u'ula, In the first line, we have the symmetrically uttered and prefixed names of the two flying or jumping fishes, pega and mwana. The prefix vina- is probably the female prefix and may convey the meaning of flying’s being associated with women, that is with the flying witches. The second and third verse contain a play on the root yova or yo’u ‘ to fly,’ reduplicated and with several affixes added. These two verses are brought into a sort of antithesis by the last two words, odabwana and o’u’ula, or ‘at the top,’ and ‘ at the bottom,’ or here, probably, at the one end of the canoe and at the other.
In the Bistla spell, given in the same chapter, we have the
beginning :—
Bora’i, bora’t, borayyova, biyova ;
Bora’t, bora’t, borayteta, biteta.
The word bora’i seems to be again a purely magical one. The prefix bo- carries the meaning of tabooed, or ritual; the root ra’t suggests similarity with the above quoted magical word rayra’t, which is obviously merely a reduplicated form of va’t. This is therefore a rhythmically constructed play on the magical root ra’1, and the words yova, ‘ to fly,’ and teta, ‘ to be poised ’ ‘ to soar.’
The Kayikuna veva spell presents the following rhythmic and symmetrical exordium :—
Bosuyasuya (repeated) ; boraguragu (repeated). Bosuya olumwalela ; boyragu okatalena.
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The exact meaning of the two words is not quite clear, except that they represent magical influences. Their arrange- ment and the antithesis of olumwalela (‘ middle part,’ “ inside’), and katalena (‘ body’ or ‘ outside’) is in keeping with the features observed in the other beginnings here quoted.
Vil
The tapwana (main parts) of the spells, though they take a much longer time in reciting, are simpler in construction. Many spells, moreover have no middle part at all. The first regular tapwana we find in our spells is that in the Kapitunena Duku. There, we have a series of key-words recited with a list of complimentary expressions. The key-words are verbs, spoken in the form :—
mata’t, matake’t, meyova, etc. cut, cut at, fly, etc.
These verbs are used in this spell with the prefix ma- or me-, which represents the tense of indefinite duration. This prefix, although, as far as I know, found in several Melanesian languages in full vigour, has in Kiriwina a distinctly archaic flavour, and is only used in certain locutions and in magic. Some of the verbs used in this spell are metaphorical in their meaning, describing the speed of the canoe in a figurative manner. Thelist of the complimentary words repeated with the key-words contains the enumeration of the different parts of the canoe. It is typical that the key-words are in their form archaic and in their meaning figurative while the complimentary terms are just ordinary words of everyday speech.
Another regular tapwana has been given in the Kadumiyala spell in Chapter IX, where the only key-word, napuwoye, has been translated: ‘I impart speed magically.’ The prefix na- is that of the definite tense. The formative pu- I was unable to translate, while the root woye means literally ‘ to. beat ’ and in a somewhat more remote sense, ‘ to impart magic.’ In the Kaytkuna veva spell, the pair bwoytalo’1, bosuyare, mean- ing ‘ paint red in a ritual manner,’ and ‘ wreathe in a ritual manner,’ are given formal resemblance by the alliterative prefix bo-, which carries with it the meaning of ‘ ritual.’
We see that the number of the tapwana is smaller, since only three spells out of seven have got it. In form, the tapwana are
WORDS IN MAGIC 447
simpler than the w’ula, and an examination of a greater number of key-words would show that they also express directly or figuratively the magical action or its effect, Thus, here we had a verb denoting the imparting of magic, that is the direct expression of the action ; then two words figuratively expres- sing it, and the series of verbal key-words enumerating the effects of the magic, such as flying, speed, etc. In other canoe spells, not given in this book, there could be found similar
types of key-words such as: ‘ the canoe flies’ ; ‘ the buriwada fish is poised on a wave’; ‘ the reef-heron wades ’ ; ‘ the reef- heron skirts the beach . .’ all of them expressing the aim of
the spell in accordance with the magical trend of thought.
