III. Epist. .321 Liigduvensis, pro Lundensi.' Ita Sirmondiis. Qiire conjectura

eo certior, quod miUus hoc seciilo E. Episcopus Londiiiensi Ecclesite praefuit. Praeterquam quod Londonia Sedes est Episcopalis, non vero Arcliiepiscopalis." Page 193, line IG. " Divers and sharp letters," &c.] — The reader will find Pope Adrian's letters to Frederic in Baronius, an. ll.")?, § 2, 3. The legates appear to have been Koland, cardinal-priest of St. Mark, and Bernard, cardinal-priest of St. Clement; and Pagi in his notes on tliis part of Baronius shews, that they were sent with the said letters a.d. 1156, and that in the same year also the seizure of the Archbishop of Lunden took place.
Page 193, note (2).] — The volume referred to is " Ottonis Episc. Frisingensis Chronicon, et Radevicus Prising. Canonicus," &c., folio, Basileae, 1569. ^ If any information is needed upon these writers, " Vossius de Hist. Latinis." will supply it, pp. 427 — 431, edit. 1651.
Page 195, last line. " The proud pope, setting his foot," &:c.] — " Fuerunt quidem nonnulli, inter qnos etiam Card. Baronius, qui in dubium vocarunt narrationem de Imp. Frederico I. et Alexandre III. collum ejus premente pedibus, his etiam verbis usurpatis, super aspidem et Basilictim amhulabis, &c. ; quod factum indecorum, arrogans, et penitus insuetum agnoscit Baronius (tom. xii. ad an. 1177, § 86), et negat unquam accidisse, tanquam ahhorrens a tanti Christi vicarii mansuetudine, turgens fastu f acinus. Quam tamen liis- toriam referunt viginti historici, omnes pontiticii, quorum testimonia citantur ab Hieronymo Bardo in libro cui titulum fecit ' Victoria Navalis,' Venetiis edito, 1584. Sed'Jos. ille Stevanus' qui de ' osculo pedum Papae ' scripsit RonijB, ad Gregorium XIII., non solum factum non negat; sed ex eo deducit quantum Papa possit in Reges et Principes." — Riveti Jesuita Vapulans, cap. 28, § 4.
A picture of this transaction was formerly to be seen in the vestibule of St. Mark's, at Venice, and also in the ducal palace (vide Em. S. Cijpriani Disser- iaiiones, Coburgi, 1755, p. 70) ; though the circumstance has, from different reasons, been rather warmly discussed, and partially questioned (see Sagittarii Introduct. in Hist. Eccles. tom. i. p. 630; tom. ii. p. 600). But such assump- tions are not always considered misplaced, even by Baronius himself; as in the case of Henry VI., Emperor of Germany, whose crown Celestine III. thought well to strike off his head a.d. 1191 ; under which year see Baron. Annal. §. 10 ; Roger Hoveden, p. 689, edit. 1601 ; and the present vol. of Foxe, p. 304.
Page 196, line 23. " Two-and-twenty years."'] — Foxe says, " one-and- twenty." But Alexander III. was elected Sept. 7th, a.d. 1159, crowned Sept, 20th, and died Aug. 30th, a.d. 1181. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 196, line 24.] — The Council of Tours sat May 19th a.d. 1163; the General (eleventh) Council of Lateran March 5th — 19th, a.d. 1179. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 197, line 6 from the bottom. "In Quadrilogo."'] — The full title of this work is " Vita et Processus Thomas Cantuar. martyris super libertate ecclesiae ; sive Quadripartita Historia continens passionem Martyris Archipraes. Cantu- ariensis." It is a history of Becket compiled by order of Pope Gregory XI. from the biographies of four contemporaries of Becket, who are mentioned by Foxe in the note. Of these, 1. Herbert de Boscham in Sussex, was one of Becket's chaplains, a companion of his flight, and witness of his death. 2. John, a native of Salisbury, whence he is commonly called John of Salisbury, afterwards bishop of Chartres ( Carnotensis), was one of the most distinguished men of his day. He was an old and intimate friend of Becket, so much so, that in the autumn of a. d. 1163 Henry tliought it necessary to interrupt their intercourse by banishing him to France, where he resided chiefly at Kheims till his retui-n to England on the final arrangement between the king and Becket. He was in the cathedral of Canterbury at the time his friend was mur- dered. He is supposed to be the person who arranged the large collection of 435 letters relating to the contest between Church and State, written between 1165 and 1171, preserved in the Vatican, and printed thence by Christianus Lupus at Brussels, 16S2, uiuler the title of "Ep. D. Thomtv." 3. Alan was a monk of St. Trinity, Canterbiu-y, and afterwards abbot of Tciolccsbury. 4. Wil- liam was also a monk of St. Trinity, Canterbury. (See Tanner's liibliotheca,
