II. A few areca-nuts, some betel pepper, a bit of tobacco,

some turtle-shell rings, or spondylus discs, such are the small tokens of gratitude and appreciation never omitted by the youth. An attractive girl need never go unprovided with the small luxuries of life.
The big mortuary distributions of food, sagal1, have already been mentioned several times. On their economic side, these distributions are payments for funerary services. The deceased man’s nearest maternal kinsman has to give food gifts to all the villagers for their assuming mourning, that is to say, for blackening their faces and cutting their hair. He pays some other special people for wailing and grave digging; a still smaller group for cutting out the dead man’s ulna and using it as a lime spoon; and the widow or widower for the pro- longed and scrupulously to be observed period of strict mourning.
All these details show how universal and strict is the idea that every social obligation or duty, though it may not on any account be evaded, has yet to be re-paid by a ceremonial gift. The function of these ceremonial re-payments is, on the surface of it, to thicken the social ties from which arise the obligations.
The similarity of the gifts and payments which we have put into this category is expressed by the native use of the word mapula (repayment, equivalent) in connection with all these gifts, Thus in giving the reason why a certain present is made to a magician, or why a share is allotted to a man at the sagalt (distribution), or why some valuable object is given to a specialist, they would say: “ This is the mapula for what he has done.”’ Another interesting identification contained in linguistic usage is the calling of both magical payments and payments to specialists: a ‘restorative,’ or, literally, a
TRIBAL ECONOMICS IN THE TROBRIANDS 183
‘poultice.’ Certain extra fees given to a magician are described as ‘ katuwarina kaykela’ or ‘ poultice for his leg’ ; as the magician, especially he of the garden or the sorcerer, has to take long walks in connection with his magic. The expression ‘ poultice of my back,’ will be used by a canoe- builder who has been bending over his work, or ‘ poultice of my hand’ by a carver or stone-polisher. But the identity of these gifts is not in any way expressed in the detailed terminology. In fact, there is a list of words describing the various payments for magic, the gifts given to specialists, love payments, and the numerous types of gifts distinguished at the sagali. Thus a magical payment, of which a small part would be offered to ancestral spirits, is called uwla’ula ; a substantial magical gift is called sousula ; a gift to a sorcerer is described by the verb tbudipeta, and there are many more special names. The gifts to the specialists are called vewoulo—the initial gift ; yomelu— a gift of food given after the object has been ceremonially handed over to the owner ; karibudaboda—a substantial gift of yams given at the next harvest. The gifts of food, made while the work is in progress are called vakapula ; but this latter term has much wider application, as it covers all the presents of cooked or raw food given to workers by the man, for whom they work. The sexual gifts are called buwana or sebuwana. I shall not enumerate the various terminological distinctions of sagali gifts, as this would be impossible to do, without entering upon the enormous subject of mortuary duties and distributions, |
The classification of love gifts and sagali gifts in the same category with gifts to magicians and specialists, is a generalisa- tion in which the natives would not be able to follow us. For them, the gifts given at sagali form a class in themselves and so do the love gifts. We may say that, from the economic point of view, we were correct in classing all these gifts together, because they all represent a definite type of equiva- lence ; also they correspond to the native idea that every ser- vice has to be paid for, an idea documented by the linguistic use of the word mapula. But within this class, the sub- divisions corresponding to native terminology represent impor- tant distinctions made by the natives between the three sub-classes ; love gifts, sagali gifts, and gifts for magical and professional services.
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4. Gifts returned in economically equivalent form —We are enumerating the various types of exchange, as they gradually assume the appearance of trade. In this fourth class have been put such gifts as must be re-paid with almost strict equivalence. But it must be stressed that strict equivalence of two gifts does not assimilate them to trade altogether. There can be no more perfect equivalence between gift and counter-gift, than when A gives to B an object, and B on the same day returns the very same object to A. At a certain stage of the mortuary pro- ceedings, such a gift is given and received back again by a deceased man’s kinsmen and his widow’s brothers. Yet it is obvious at once that no transaction could be further removed from trade. The above described gifts at the presentation of new canoes (kabigidoya) belong to this class. So do also numer- ous presents given to one community by another, on visits which are going to be returned soon. Payments for the lease of a garden plot are at least in certain districts of the Trobriands returned by a gift of equivalent value.
Sociologically, this class of gifts is characteristic of the relationship between friends (/uba’1). Thus the kabigidoya takes place between friends, the Kula takes place between overseas partners and inland friends, but of course relations- in-law also belong par excellence to this category.