Vill
From the linguistic point of view, the final parts of the spells, the dogina, present, as a rule, fewer remarkable features. Phonetically the most outstanding trait isthe purely onomato- poetic sound complexes, such as sididi or saidididi, or the three words stdidi, tatata, numsa, found in the Kadumiyala spell. From the point of view of meaning, there are in some of the dogina interesting metaphorical turns of speech, such as the descriptions of time in the Kaygagabile spell, where the difference in speed between the magician and his companions is expressed by allusions to the morning and evening sun, couched in figurative speech. Some mythical allusions also find their way into the dogina. These parts of a spell are undoubtly the least important in the natives’ eyes ; very often the same dogina is used with a number of formule belonging to the one cycle, as we have noticed. Other spells have no dogina at all, for instance, that of Kapitunena Duku, where the onomatopoetic sound sidididi stands for the whole dogina. As said above, the manner of reciting these parts is more per- functory, with fewer melodic modulations and phonetic peculiarities.
IX
I have given so far a short linguistic survey of the canoe spells, dealing first with their initial parts, «’wla, then with their main parts, tapwana, and lastly saying a few words about the dogina. Ina still more summary manner, I shall give a short
448 WORDS IN MAGIC
survey of the mwastla (Kula magic) spells, quoted or mentioned n this book, beginning with the w’wla. In the Yawarwpu spell (Chapter VII) we have the begin-
ning :—
Buw’a, bu’a, bovinaygau, vinaygu ;
bu’a, bu’a, bomwanaygu, mwanaygu Here the word bu’a (areca-nut) is repeated and used as a prefix bo-, with the antithetic roots -vinay- (female), and -mwanay- (male) and with the suffix -gu (first possessive pronoun).
The Kaymwaloyo (Chapter VII) begins :—
Gala bu’a, gala doga, gala mwayye
This is spoken in a solemn manner, and then follows the play on the root mwase, described above in the free translation of this spell.
Another rhythmic beginning, spoken with regular, strongly marked accent is to be found in the Kaykakaya spell (Chapter XIII) :
Kaytutina iyand, mavrabwaga iyanad
Symmetrical arrangements of words, with alliterative pre- fixing of a particle and with antithetic uses of word couples are to be found in several other spells.
The Talo formula (Chapter XIII) : Talo, talo udawada, udawada Talo, talomwaylilt, mwaylilt /
The Ta’uya spell (Chapter XIII) : Mwanita, monimwanita ; Deriwa, baderideriwa ; Derima, baderiderima
The K@ubana’t spell (Chapter XIII) : Mose’una Nikiniki, Moga’ina Nikiniki
The Kwoygapani spell (Chapter XIV) : Kwega, kweganubwa’t, nubwa’ 4; Kwega, kweganuwa’t, nuwa’i, Kwega, kweganuma’t, tee
I have written them down here without full comment, to show their formal phonetic characteristics, which are indeed in all essentials quite similar to the samples previously quoted and analysed.
WORDS IN MAGIC 449
Xx
The main parts of the spells in the magic of the Kula do not essentially differ in their characteristics from the tapwana of the canoe magic. In their form, some key-words are simply verbs used without any transformation in their narrative tense. Thus in the Talo (red paint) formula, the pair of verbs ikata (‘ it flares up ’), inamila (‘ it flashes ’) is used with various nouns describing parts of the human head. The key-words of the Kayikuna Tabuyo (Chapter XIII) are also grammatically simple: buribwart, kuvakaku kuvakipusa (‘ fish-hawk, fall on thy prey, catch it ’)—the verbs being in the second person of the narrative tense.
In other cases we find the key-word transformed by redupli- cation, composition or by affixes. In the Yawarapu spell (Chapter VII) the pair bovaytupa, badederuma repeated as key expressions is a compound which I did not succeed in analysing completely, though the consensus of my informants makes me satisfied with the approximate translation :—‘ Quick sailing, abundant haul.’ In the Gebobo spell (Chapter VII) the expression tutube tubeyama is a play on the root tubwo used as a rule verbally and meaning ‘ to be full in the face,’ ‘ to be fine looking.’ In the Ta’uya spell (Chapter XIII) there is the reduplication munumweynise of the root mwana or mwayna expressing the ‘itching’ or ‘state of excitement.’ In the ka’ubanat the first key-expression ida dabara is an archaic or dialectical couple (the root is dabara, and ida is only a phonetic addition), which signifies ‘ to ebb.’ The other key-expressions ‘ka’ukwa yaruyaru, ‘ ka’ukwa mwasara,’ ‘kaukwa mwasara baremwasemwasara’ have all the verbal part irregularly reduplicated and in the last expression repeated and trans- formed. The last formula of the mwasila (Kula magic) given in Chapter XIV, has a pair of expressions used as key-phrase : ‘kwoygapani, pani; kwoyga’ulu, ulu.’ The word kwega, a variety of betel plant, is used in a modified form as a prefix and compounded with the verbal roots pant (seduce) and ulu (enmesh).
