D. Th. i. 72.) The archbishop of Rouen denied, afterwards, that the king had

made any such promise as that asserted of him, ' quia quinquaginta quos exhiberet Rex non haberet' (Ep. D. Th. i. 102). Reginald was then only archbishop elect, nominated to the see a.d. 1159 by the emperor, whose nomination at that time the pope of course would not recognise. Before this he was only chancellor (Ep. D. Th. i. 33)." Froude, vol. iv. p. 153, and L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Reginald came into England a.d. 1165, to conduct Matilda, the king's daughter, to the duke of Saxony, to whom she was betrothed. After his departure, the churches where he and his attendant priests had said mass were re-consecrated. The king was forced to submit to this, to prevent the breach between him and Alexander from becoming wider than it was. (Rapin, vol. ii. p. 314.) Probably, it was then that John of Oxford com- municated with Reginald, in the way which is here laid to his charge.
Page 230, line 12 from the bottom. " 21ie king himself we have not yet ex- communicated jiersonally," &c.] — The king was not excommunicated at Vezelai, : in consequence of a letter arriving from the king of France on the Friday pre- ' vious, signifying, imder the oath of Richard, archdeacon of Poictiers, and Richard de Humet, the king's severe indisposition.
Page 231.] — For a translation of this letter of the clergy of England to Becket, see Froude, p. 171. The letter is in " Epist. D. ThomiE," i. 126.
Page 231, line 29. " y/ threatening letter, wherein there is no salvation premised."'] — For "salvation" read "salutation." The original is "sine salute premissa;" and the allusion is to the letter at p. 221, note (1). See the note in this Appendix on that letter.
Page 232, line 3.] — This sentence is better rendered by Mr. Froude, p. 172 : " Lastly to secure your lordship against worldly reverses, he wished to esta- blish your power in the things of God; and, against the advice of his mother, the remonstrances of his kingdom, and the sighs and longings which the Church ventured to express, exerted all his influence to place you in your present exalted situation, hoping thereby to secure the happiness and pros- perity of his reign."
Page 233.] — For a translation of most part of this letter of Becket to his suffragans, see Froude, p. 185. The letter itself is in " Epist. D. Thomae," 1. 127.
Page 233, line IG.] — This appeal was resolved on after a debate, June 24th : it is in Epist. D. Thomse, i. 128, and Froude, p. 176.
Page 235, line 35. " jind where you write in your letters of my promotion," &c.] — The reference is to the top of p. 232. See the note on that page. Mr. Froude, p. 187, thus renders this passage : — " Next you insinuate in your letter, nay you expressly assert, that the whole kingdom exclaimed against my promo- tion, and the church sighed and groaned over it. Know ye what the word of truth says— 'The mouth tluit belieth slayeth the soul?' (Wisdom, i. II.) Would not even one of the commonalty be ashamed to say such things? And priests, above all others, arc bound to speak the truth. Consult your own consciences; revert to the manner in which the election was conducted; to tlie unanimity which prevailed in all who had a voice in it ; to the assent of the
854 APPKN'niX' TO VOL. II.
king, given through his son, and confirmed by the chief nobles of the realm. If any of these opposed or protested at all at the time, let him declare it : but it is not for one man to say tliat tiie whole of the kingdom was dissatisfied, because he himself had his own private reasons for dissatisfaction." Where Becket means to insinuate that Foliot bishop of London had been ambitious of being archbishop himself.
Pac^e '2'.i6 note (!)■] — "The deanery of Salisbury had lately become vacant on the promotion of Henry, the late dean, to the bishopric of Baicux. (Ep. Jo:ui. Sarisb. 148, 201.) At this time some of the canons of that church were in banishment with tlie archbishoj), and tlie jiope forbade the election of a new dean to proceed without tlieir consent and privity. (I'^p. D. Th. i. 100.) But as the bishop was under the king's displeasure, lie found it necessary to make his peace, in defiance of the pope's command, by conferring the deanery on the kini^'s nominee. (Ep. D. Tli. i. 104. ii. 7.) According to the statement made by John of Oxford to the pope, he accepted the deanery on compulsion." — Froude, p. 154.
Page 241. " The taJlc between,'" &c.] — Here Foxe resumes his quotation of Grafton, suspended at p. 220.