Other types of equivalent gifts which have to be mentioned here shortly, are the presents given by one household to another, at the milamala, the festive period associated with the return of the ancestral spirits to their villages. Offerings of cooked food are ceremonially exposed in houses for the use of the spirits, and after these have consumed the spiritual substance, the material one is given to a neighbouring household. These gifts are always reciprocal.
Again, a series of mutual gifts exchanged immediately after marriage between a man and his wife’s father (not matrilineal kinsman in this case), have to be put into this category.
The economic similarity of these gifts is not expressed in terminology or even in linguistic use. All the gifts I have enumerated have their own special names, which I shall not adduce here, so as not to multiply irrelevant details of infor- mation. The natives have no comprehensive idea that such a class as I have spoken of exists. My generalisation is based upon the very interesting fact, that all through the tribal life
TRIBAL ECONOMICS IN THE TROBRIANDS 185
we find scattered cases of direct exchange of equivalent gifts. Nothing perhaps could show up so clearly, how much the natives value the give and take of presents for its own sake.
5. Exchange of Material Goods against Privileges, Titles and non-material Possessions. Under this heading, I class transactions which approach trade, in so far as two owners, each possessing something they value highly, exchange it for something they value still more. The equivalence here is not so strict, at any rate not so measurable, as in the previous class, because in this one, one of the terms is usually a non- material possession, such as the knowledge of magic, the privilege to execute a dance, or the title to a garden plot, which latter very often is a mere title only. But in spite of this smaller measure of equivalence, their character of trade is more marked, just because of the element of mutual desire to carry out the transaction and of the mutual advantage.
Two important types of transaction belong to this class. One of them is the acquisition by a man of the goods or privileges which are due to him by inheritance from his maternal uncle or elder brother, but which he wishes to acquire before the elder’s death. If a maternal uncle is to give up in his life time a garden, or to teach and hand over a system ot magic, he has to be paid for that. Asa rule several payments, and very substantial ones, have to be given to him, and he gradually relinquishes his rights, giving the garden land, bit by bit, teaching the magic in instalments. After the final payment, the title of ownership is definitely handed over to the younger man.
I have drawn attention already in the general description of the Trobriand Sociology (Chapter II, Division VI) to the remarkable contrast between matrilineal inheritance and that between father and son. It is noteworthy that what is con- sidered by the natives rightful inheritance has yet to be paid for, and that a man who knows that in any case he would obtain a privilege sooner or later, if he wants it at once, must pay for it, and that heavily. None the less, this transaction takes place only when it appears desirable to both parties. There is no customary obligation on either of the two to enter on the exchange, and it has to be considered advantageous to both before it can be completed. The acquisition of magic is
186 TRIBAL ECONOMICS IN THE TROBRIANDS
of course different, because that must naturally always be taught by the elder man to the younger in his life time.
The other type of transaction belonging to this class, is the payment for dances. Dances are “ owned”; that is, the original inventor has the right of “ producing”’ his dance and song in his village community. If another village takes a fancy to this song and dance, it has to purchase the right to perform it. This is done by handing ceremonially to the original village a substantial payment of food and valuables, after which the dance is taught to the new possessors.
In some rare cases, the title to garden-lands would pass from one community to another. For this again, the members and headman of the acquiring community would have to pay substantially to those who hand over their. rights.
Another transaction which has to be mentioned here is the hire of a canoe, where a temporary transference of ownership takes place in return for a payment.
The generalisation by which this class has been formed,
although it does not run counter to native terminology and ideas, is beyond their own grasp, and contains several of their sub-divisions, differentiated by distinct native terms. The name for the ceremonial purchase of a task or for the transfer of a garden plot is Jaga. This term denotes a very big and important transaction. For example, when a small pig is purchased by food or minor objects of value, they call this barter (gemwalt) but when a more valuable pig is exchanged for vaygu’a, they call it laga.
The important conception of gradual acquisition in advance of matrilineal inheritance, is designated by the term fokala, a word which we have already met as signifying the tributes to the chief. _ It is a homonym, because its two meanings are distinct, and are clearly distinguished by the natives. There can be no doubt that these two meanings have developed out of a common one by gradual differentiation, but I have no data even to indicate this linguistic process. At present, it would-be incorrect to strain after any connection between them, and indeed this is an example how necessary it is to be careful not to rely too much on native terminology for purposes of classification.
The term for the hire of a canoe is toguna waga.