As to the final parts of this class of spell, I have said before that it is much less variable than the initial and main parts of a formula. Within the same cycle or system, the dogina often varies little and a man will often use the same one with all his
450 WORDS IN MAGIC
spells. The sample given with the sulumwoya text will there- fore be sufficient to show the various characteristics of this part
of the mwasila spell, and there is no need to say anything more about it.
XI
A very rapid survey of the phonetic characters of the kayga’u spells (Chapter XI) must be sufficient and we shall confine ourselves to their tapwana. The word gwa’u or ga’u means ‘mist’ or ‘fog’; verbally used with the meaning “to make mist ’ ‘ to befog,’ it has always the form ga’u. In the main parts of some of the formule of this class, this phonetically very expressive word is used with very great sound effect. For example in the giyorokaywa spell No. 1, the key-words are aga’u (‘ I befog ’), aga’usulu (‘I befog, lead astray ’) ; aga’uboda (‘ I befog, shut off’). Spoken, at the beginning of the tapwana slowly and sonorously, and then quickly and insistently these words produce a really ‘ magical’ effect—that is as far as the hearers’ subjective impressions are concerned. Even more impressive and onomatopoetic is the phrase used as key- expression in the Giyotanawa No. 2:
Ga’u, yaga’u, yagaga’u, yaga'u, bode, bodegu !
This sentence, giving the vowels a full Italian value, such as they receive in the Melanesian pronunciation, does certainly have an impressive ring; fittingly enough, because this is the dramatic spell, uttered into the wind in the sinking waga, the final effort of magic to blind and mislead the mulukwaust. The causative prefix ya is used here with a nominal expression yaga’u which has been translated ‘ gathering mist’; the reduplicated one yagaga’u I have rendered by ‘ encircling mist.’ It can be seen from this example how feebly the equivalents can be given of the magical phrases in which so much is expressed by phonetic or onomatopoetic means.
The other spells have much less inspired key-words. Giyotanawa No. 1 uses the word atumboda, translated ‘ I press,’ “I close down,’ which literally renders the meanings of the verbs tum, ‘ to press,’ and boda, ‘ to close.’ The Giyorokaywa No. 2 has the somewhat archaic key-words spoken in a couple : ‘apeyra yauredi,’ ‘I arise,’ ‘I escape’ and the grammatically irregular expression sulwya, ‘ to lead astray.’
WORDS IN MAGIC 451
The main part of the Kaytaria spell, by which the benevo- lent fish is summoned to the rescue of the drowning party has the key-phrase ‘ bigabaygu suyusayu: the swyusayu fish shall lift me up.’ This expression is noteworthy : even in this spell, which might be regarded as an invocation of the helpful animal, it is not addressed in the second person. The result is verbally anticipated, proving that the spell is to act through the direct force of the words and not as an appeal to the animal.
XII
With this, the survey of linguistic samples from various spells is closed, and we can briefly summarise our results. The belief in the efficiency of a formula results in various pecu- liarities of the language in which it is couched, both as regards meaning and sound. The native is deeply convinced of this mysterious, intrinsic power of certain words ; words which are believed to have their virtue in their own right, so to speak ; having come into existence from primeval times and exercising their influence directly.