Page 243, line 5.] — The subject of prince Henry's coronation, by archbishop Roger of York, is involved in some obscurity, owing doubtless to the pope's duplicity, llymer gives a letter of pope Alexander III., directed to Roger, archbishop of York, forbidding him to crown the king's son, as being the exclusive prerogative of the archbishop of Canterbury, dated Cisvinarium, 4 Cal. Martii, an. IG, Hen. II. (ex Labbei Cone. tom. x. 1219). Another to the same, stating that it was unlawful for any, and forbidding any, to crown or anoint the kings of England, except tlie archbishop of Canterbury (ex Bibl. Cotton. Vesp. c. xiv. 128). Also another to the same, and Hugh, bishop of Diirhain, suspending them for having crowned the king, dated Ferentini, vi. Cal. Oct. (ex Hovedeno). Also a letter to Becket, dated Anagni, 4 Novem- ber, ordaining for ever that none shall crown or anoint the kings of England, except the archbishop of Canterbury. Also a suspension (without date) of the bishops of London, Salisbmy, Exeter, Chester, Rochester, St. Asaph, and LandaflT, for their share in it. (Ex Bibl. Cotton. Vesp. c. xiv. fol. 1286.)
It is certain, however, that a bull, giving Roger permission to perform the ceremony, is found in three MSS., though omitted from the collection of letters made by Lupus under the pope's eye. It is as follows (the Italics are not in the original) : — " Alexander Papa Rogcro Eboracensi Arch'u'inscopo. — Quanto per canssimum filium nostrum, Henricum illustrcni Anglorum llegem, ampliora commoda et incrementa in hujus necessitatis articulo ecclesias Dei pervenisse noscuntur, et quanto nos eiun pro sua? devotionis constantia majori affectione diligimus et cariorem in nostris visceribus retineinus, tanto ad ea quae ad honorem incremeiitum et exaltationem ipsius et suorum cognoscimus pertinere libentius et promptius aspiramus. Iiide est utique, quod, ad ejus petifionem, dilectnin filium nostrum Henricum, primogenitum filium suum, communicato fratrum nostrorum consilio, ex anctoritale Beati Petri ac nostra concedmus in AngLia coronandnin. Quoniam igitur hoc ad officium tuum pertinet, fraternilati \ csixx jier Apostolica Scripla vtandamiis, quatenus, cum ah eodem filio nostro rege jiropter hoc Aieris requisitus, coronam memorato filio suo ex auctoritate sedis Aposlolicce imponas, et nos quod a te cxinde factum fuerit ratum ac firmum dccernimus permanere. Tu vero debitam ei subjectionem et reverentiani, salvo in omnibus patris sui mandato, exhibeas et alios similiter commoneas exhibere." —Lamtteth MS. fol. 246 b and 247 a ; Cotton MS. Claudius, 6.11. lib. 2, fol. 288 ; and Bodleian MS.
The authority given in this letter tallies with that which was previously granted by Alexander to Roger of York in an early letter, in which, after he has con- firmed the ancient grant of bearing the cross, he adds the power of crowning the king, "sicut ex Uteris antecessorum nostrorum prcdecessoribus tuis concessum est, et sicut eosdem predecessores tuos constat ex antiquo fecisse." (Epist. D. Thoniir, lib. i. 10.) Tliis power may only refer to assisting at the coronation ; the fact, however, is worthy of remark, especially as Becket procured after- wards a bull revoking that grant to the Archbishop of York (Ep. D. Thomse, lib. iv. 41.). As a further argument in favour of the authority of this letter, it
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 855
should be remembered that it tallies with the assertion made at the time of the coronation, by the Arclibishop of York and the Bishop of London, that tliey had obtained the pope's consent to the coronation beinjj performed by the hands of the latter, or any other bishop. Can we believe that men of such characters, therefore, would have either wilfully stated an untruth, or forced the letter bj' which the authority was conveyed ? Nay, it actually appears that the pope himself wrote to Henry, entreatinof him to keep it secret from Becket, that such a permission had been given. (Epist. D. Thomae, v. 45.) Indeed, when it is remembered what the conduct of the pope had been regarding the legatine commission, the suspension of Becket, and the absolution of Foliot, it may be easily credited, that within a very short time after this letter he sent other letters to Becket, expressly forbidding the bishops, and especially the Arch- bishop of York, from doing anything to the detriment of Becket's rights in the coronation of the prince ; or that he afterwards suspended the Archbishop of York for the very act for which he had so lately given his written permission, and guaranteed him scatheless from all its consequences. These letters of pro- hibition never arrived in England, in consequence of the careful watch placed over the sea-ports, by which all suspicious messengers and despatches were pre- vented from entering the kingdom. In the absence of these, and in obedience to the former letter, the Archbishop of York performed the ceremony, and Henry for the time was triumphant. (See Ch, of E. Quart. Rev. April 1841.) Page 244, line 31.] — It appears that these very expressions which were the immediate occasion of Becket's death, were used by tlie king four years before at a conference with his courtiers at Chinon, just before the excommunications at Vezelai. John of Salisbury in a letter to the bishop of Exeter (Ep. D. Th. i. 140, and Ep. Joan. Saresb. 159) states, that at that meeting, " According to those who were present at the time, he [the king] asserted, with tears in his eyes, that the said archbishop would take from him both body and soul ; and, in conclusion, he called them all a set of traitors, who had not zeal nor courage enough to rid him from the molestations of one man." — Froude, p. 150.