TRIBAL ECONOMICS IN THE TROBRIANDS 187
6. Ceremonial barter with deferred payment.—In this class we have to describe payments which are ceremonially offered, and must be received and re-paid later on. The exchange is based on a permanent partnership, and the articles have to be roughly equivalent in value. Remembering the definition of the Kula in Chapter III, it is easy to see that this big, cere- monial, circulating exchange belongs to this class. It is cere- monial barter based on permanent partnership, where a gift offered is always accepted, and after a time has to be re-paid by an equivalent counter-gift.
There is also a ceremonial form of exchange of vegetable food for fish, based on a standing partnership, and on the obligation to accept and return an initial gift. This is called wast. The members of an inland village, where yams and taro are plentiful have partners in a Lagoon village, where much fishing is done but garden produce is scarce. Each man has his partner, and at times, when new food is harvested and also during the main harvest, he and his fellow villagers will bring a big quantity of vegetable food into the Lagoon village (see Plate XXXVI), each man putting his share before his partner’s house. This is an invitation, which never can be rejected, to return the gift by its fixed equivalent in fish.
As soon as weather and previous engagements allow, the fishermen go out to sea and notice is given to the inland village of the fact. The inlanders arrive on the beach, awaiting the fishermen, who come back in a body, and their haul of fish is taken directly from the canoes and carried to the inland village. Such large quantities of fish are always acquired only in con- nection with big distributions of food (sagalz). It is remarkable that in the inland villages these distributions must be carried out in fish, whereas in the Lagoon villages, fish never can be used for ceremonial purposes, vegetables being the only article considered proper. Thus the motive for exchange here » not to get food in order to satisfy the primary want of eating, but in order to satisfy the social need of displaying large quantities of conventionally sanctioned eatables. Often when such a big fishing takes place, great quantities of fish perish by becoming rotten before they reach the man for whom they are finally destined. But being rotten in no way detracts from the value of fish in a sagalt. ;
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The equivalence of fish, given in return for vegetable food, is measured only roughly. A standard sized bunch of taro, or one of the ordinary baskets of ¢aytu (small yams) will be repaid by a bundle of fish, some three to five kilograms in weight. The equivalence of the two payments, as well as the advantage obtained by one party at least, make this exchange approach barter.* But the element of trust enters into it largely, in the fact that the equivalence is left to the repayer ; and again, the initial gift which as a rule is always given by the inlanders, cannot be refused. And all these features distinguish this exchange from barter.
Similar to this ceremonial exchange are certain arrange- ments in which food is brought by individuals to the industrial villages of Kuboma, and the natives of that place return it by’ manufactured objects when these are made. In certain cases of production of vaygu’a (valuables) it is dificult to judge whether we have to do with the payment for services rendered © (Class 3), or with the type of ceremonial barter belonging to this class. There is hardly any need to add that the two types of exchange contained in this class, the Kula and the wast (fish barter) are kept very distinct in the minds of the natives. Indeed, the ceremonial exchange of valuables, the Kula, stands out as such a remarkable form of trade that in all respects, not only by the natives, but also by ourselves, it must be put | into a class by itself. There is no doubt, however, that the technique of the wasi must have been influenced by the ideas and usages of the Kula, which is by far the more important | and widespread of the two. The natives, when explaining one of these trades, often draw parallels to the other. And the existence of social partnership, of ceremonial sequence of gift, of the free yet unevadible equivalence, all these features appear in both forms. This shows that the natives have a definite mental attitude towards what they consider an honourable, ceremonial type of barter. The rigid exclusion of haggling, the formalities observed in handing over the gift, the obligation
* This advantage was probably in olden days a mutual one. Nowadays, when the fishermen can earn about ten or twenty times more by diving for pearls than by performing their share of the wasi, the exchange is as a rule a great burden on them. It is one of the most conspicuous examples of the ten- acity of native custom that in spite of all the temptation which pearling offers them and inspite of the great pressure exercised upon them by the white traders, the fishermen never try to evade a wasi, and when they have received the inaugurating gift, the first calm day is always given to fishing, and not to
. pearling.
TRIBAL ECONOMICS IN THE TROBRIANDS 189
of accepting the initial gift and of returning it later on, all these express this attitude.
7. Trade, Pure and Simple.—The main characteristic of this form of exchange is found in the element of mutual advantage: each side acquires what is needed, and gives away a less useful article. Also we find here the equivalence between the articles adjusted during the transaction by haggling or bargaining.