To start first with the meaning of the magical expressions, we have seen that in this respect they are plain and direct enough. Most of the key-words simply state the magical action, for example when in one of the spells the key-word napuwoye, ‘I impart magical virtue (of speed ’), or in another the key-words ‘ to paint red in a festive manner, to wreathe ina festive manner,’ simply describe what the magician is doing. Much more often the principal expressions, that is the initial words and the key-words, of a spell refer to its aim, as for instance, when we find words and phrases denoting ‘ speed’ in canoe magic; or, in Kula magic, designations for ‘ success ’ ‘ abundant haul,’ ‘ excitement,’ ‘ beauty.’ Still more often the aim of magic is stated in a metaphorical manner, by similes and double meanings. In other parts of the spell, where the magical meaning is imprisoned not so much in single words and expressions, as in explicit phraseology and long periods, we found that the predominant features are: lists of ancestral Names; invocations of ancestral spirits; mythological allusions ; similes and exaggerations; depreciating contrasts between the companions and the reciter—most of them expres- sing an anticipation of the favourable results aimed at in the spell. Again, certain parts of the spell contain systematic,
452 WORDS IN MAGIC
meticulous enumerations, the reciter going over the parts of a canoe one by one; the successive stages of a journey; the various Kula goods and valuables; the parts of the human head ; the numerous places from which the flying witches are believed to come. Such enumerations as a rule strive at an almost pedantic completeness.
Passing to the phonetic characteristics, we saw that a word will often be used in a shape quite different from those in which itis usedin ordinary speech; that it will show notable changes in form and sound. Such phonetic peculiarities are most con- spicuous in the main words, that is in the key-words and initial words. They are sometimes truncated, more often provided with additions, such as symmetrical or antithetic affixes ; formatives added for the sake of sound. By these means there are produced effects of rhythm, alliteration and rhyme, often heightened and accentuated by actual vocal accent. We found play on words by symmetrical couples of sounds, with anti- thetic meaning like mo- and v1-, or mwana- and vina-, both couples signifying ‘male’ and ‘female’ respectively; or -mugwa (ancient) and -va’u (new); or ma- (hither) and wa- (thither), etc., etc. Especially we found the prefix bo-, carrying the meaning of ritual or tabooed, with derivation from bomala ; or with the meaning ‘ red,’ ‘ festive ’ in its derivation from bw’a (areca-nut) ; onomatopoetic sounds such as sididi or saydidt, tatata, numsa, in imitation of speed noises, of the wailing of wind, rustling of sail, swish of pandanus leaves ; tududu, in imitation of the thunder claps; and the rhythmical, expressive, though perhaps not directly onomatopoetic,: sentence :
Ga’u, yaga’u, yagaga’u, yaga’u, bode, bodegu,
XIII
If we now turn to the substances used in the magical rites, as means of ritual transference of the spell, we find in canoe magic, dried lalang grass, dried banana leaf, dried pandanus leaf, all used in the magic of lightness. A stale potato is employed to carry away the heaviness of the canoe ; although on another occasion heaviness is thrown away with a bunch of lalang grass. The leaves of two or three shrubs and weeds, which as a rule the natives take to dry their skin after bathing,
WORDS IN MAGIC 453
are used for magical cleansing of a canoe body, and a stick and a torch serve in other rites of exorcism. In the rite associated with the blackening of a canoe, charred remains of several light substances such as lalang grass, the nest of a small, swift bird, the wings of a bat, coco-nut husk and the twigs of an extremely light mimosa tree are employed.
It is easy to see that, not less than the words, the substances here used are associated with the aim of the magic, that is, with lightness, with swiftness and with flying.
In the magic of the Kula we find betel-nut, crushed with lime in a mortar, used to redden the tip of the canoe. Betel-nut is also given to a partner, after it has been charmed over with a seducing spell. Aromatic mint, boiled in coco-nut oil and ginger root are also used in the mwasila. The conch-shell, and the cosmetic ingredients, charmed over on Sarubwoyna beach are really part of the outfit, and so is the /i/ava bundle. All the substances used in this magic are associated either with beauty and attractiveness (betel-nut, cosmetics, the mint plant) or with excitement (conch-shell, chewed betel-nut). Here therefore, it is not with the final aim—which is the obtaining of valuables -——that the magic is concerned, but with the intermediate one, that is that of being agreeable to one’s partner, of putting him into a state of excitement about the Kula.