Page 246, line 18.] — " Soldiers," "milites" (Quadrilogus), i.e. "Knights." Fitz-Stephen calls them " domestici regis barones;" Hoveden and Brompton, " quatuor militesj" Hoveden adds, " viri quidem generis prseeminentia con- spicui."
Page 246, line 36.] — The words " on pilgrimage " are added from Grafton.
Page 253, line 1.] — The manor of Knaresborough (Foxe writes it " Gnars- borough,"or " Gnasborough ") belonged to Morvile. — Hoveden.
Page 253, line 2. " To go in llmey-wolsey," &c.] — Foxe (copying Grafton) says erroneously "in their linen clothes," owing probably to " laneis " being mistaken for " lineis " (see the notes in this Appendix on pp. 124, 254) ; but no passage has been met with in any of the old chronicles, in which this part of the penance is described. (See Gervase, Hoveden in Script, post Bedam, p. 522, Neubrigensis, lib. ii. c. 25.)
Page 253, line 3. ^' Died a feiv years after," &c.]— Mr. Carte observes that the biographers of Becket are quite mistaken in this, for that William de Traci, whom they particularly mention to have died most miserably, lived above fifty j'ears longer, and having expiated his crime with the monks of Christ Church, by the gift of his manor of Doccombe, was seneschal of Normandy in 1175 and 1176, joined with the barons against King John, and served in the expedition into Wales in 1222, and had scutage from all his military tenants for that service. It is likewise certain from records, that Hugh de Morvile was living in King John's time, and had several privileges granted him.
Page 253, line 17 from the bottom.] — Gervase (Decern Script, col. 1422) dates this penance, " Avranches, 5 Cal. Oct."
Page 254, line 16.] — See the note on p. 276, note (1).
Page 254, line 20.] — Foxe omits one part of the king's penance. Hoveden's words are (Script, post Bedam, p. 539), " extractis calceamentis, nudus, pedes, el in pnnnis laneis, per tria milliaria profcctus usque ad sepulcrum martyris," &c. Gervase also says (Decem Script, col 1427), " In veste lanea, nudis pedibus ab ecclesia S. Dunstani qnse longc extra urhem posita est usque ad tnmbam sancti Thomas Martyris perveniens," &c. (See the notes on pp. 124, 253.) The
856 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
Qiiadrilogiis says, " Toto nudalo corporc, pra;terquam vili quadam tunica super luido amictus."
Pajie251, line 12 from bottom.] — "Coventry." Foxe says, "Chichester;" IJronrpton, "Cestriic;" wliich meant " Lichfield and Coventry." See page 313, note (1).
Pat'c 2.')7, line \C: " T/iis year the contention revived again."'] — Rather, the year preceding. See Hoveden, p. 5oO, edit. Francof. IGOl ; and Had. de Diccto in 'I'wysdcn's Hist. Ang. Scriptores X. col. 589, also col. 1109. L'Art de Ver. dcs Dates also places tliis council to a. d. 117G.