This bartering, pure and simple, takes place mainly between the industrial communities of the interior, which manufacture on a large scale the wooden dishes, combs, lime pots, armlets and baskets and the agricultural districts of Kiriwina, the fishing communities of the West, and the sailing and trading communities of the South. The industrials, who are regarded as pariahs and treated with contumely, are nevertheless allowed to hawk their goods throughout the other districts. When they have plenty of articles on hand, they go to the other places, and ask for yams, coco-nuts, fish, and betel-nut, and for some ornaments, such as turtle shell, earrings and spondylus beads. They sit in groups and display their wares, saying “You have plenty of coco-nuts, and we have none. We have made fine wooden dishes. This one is worth forty nuts, and some betel-nut, and some betel pepper.’”” The others then may answer, ‘“‘Oh, no, I do not want it. You ask too much.” “What will you give us?” An offer may be made, and rejected by the pedlars, and so on, till a bargain is struck.
Again, at certain times, people from other villages may need some of the objects made in Kuboma, and will go there, and try to purchase some manufactured goods. People of rank as a rule will do it in the manner described in the previous para- graph, by giving an initial gift, and expecting a repayment. Others simply go and barter. As we saw in the description of the kabigidoya, the Sinaketans and Vakutans go there and purchase goods before each Kula expedition to serve for the subsidiary trade.
Thus the conception of pure barter (gimwalt) stands out very clearly, and the natives make a definite distinction between this and other forms of exchange. Embodied in a word, this distinction is made more poignant still by the manner in which the word is used. When scornfully criticising bad conduct in Kula, or an improper manner of giving gifts, a native will say
Hae
190 TRIBAL ECONOMICS IN THE TROBRIANDS
that “it was done like a gimwalt.’” When asked, about as transaction, whether it belongs to one class or another, they will! reply with an accent of depreciation ‘“‘ That was only az gimeali—(gimwali wala!)’’ In the course of ethnographic: investigation, they give clear descriptions, almost definitions: of gimwalt, its lack of ceremony, the permissibility of haggling, , the free manner in which it can be done between any two: strangers. They state correctly and clearly its general! conditions, and they tell readily which articles may be: exchanged by gimwalt.
Of course certain characteristics of pure barter, which we: can perceive clearly as inherent in the facts, are quite beyond’ their theoretical grasp. Thus for instance, that the element! of mutual advantage is prominent in gimwal: ; that it refers: exclusively to newly manufactured goods, because second- hand things are never gimwali, etc., etc. Such generalisations: the ethnographer has to make for himself. Other properties: of the gimwali embodied in custom are: absence of ceremonial, absence of magic, absence of special partnership—all these already mentioned above. In carrying out the transaction, the natives also behave quite differently here than in the other’ transactions. In all ceremonial forms of give and take, it is considered very undignified and against all etiquette, for the receiver to show any interest in the gift or any eagerness to. take it. In ceremonial distributions as well as in the Kula, the present is thrown down by the giver, sometimes actually, sometimes only given in an abrupt manner, and often it is not even picked up by the receiver, but by some insignificant person in his following. In the gimwali, on the contrary, there is a pronounced interest shown in the exchange. J
There is one instance of gimwali which deserves special attention. It is a barter of fish for vegetables, and stands out in sharp contrast therefore to the wast, the ceremonial fish and yam exchange. It is called vava, and takes place between villages which have no standing wast partnership and there- fore simply gimwalt their produce when necessary (see Plate XXXVII).
This ends the short survey of the different types of exchange. | It was necessary to give it, even though in a condensed form, in order to provide a background for the Kula. It gives us” an idea of the great range and variety of the material give and
TRIBAL ECONOMICS IN THE TROBRIANDS ror
take associated with the Trobriand tribal life. We see also that the rules of equivalence, as well as the formalities accom- panying each transaction, are very well defined.
VII
It is easy to see that almost all the categories of gifts, which I have classified according to economic principles, are also based on some sociological relationship. Thus the first type of gifts, that is, the free gifts, take place in the relationship between husband and wife, and in that between parents and children. Again, the second class of gifts, that is, the obligatory ones, given without systematic repayment, are associated with relationship-in-law, mainly, though the chief’s tributes also belong to this class.
If we drew up a scheme of sociological relations, each type of them would be defined by a special class of economic duties. There would be some parallelism between such a sociological classification of payments and presents, and the one given above. But such parallelism is only approximate. It will be therefore interesting to draw up a scheme of exchanges, classified accord- ing to the social relationship, to which they correspond. This will give us good insight into the economics of Trobriand sociology, as well as another view of the subject of payments and presents.