XIV
I wish to close this chapter by adducing a few texts of native information. Inthe previous chapters, several statements and narratives have been put into the natives’ mouths and given in quotations. I wish now to show some of the actual linguistic data from which such quotations have been derived. Numerous utterances of the natives were taken down by me as they were spoken. Whenever there was a native expression cover- ing a point of crucial importance, or a characteristic thought, or one neatly formulated, or else one especially hazy and opales- cent in meaning—I noted them down in quick handwriting as they were spoken. A number of such texts, apart from their linguistic importance, will serve as documents embodying the native ideas without any foreign admixture, and it will also show the long way which lies between the crude native state- ment and its explicit, ethnographic presentation. For what strikes us at first sight most forcibly in these texts is their
454 WORDS IN MAGIC
extreme bareness, the scantiness of information which they appear to contain. Couched in a condensed, disjointed, one might say telegraphic style, they seem to lack almost every- thing which could throw light on the subject of our study. For they lack concatenation of ideas, and they contain few concrete details, and few really apt generalisations. It must be remembered, however, that, whatever might be the import- ance of such texts, they are not the only source of ethnographic information, not even the most important one. The observer has to read them in the context of tribal life. Many of the customs of behaviour, of the sociological data, which are barely mentioned in the texts, have become familiar to the Ethno- grapher through personal observation and the direct study of the objective manifestations and of data referring to their social constitution (compare the observations on Method in the Introduction). On the other hand, a better knowledge of and acquaintance with the means of linguistic expression makes the language itself much more significant to one who not only knows how it is used but uses it himself. After all, if natives could furnish us with correct, explicit and consistent accounts of their tribal organisation, customs and ideas, there would be no difficulty in ethnographic work. Unfortunately, the native can neither get outside his tribal atmospheres and see it objectively, nor if he could, would he have intellectual and linguistic means sufficient to express it. And so the Ethno- grapher has to collect objective data, such as maps, plans, genealogies, lists of possessions, accounts of inheritance, censuses of village communities. He has to study the behaviour of the native, to talk with him under all sorts of conditions, and to write down his words. And then, from all these diverse data, to construct his synthesis, the picture of a community and of the individuals init. But I have dwelt on these aspects of method already in the Introduction and here I want only to exemplify them with regard to the linguistic . material directly representing some of the natives’ thoughts on ethnographic subjects.
XV
I shall give here first a text on the subject of the priority in sailing, which as described in Chapter IX, is the privilege of a certain sub-clan in Sinaketa. I was discussing with a very
WORDS IN MAGIC 455
good informant, Toybayoba of Sinaketa, the customs of launching the canoes, and J tried, as usually, to keep my inter- locutor as much as possible to concrete details and to the stating of the full sequence of events. In his account he uttered this sentence :
“The Tolabwaga launch their canoe first; by this the face of the sea is cleared.”
I thereupon perceived that a new subject had been brought within my notice, and I headed my informant on to it, and obtained the following text, sentence after sentence :—
THE .TOLABWAGA SUB-CLAN AND THEIR SEA-FARING
PRIVILEGES 1 Bikugwo, thapust stwaga 1 He might be first he fall down their canoe (it is launched) Tolabwaga, boge bimilakatile bwarita. Tolabwaga, already he might be clear sea. 2 Igau kumaydona gweguya, tokay 2 Later on all chiefs, commoner stwaga tkapusist oluvyekt. their canoe they fall down behind. (are launched) 3 Kidama takapust takugwo 3 Supposing we fall down, we are first bitavilidast baloma ; bitana they might turn (on) us spirits ; we might go Dobu, gala tabani- bunukwa soulava. Dobu, no we find pig necklace. 4 Makawala yuwayoulo: bikugwo isipust 4 Alike (lashing creeper) he (it) might be first they bind stwayugo, _ tga’u yakidast. their wayugo lashing, later on ourselves. 5 Takeulo Dobu, gala bikugwast 5 We sail Dobu, no they might be first Tolabwaga ; okovalawa boge aywokwo.
Tolabwaga ; on sea front already _he was over.