Page 257, line 23. "A council at Westminster."] — Held (according to Hoveden, Wilkins, and " L'Art de Ver, dcs Dates ") March 1 1th, a. d. 1176.
Page 257, line 36.]— See before, p. Ill, and vol. i. p. 335.
Page 257, note (2).] — Mr. Palmer, in his " Origincs Liturgicae," gives the following account of the casule, chimer, and rochet : — "'Vhecasulc, orchasible, or vestment, was an outer garment, extending from the neck nearly to the feet, closed all the way round, with only one aperture, through which the head passed .... Originally the casula was worn, not only by bishops and pres- byters, but by all the inferior clergy; but in the course of ages it became peculiar to presbyters and bishops .... It is appointed by the English ritual to be worn by bishops in celebrating the eucharist, and in all other public ministrations, in which, however, they may use a cope instead of it. — The name chimer was probably derived from the Italian zimarra, which is described as 'vesta talere de' sacerdoti e de' chierici.' It was a long garment closed all round, with a])ertures for the arms to i)ass through ; formerly scarlet, but after- wards changed for the black satin chimer now used by bishops.— The rochet differed from the surplice chiefly in having narrower sleeves; for the ancient English bishops do not appear to have used the very wide and full lawn sleeves, now worn by the bishops."
Page 258, line 33. " Protector of France."] — See Diceto sub anno 1181.
Page 258, line 36.] — Grafton says that Ileraclius, the patriarch of Jerusalem, brought letters to the king from Pope Lucius III. making him this offer.
Page 259, line 1. " The wisdom," &:c.] — Documents about most of the affairs alluded to in this paragraph will be found in Hoveden.
Page 260, last line. " Jacobus, the Archbishop of Mentz . . . a little before in the Council of Basil, where the price teas wont " &:c.] — Foxe alludes to this story four times in the " Acts and Monuments," here and at p. 109, and vol. iv. pp. 12, 164. In the edition of 1570, p. 291, this passage appears for the first time, and without the word "in :" — " Jacobus, the Archbishop of Mentz . . . a little before the council of Basil, where the price was wont" &c. Whether this statement is to be accurate or not, will depend on whether the middle clause, "a little before the council of Basil," be connected with what follows, or with what precedes. The latter supposition makes Jacobus to pay the exorbi- tant sum named a little biforc the council of Basil : this supposition Foxe adopted; for in the same edition, in the places corresponding to p. 109 of this volume, and to vol. iv. p. 161, he reads — -"which sum Jacobus, archbishop of Mentz, was pressed to pay a little before the council of Basil." The former supposition — i.e. as though the text meant, '■'■whereas the price was wont a little before the council of Basil to be" &c. — makes the price for some reason rise rapidly after the council from 10,000 to 27,000 florins. This last is the truth, as appears from L'Art de Ver. des Dates, which makes Jacques de Liebenstcin become archbishop of Mentz a.d. 1504, sixty years after the council of Basil: it also appears from the statement of grievances called "Liber firavamiimm Nationis Germanicne" referred to here in Foxe's note as his autho- rity, and of which, as also of the proposed " Remedy, " he gives a translation infra, vol.iv. pp. 11 — 15; and at p. 12 this verycascof the archbishopric of Mentz is fully stated : from that passage two errors have been corrected in this, viz. " /CH thousand" is here read for Foxe's " a thousand," and " twenty-spi'c/j thousand" for " twenty-i/a; thousand." Whether the word "in" was after- wards introduced into our author's text by accident or design, docs not appear; but it is not unlikely that Fo.xe had before him some writer, as Henry I'oken
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 857
(cited by him at p. 35 1, and vol. iii. p. 772), who said that statements were made on this subject " in concilio Basiliensi :" tliat sucii was the fact there is no doubt, as the following extract from L'Art de Ver. des Dates, Jrc/ievik/iies de Mayence, v. Conrad, will show; — " L'An 1129, sur la convocation qui fut faite dii concile de Bale, Conrad dressa un etat des griefs de I'cglise Germanique contre la cour de Rome, avec les nioyens de les redresser. Mais avant de rendre public ce memoire, il assembla le 12 Novembre 1131 ses comprovin- ciaux dans la ville d'Aschaft'enbourg, pour en confcrer avec eux. Le memoire fut approuve par I'assemblee et envoye au concile de Bale, ou Conrad, malgre le desir qu'il en avait, ne put assister." This memorial no doubt stated that the usual price was then 10,000 florins ; and even that statement would much contribute to produce the decree of the council against Annates, and iurnished useful data to l\\efufure memorialist who presented the " Liber Gravaminum " to Maximilian, a.d. 1510, when the price was nearly trebled. — The foregoing remarks will explain why the words " a little before the council of Basil " at p. 109, and vol. iv. p. 1G4, have been dropped in this edition ; they migluindeed have been changed into " a little after the council of Basil," but that expression seemed rather too slight to describe an interval of 60 years.