Going over the sociological outline in Chapter II, Divisions V and VI, we see that the family, the clan and sub-clan, the village community, the district and the tribe are the main social divisions of the Trobriands. To these groupings corres- pond definite bonds of social relationship. Thus, to the family, there correspond no less than three distinct types of relationship, according to native ideas. First of all there is the matrilineal kinship (veyola) which embraces people, who can trace common descent through their mothers. This is, to the natives, the blood relationship, the identity of flesh, and the real kinship. The marriage relation comprises that between husband and wife, and father and children. Finally, the relationship between the husband and the wife’s matrilineal kinsmen forms the third class of personal ties corresponding to family. These three types of personal bonds are clearly dis- tinguished in terminology, in the current linguistic usage, in custom, and in explicitly formulated ideas.
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To the grouping into clans and sub-clans, there pertain the ties existing between clansmen and more especially between members of the same sub-clan, and on the other hand, the relationship between a man and members of different clans. Membership in the same sub-clan is a kind of extended kinship. The relationship to other clans is most important, where it assumes the form of special friendship called /uba’t. The grouping into village communities results in the very impor- tant feature of fellow membership in the same village com- munity. The distinction of rank associated with clanship, the division into village communities and districts, result, in the manner sketched out in Chapter II, in the subordination of commoners to chiefs. Finally, the general fact of membership in the tribe creates the bonds which unite every tribesman | with another and which in olden days allowed of a free though not unlimited intercourse, and therefore of com- mercial relations. We have, therefore, eight types of. personal relationship to distinguish. In the following table we see them enumerated with a short survey of their economic characteristics.
1. Matrilineal kinship.—The underlying idea that this means identity of blood and of substance is by no means forcibly expressed on its economic side. The right of inheri- tance, the common participation in certain titles of ownership, and a limited right to use one another’s implements and objects of daily use are often restricted in practice by private jealousies and animosities. In economic gifts more especially, we find here the remarkable custom of purchasing during life- time, by instalments, the titles to garden plots and trees and the knowledge of magic, which by right ought: to pass at death from the older to the younger generation of matri- lineal kinsmen. The economic identity of matrilineal kins- men comes into prominence at the tribal distributions— sagali—where all of them have to share in the responsibilities of providing food.
2. Marriage ttes.—(Husband and wife; and derived from that, father and children). It is enough to tabulate this type of relationship here, and to remind the reader that it is characterised by free gifts, as has been minutely described in the foregoing classification of gifts, under (1).
TRIBAL ECONOMICS IN THE TROBRIANDS 193
3. Relationship-in-law.—These ties are in their economic aspect not reciprocal or symmetrical. That is, one side in it, the husband of the woman, is the economically favoured recipient, while the wife’s brothers receive from him gifts of smaller value in the aggregate. As we know, this relationship is economically defined by the regular and substantial harvest gifts, by which the husband’s storehouse is filled every year by his wife’s brothers. They also have to perform certain services for him. For all this, they receive a gift of vaygu’a (valuables) from time to time, and some food in payment for services rendered.
4. Clanshib.—The main economic identification of this group takes place during the sagali, although the responsi- bility for the food rests only with those actually related by blood with the deceased man. All the members of the sub- clan, and to a smaller extent members of the same clan within a village community, have to contribute by small presents given to the organisers of the sagalt.
5. The Relationship of Personal Friendship.—Two men thus bound as a rule will carry on Kula between themselves, and, if they belong to an inland and Lagoon village respectively, they will be partners in the exchange of fish and vegetables (wast).
6. Fellow-citizenship in a Village Community.—There are many types of presents given by one community to another. And, economically, the bonds of fellow-citizenship mean the obligation to contribute one’s share to such a present. Again, at the mortuary divisions, sagali, the fellow-villagers of clans, differing from the deceased man’s, receive a series of presents for the performance of mortuary duties.
7. Relationship between Chiefs and Commoners.—The tributes and services given to achief by his vassals on the one hand, and the small but frequent gifts which he gives them, and the big and important contribution which he makes to all tribal enterprises are characteristic of this relationship.
8. Relationship between any two tribesmen.—This is character- ised by payments and presents, by occasional trade between two individuals, and by the sporadic free gifts of tobacco or betel-nut which no man would refuse to another unless they
were on terms of hostility.
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With this, the survey of gifts and presents is finished. The general importance of give and take to the social fabric of Boyowan society, the great amount of distinctions and sub- divisions of the various gifts can leave no doubt as to the paramount réle which economic acts and motives play in the life of these natives.