842 APPEKDIX TO VOL. II.
and Cave's Hist. Litt.) Tlie " (iuadrilopus " is patched togetlier from the histories of these four, each portion bcinfj headed by the name of the author from whom it is taken. It was printed in 4to., first in l)lack letter at Paris, A. D. 14!).') ; and aijain at Brussels, a.d. 1082, when it was prefixed by Ch. Lii])us to the " Ep. I). Tlioniic " above mentioned. Tiie former edition contains several errors which are corrected in the latter, and which now for the first time have been corrected in Fo.\e's text : they will be noticed in this Appendix. Foxe's account of Becket is derived mainly from the " Quadrilogus;" most of it will also be found verbatim in Grafton's Chronicle, the principal additions being the documents, which are all printed in the " Quadrilogus ;" from which it would appear, that, though Foxe availed himself of Grafton's labours in translating, yet he consulted the original for himself
Page 198, line 15 from the bottom. " And first, to omit here the progeny," &:c.] — A life of Becket compiled by "William Stephanides or Fitz-Stephen, a monk of Canterbury and an intimate friend of Becket, says, "Beatus Thomas natus est in Icgitimo matrimonio ot honestis parentibus, patre Gileberto, qui et vice-comes aliquando fait, matre Mathilda ; civibus Lundonia? jiiediastinis, neque frenerantibus, neque officiose negotiantibus, sed de redditibus suis lionorifice viventibus." — Stephanides, Edit. Sparke, Lond. 1723, p. 10.
Page 198, line 10 from the bottom.] — Dr. Chitterbiick states, in his History of Hertfordshire, vol. ii. p. 48, that the rectory of Brantfield in that county was given by Ilardvin de Scalers, a powerful Norman baron, to the Abbey of St. .\lban's, which retained it till the Dissolution ; also that Thomas Becket was once rector; in confirmation of which he adds, that near the rectorial house there is a pond called " Thomas a Becket's Pond." — Brantfield is in the liberty of St. Alban's, about three miles from Hertford. (Carlisle.)
Page 198, line 3 from the bottom. " Left playing the archdeacon, and began to play the chancellor."'] — The following is the testimony on this point of Grime, the monk who interposed his own arm in order to shield Becket from the assassins sword at Canterbury, and who wrote a life of Becket, preserved in Sion College and the Arundel MS. in the Brit. Mns. " Jamque pedem porrexit in semitas seculi, jam ad honores aspirare, elfundere animum in exteriora, et vanas mundi amplitudines ambire coepit." — Grime, fol. 4, MS. Arund. " Novus itaquc erigitur super Egypt Joseph, proeficitur universis regni negotiis, post regem secundus; augentur honores, prcedia, possessiones, et divitiarum splendor, ac mundi gloria multiplicatur, sequuntur ex more innumeri mancipi- orum greges, stipantur electorum catervse militum, nee cancellario minor quam regi comitatus adhaesit, ita ut nonnunquam corriperetur a rege quod regis hospitium vacuasset." — Grime, fol. 7.
Page 199, line 12. " Richard Lucy, one of the chirfest."'] — "Richardum de Luci aliosque magnates Angline," (Quadril.) Richard de Lucy was the chief justice. " If I were dead," said Henry to Lucy, " wouldst thou not devote thy life and thy energies in favour of my son? Then cease not in thy endea- vours until my chancellor is raised to the see of Canterbury." (John of Salis- bury, in Quadrilogo.) The reason of Henry's partiality may be given in few words from the " Life and Ecclesiastical History of St. Thomas of Canterbury," a work published in English under papal sanction at Cologne, 1639, p. G. " The king having had manifold trial of him, deemed his magnanimity and fidelity to be fit for so high a dignity ; and also that he would have a care of his profit, and govern all things in the church and common weal to his good liking."