456
nN
oo nN
WORDS IN MAGIC Obwarita tananamse kayne tsakault In sea we consider whether he run taytala lawaga, tkugwo. one (masculine) his canoe, he is first. Gala bikaraywagast patile. No they might command canoe fleet. Dobu, gweguya bikugwast, Dobu, chiefs they might be first, biwayse kaypattle gweguya. ~they might come there canoe fleet chiefs. M’ tage Tolabwaga boge aywokwo Indeed Tolabwaga already he (it) was over stkarvaywaga ovalu. their command in village.
Io Io
3m & II
The Tolabwaga sub-clan belong to the Lukwasisiga clan, and live at present in Kasi’etana. Only one man and two women are surviving.
Simwastila siwaga migavala, vivila
Their Kula magic their canoe magic his, woman boge 1yousayse.
already they grasp.
“ Datukwast boge kasakaymt “Our magical property already we give you megwa kwaraywagast lagayle !”’ magic you command to-day !”’
Thus would they say on handing their magic to their male descendants.
Informant’s Commentary.
Commenting on verse 3, the expression, ‘ bitalividast baloma,’ my informant said :—
‘ Bitavilida’ : bilivalast baloma ‘They might turn (on) us’ : they might say _ spirit “ Avaka pela gala tkugwo Tolabwaga, “What for no he is first Tolabwaga, kukugwast gumgweguya ; kayuvtyuvisa ’ you are first sub-chiefs ; sweepers of the sea
Tolabwaga !”’ Tolabwaga ! ”’
WORDS IN MAGIC 457
13 Tavagi gaga igiburuwasi, ninast igaga, 13 Wedo bad they angry mind theirs’ he bad pela magist batayamata tokunabogwo for desire theirs we might watch long ago aygura.
he has decreed.
The verbal translation renders word for word the individual meaning of every particle and root, according to a definite grammatical and lexcographical scheme which has been adopted for this text in common with a few hundred more. In this place, I cannot give the commentary and justification of the linguistic details, which will be fairly obvious to a Melanesian scholar, who might, however, find some new and even controversial features in my translation. To other readers, these details are of small interest. I have not included in this translation any distinction between the inclusive and exclusive first person, dualand plural. Of the two tenses which are to be found in this text, the narrative one is translated by the English verb in infinitive, the potential, by the addition of the word ‘might.’ In brackets underneath, the special meaning of a word in its context is indicated, or some com- | ments are added.
The free translation of the text must now be given :—
FREE TRANSLATION.
1 The Tolabwaga canoe would be launched first ; by this the face of the sea is cleared.
2 Afterwards, all the chiefs’, the commoners’ canoes are launched.
3 If we would launch our canoes first, the spirits (of ancestors) would be angry with us; we would go to Dobu and we would receive no pigs, no necklaces.
4 It is likewise with the lashing of the canoe: first, the Tolabwaga would bind the lashing creeper and afterwards ourselves.
5 On our journey to Dobu, the Tolabwaga would not sail ahead, for their priority ends on the beach of Sinaketa.
6 On the sea it is according to our wish, and if one man’s canoe runs fast, he would be first.
7 They (the Tolabwaga) do not wield the command of the canoe fleet.
458 WORDS IN MAGIC
8 In Dobu, the chiefs would be first ; the chiefs would arrive there at the head of the fleet.
g But the supremacy of the Tolabwaga ends here already, in the village.
10 The Kula magic, the magic of the canoe, belonging to the Tolabwaga clan has passed already into the hands of their womenfolk.
Ir (These would say speaking to their male children) :—
“We shall give you the magic, the magical inheritance, you rule henceforward.”
12 When the spirits become angry, they would tell us :— ‘““ Why are the Tolabwaga not first and you minor chiefs are ahead? Are not the Tolabwaga cleaners of the sea ? ”’
13 When we do wrong, they (the spirits) are angry, their minds are malevolent, for they desire that we should keep to the old customs.
XVI
Comparing the free translation with the literal one, it is easy to see that certain additions have been made, sentences have been subordinated and co-ordinated by various English conjunctions which are either completely absent from the native text, or else represented by such very vague particles as boge (already), and m’tage (indeed). On these linguistic questions I cannot enlarge here, but it will be good to go over each sentence in succession, and to show how much it was neces- sary to add from the general store of sociological and ethno- graphic knowledge, in order to make it intelligible.