Page 261 note (1). " Ex libro Gravaminum nationis Ger manic ce."'\ — The list of grievances here alluded to were presented to the emperor Maximilian in 1510; and again in 1518, no attention having been paid to the ccmplainers, nor any remedies suggested by the Lateran Council : see the note on vol. iv.
P-11-
Page 262, line 24. " Baldwin, of a Cistercian monk made a bishop."'] — See pp. 718, 723. Foxe, vol. v. p. 376, represents Baldwin as not becoming monk till he was elected archbishop. But this account is the correct one : Neubri- gensis says (lib. iii. cap. 8), " Ex abbate Fordensi Episcopus Wigorniensis factus." M. Westminster says the same at the year 1181, adding, " he was of the Cistercian order."
Page 263, line 8. " Gratian, Master of the Decrees."] — See some account of his " Decretum " supra, vol. i. p. 301, note (3).
Page 263, line 9. " Peter the Lombard, inaster of the 'sentences."] — Peter Lombard, Professor of Divinity at Paris, after Bishop of Paris, 1159, died 1164. His great work is the celebrated "Book of Sentences," in which he treats of all the principal questions which were then debated in the schools, and illustrates them by a copious and methodical collection of apposite passages from the Fathers, chiefly from Hilary, Jerome, Ambrose, and Augustine. The work soon became classical, and was made the subject of voluminous commen- taries by most of the great scholastic divines in that and the following centuries.
Page 264, line 8 from the bottom.] — " In vulgarem sermonem vertere, do- cendo declarare." Illyricus, " Cat. Test." edit. 1608, col. 1499, b.
Page 266, line 15. *' And this, they said," &c.] — " Et haec institutio diu stetit, sicut chronica gestorum ostendunt ; et vetustissimus Grsecus Origines, qui statim post Christi tempora fuit, sicut primarius magister scribit super tertium librum Mosi : Quicunque," &c. — Fratrum Waldensium Responsio Excusatoria apud Fusciculum Orth. Gratii, fol. 88, a. (vol. i. p. 175, ed. 1690.)
Page 266, note (3).] — The statement of the Apologist is this : " Duplex est purgatorium, unum est hie, alterum in futuro sajculo. Piimum habet tidem in Sacris Scripturis, et est certum, &c. . . . Secundum purgatorium est in alio mundo, et hoc est incertum, quia Scriptui-a Sacra non dat de hoc testimonium, de quo primitiva ecclesia nihil scivit, neque sequaces per longum tempus ; et veteres doctores non confirmant, prcecipue de loco. Sed proxime novi quidam, non a longo tempore, ut Thomas Aquinas, is locum invenit tertium in inferno. Sed vetus doctor Augustinus aliter sensit, dicens, Locus purgatorii non est ostensus, nisi quod multis exemplis se anima? ostenderunt in his locis, et cruciatibus ostensse sunt .... Sicque vetus doctor Augustinus cum aliis veteribus doc- toribus conti-adicit Thomne, quoniam priores tenuernnt, quod post resurrec- tionem Salvatoris nulire animte ingrediuntur infernum nisi damnatorum. Sed Thomas invenit in inferno duo loca, unum non baptizatorum, alterum animarum purgaudarum," &c. — (" Responsio Excusatoria Fialrum Waldensium," apud
858 APPEXDIX TO VOL. II.
Orth. Grntium, fol. 89, c. n. ) From tlie foregoing extract it would seem, (hat Foxe exhibits the ineaiiinf:: of tiic Apologist more correcily in the margin than in the text — " Thomas Aquinas tlie finder of Purgatory."
Page 2f)8, line R.] — " Sacerdotem quocunque loco sacrum Christi corpus conficere posse, petcntibusque ministrare." — lllyrlcus, col. 1525.
Page 2()8, line .30. "So long as a man may say," Arc] — " Ita din, quod possunt diccre triginta vel quadraginta Pater Noster et Amen aliquoties." — Jllyricus, col. 152."5, g.
Page 268, note (1^] — The following is the Latin of the two foregoing sen- tences : "Item nullam aliam orationcm dicunt nee docent nee habent, nisi orationem Dominicam, Pater Noster, Src. Nee orationem reputant salutationeni Angclicam, Ave Maria; nee symbolum Apostolonim, Credo in Deum ; et dicunt ilia per Romaiiam Ecclesiam non per Cliristiim fnisse ordinata seu com- posita. Verimtamen articulos fidci 7 de divinitate, et 7 de hiimanitate, et 10 precepta, et 7 opera misericordijp, sub quodam compendio quodammodo ab cis ordiiiato et composito, dicunt et docent, et in illo plurimimi glotiantur et statim ofTerunt se promptos ad respondendum de fide sua." — lUyricus, col. 1524, b.
For tlie words " Nee orationcm rej)ntant " in the above passage the ^^r*^ edition of the " Catalogus 'J'es^tium " had " nee aliud reputant," while Illyricus wrote in his margin, " Id est, negant symbolum esse orationem." Tin's marginal note was afterwards wrought into the text, and " aliud " changed into "orationem." Mr. Mailiand proj:oses to read " aliquid " for "aliud;" i.e. " they reject the Salutation and the Apostles' Creed, classing them as human compositions made up by the Romish Church." See Pilichdorf contra iVal- denses, cap. xx.
The seven articles of faith " pertinentes ad mysterium Trinitatis, quorum quatuor pertinent ad Divhiilal'is intrinseca tres vero ad effectus," are enumerated in the Constitutions of Arclibishop Peckham, Wilkins's Cone. tom. ii. p. 54. Also the seven articles "qui pertinent ad Christi htimanitatern :" (Ibid.) Then follows a brief commentary on the Ten Commandments; then the Seven Works of Mercy, " qua» ex Matthici Evangelio patefiunt," viz. " famelicum pascere, potare sitibundum, hospitio recipere peregrinum, vestire nudum, visitare infirmum, consolari carcere mancipatum;" Septimum ex Tobia colli- gitur, scil. " Sepelire corpora mortuorum." (Ibid. p. 55.)
Page 269, line 13.] — Reinerius Saccho, a native of Placenza, first a zealous NValdensian, afterward a preaching friar, general inquisitor of heretics, i nd a bitter persecutor. He was at length banislied Milan a.d. 1259, and died in exile. (Cave's Hist. Litt.) The greater portion of his " Summa de Catharis et Leoiiistis" is published in Illyricus's " Catalogus Testium," edit. 1608, col. 1507.
Page 269, line 24.] — Two or three other instances of these mis-translations are given from Reinerius, in Mr. Maitland's " Albigenses and Waldenses," p. 402.
Page 269, note (2).] — This citation is not quite exact. Reinerius says, that "there were forty-one schools in the diocese of Passau alone;" and the next place he calls " Clemmate." — MailJand's Albigenses and Waldenses, p. 403.
Page 270, linel.] — " Ilabco consvdtationes jurisperitorum Avenionensium, item archii'piscopoium Narbonensis, Arelatensis, et Aquensis, item ordina- tionem episcopi Albancnsis de extirpandis Valdensibus jam ante annos 340 scriptas." — Illyricus, col. 1501.
Page 270, line 11. "Is apparent from," &rc.] — " Facile ex pra^dicta trium archiepiscoporum Gallicorum consuUatione ante annos 340 scripta apparet." — Illyricus, col. 1501.
Page 270, line 7 from the bottom. " Translated out of Sleidan into English."'} — This was done by John Daus, and was printed by John Daye, in London, 1560. See Dibdin's " Ames," vol. iv. p. 77.
Page 271, line 17.] — See the note on page ISS, line 5.
Page 271, line 20.— " St. William of Paris."}— See the last note.
Page 271, line 31.]— Urb.in III. died October 11th, a.d. 1187, and Gregory