1. The meaning of the word ‘ fall down’ is specialised here by the context, and I translated it by ‘launch.’ The particle boge had to be translated here by ‘ by this.’ The words about the ‘ clearing of the sea ’ suggested at once to me that there was a special ancient custom in question. Then there is the name of the sub-clan Tolabwaga. In order to understand the full meaning of this phrase, it is necessary to realise that this name stands for a sub-clan ; and then one has to be well acquainted with native sociology, in order to grasp what such a privilege, vested in a sub-clan, might mean. Thus, a word like this can in the first place be understood only in the context of its phrase, and on the basis of a certain linguistic knowledge. But its fuller meaning becomes intelligible only in the context of the
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native life and of native sociology. Again the expression referring to the clearing of the sea required a further com- ment, for which I asked my informant, and was answered by Phrase 3.
2. In this phrase the expressions ‘ chiefs,’ ‘ commoners ’ etc., are fully intelligible only to one, who has a definition of these words in terms of native sociology. Indeed, only the knowledge of the usual supremacy of the chiefs allows one to gauge their importance and the survival character of this custom, by which this importance is diminished for a time.
3. Here, we have the explanation of the obscure clause in phrase 1, ‘A clear sea’ means the good temper of the spirits which again means good luck. The question as to whether the spirits are to be imagined as actively interfering or helping still remained open. I asked for a further elucidation, which was given to me in the text of Phrases 12 and 13.
4. This contains a condensed reference to the stages of ship-building, previous to launching. This, of course, to be understood, pre-supposes a knowledge of these various activities.
5 tog. The limitations of the powers of the Tolabwaga sub- clan are outlined, giving interesting side-lights on the réle played by females as repositories of family (sub-clan) traditions. Need- less to say, this statement would be entirely meaningless with- out the knowledge of the natives’ matrilineal institutions, of their customs of inheritance and of property in magic. The correct knowledge of these facts can only be gathered by a collection of objective, ethnographic documents, such as concrete data about cases of actual inheritance, etc.
12 and 13. Here it is explained how far the baloma would become angry and how they would act if a custom were broken. It can be distinctly seen from it that the anger of the spirits is only a phrase, covering all these forces which keep the natives to the observance of old customs. The baloma would go no further than to reproach them for breaking the old rules, and there are no definite ideas among these natives about actual punishment being meted out by offended spirits.
These considerations show convincingly that no linguistic analysis can disclose the full meaning of a text without the help of an adequate knowledge of the sociology, of the customs and of the beliefs, current in a given society.
460 WORDS IN MAGIC XVII
Another sample of a native text may be given here, as it is of especial interest, in that it throws light upon the previously given magical formula of the wayugo. It is the text I obtained trying to find the meaning of the word bosisi’ula, which figures at the beginning of the above-mentioned spell. According to two informants of Sinaketa, the word visis1’uwna refers to the belief already described, that the owner of a wayugo charm is liable to fits of trembling, during which he trembles as a bisila (pandanus) streamer trembles in the wind. He then should ritually eat some baked fish, and this is called vtstsz’una. Such a man would then ask somebody of his household :—
“ Kugabu, kumaye, avisisi’una.”’ “Thou bake, thou bring, I ritually eat.”
Or someone else would urge his wife or daughter :—
“ Kugabu, kumaye, tvisisi’una.”’ “Thou bake, thou bring, he eats ritually.”
Again, asked for a direct equation, my informant said :—
“ Tvisisv’ una — bigabu, tomwaya tkam.”’ “« Tvisisi’ una — he bake, old man he eat.”
The following text contains a more explicit definition of the term, which I was trying at that time to make clear and to translate by an appropriate English expression.
EXPLANATION OF WORD VISISI’UNA
A.—First Informant.
1 Pela isewo wayugo, itatatuva wowola I For helearn wayugo, he(it)tremble body his (the creeper magic)
matauna, isa’u (or 1sewo) wayugo.
this (man), (who) he learn wayugo. 2 “ Nanakwa, kugabu kusayku, tomwaya 2° Quick, thou bake thou give © old man (magician) ivisist’ una boge itatatuva kana
he ritually eats, already he tremble his bisila, kana wayugo ”’
pandanus streamer, his wayugo creeper.”
WORDS IN MAGIC 46r
B.—Second Informant.
3 Tayta 1sewo bisila, gala btkam
3 (If) one (man) he learn bisila, not he might eat yena, boge itatuva wowola. fish, already he tremble body his.
FREE TRANSLATION.
(A.) 1. The body of a man who has learned the wayugo spell, trembles, because he learned the spell. (Someone seeing him tremble, would tell someone of his house- hold :)
2 “‘ Quick, bake fish, give to the old man that he might ritually eat, his pandanus streamer trembles, his wayugo.”’
(B.) 3 A man who learns the bistla magic and does not eat fish will tremble.
This text, with its foregoing short comments and with its two versions will give an inkling of how I was able to obtain from my native informants the definition of unknown and sometimes very involved expressions and how, in the act of doing it, I was given additional enlightenment on obscure details of belief and custom.
It will also be interesting to give another text referring to the gwara custom. I have given in Chapter XIV a native definition of this custom, and of the reception accorded to the Trobrianders in Dobu when there is a taboo on palms there. The statement was based on the following text, and on certain other additional notes.
GWARA IN DOBU AND THE KA’UBANA’I MAGIC
I Tama Dobu tkarigava’u——s gwara: bwa I Wecome (to) Dobu, hedie anew— gwara: areca bilalava ust bimwanogu, nuya he might ripen banana he might ripen, coco-nut bibabayse ka’ kayketokt. they might spike stick small stick. 2 Gala ka’ubana’t, takokola : tkawoyse 2 No ka’ubana’i, _— we fright : they take (put on) bowa kayyala, kema ; ISISUSE war paints spear, axen they sit biginayda '
they might look at us.
462
nn pA
DD |
Io Io
WORDS IN MAGIC
Batana ovalu tasakaulo, gala tanouno We go in village we run, no we walk. batawa tamwoyne bw’a. we might arrive we (i.d.) climb areca. Idou: “El! Gala bukumwoyne bu’a.”’ He cries ae Oe | No thoumightst climb areca.” Bogwe tka’u kayyala, mwada Already he take spear, mayhap biwoyda., he might hit us. Tapula nayya ka’ubana’t : We ritually spit wild ginger root ka’ubana’i : tka’ita ima, igigila tluwaymo he return he * come he laugh, he throw kayyala, kema. spear, axe. Tapula valu. kumaydona, boge itamwa’u Weritually spit village all, already he vanish ninast ilukwaydast : mind theirs’, they tell us: “ Bweyna, kumwoynast kami obw’a, nuya, “ Good, youclimb your areca, coco-nut (palms) kami ust kuta’isi.”’ your banana you cut.”
In comment added :
Gala _tkarige veyola ninasr bweyna,
No he die kinsman his, mind their well.
Vivila kayyala tkawo, pela tokamsita’u.
Woman _ spear her she take for cannibals. FREE TRANSLATION
We come to Dobu, (there) someone has recently died—
there is a gwala: the areca nut will ripen, the bananas will _ ripen, they will stick up coco-nuts on small spikes.
If there is no ka’ubana’i charm made—we are afraid: they (sc. the Dobuans) put on war paint, take up spear and axe, they sit (waiting) and look at us.
We go into the village running, not walking; we arrive and climb the areca palm.
Hun
Io
the doc
WORDS IN MAGIC 463
He (the Dobuan) shouts: ‘‘ Don’t climb the areca palm! ”’ Already he takes the spear, so as to hit us.
We ritually spit about wild ginger root charmed with the ka’ubana’i spell—he returns, comes to us, laughs, he throws away spear and axe.
We ritually bespit the whole village, already their intention vanishes, they tell us:
“ Well, climb your areca palm and your coco-nut, cut your banana.”
If no kinsman had died, their intentions are good.
A woman would also take up a spear, as they (the Dobuans) are cannibals.
These three texts will be quite sufficient to give an idea of method of dealing with linguistic evidence, and of the umentary value of immediately recorded native opinions.
They will also make clear what I have said before, that only a good, working knowledge of a native language on the one hand, and a familiarity with their social organisation and tribal life on the other, would make it possible to read all the
full
significance into these texts.