The following passages may be quoted here with advantage, from an Article on the Life and Times of Thomas Becket, in the Church-of-England Quarterly Review for April, 1841, written in confutation of the view taken of Becket's character in vol.iv. of "Fronde's Remains." "The expectation that Becket would unhesitatingly obey the will and pleasure of the king in matters ecclesiastical IS distinctly asserted by Grime (' Rex autem arbitratus cancellarium suas per omnia velle seqiii voluntates lit ante et imperils obtemperare, ipsi archicpis- c()i)atum dvd'n:— Grime, MS. Annul fol. 7 a.), and reiterated by Fitz-Stephen (' Statuit Rex Anglirc cancellarium suum in archiepiscopatum promovere, intcntu meritorum personam, et confidens quod se ad placitum et nutuni, ut
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 843
cancellarius fecerat, archiepiscopus obscqueretur.' — Filz-Stephen.), and the Lambeth biography (' Iteruin Archiepiscopo Theobaklo rebus humanis exenipto, deferendi locum honoris suo dilecto Rex se nactum esse gavisus est ; in multis enim cxpertus magnaniniitatem ejus et fidem, tanto quidem fastigio bene siifficiente credit, scilicet ad suas utilitates facile semper inclinandum.' — MS. Lamb. fol. 2 b.). It is useless, then, to deny that such, at least, was the view taken by those who wrote during the continuance of, or immediately after the conclusion of, these troubles ; that they were justified in their asser- tion, their agreement renders more than probable ; that Henry was justified in holding such an opinion, the already cited cases would seem to warrant us in asserting. One of the primate's biographers has recorded a warning from Becket to the king, of his inability to serve him and the Church at the same time. The solitariness of the authority is not our only reason for rejecting this assertion ; we have been far more influenced by the improbability of one so shrewd and politic as Henry, wilfully and with his eyes open running his head into a noose like this, in a matter of such importance, and, when his mind was set on the reformation of the Church, deliberately forcing the primacy on one who forewarned him of his anti-reforming notions and intentions."
The same writer gives the following facts as justifying the king's opinion what kind of an archbishop Becket was likely to prove: — " Towards his own order, Becket acted rather as a statesman than as an ecclesiastic. First, he hesi- tated not to impose on them a scutage for the maintenance of the war of Toulouse — an imposition which Gilbert Foliot characterized as ' that sword plunged into the bowels of mother Clmrch ' (' Divi Thomse,' epist. i. 126; Cotton MS.) ; and his patron, Theobald, on his death bed, vowed to God to prohibit, under pain of excommunication, the exaction of the second aid his brother the archdeacon had imposed on the Church {Joan Salts. Ep. 49, cited by Lord Lyttelton). John of Salisbury admits (epist. 159) that Becket had allowed the measure to pass, and was therefore justly punished in being now persecuted by the very person whom he had preferred to his original benefactor. Secondly, when, in his presence, the supremacy of the pope was upheld by the bishop of Chichester, and Henry rebuked that prelate, and declared in the hearing of all, ' that the supremacy of the pope was upheld by man alone, but that of the king by God,' then we are told the new chancellor joined the king against the pope, reminded the bishop of his oath of allegiance, and seconded, if he had not previously prompted, the rebuke of the king, (Wilkins' Concilia, i. p. 431 — a passage sadly mutilated, but still sufficiently preserved to show the intentions of Becket. See the full account of the matter m the Appendix to Sir F. Palgrave's ' Constitution of England.' The old chronicler there quoted fully bears out the assertion just made.) And, Lastly, if we are to believe Matthew Paris— and we see no reason to the contrary, more especially as his assertions are confirmed by Radulphus de Diceto — the views of Becket respecting the relative power of the pope and the king con- tinued the same for some little time after his elevation to the primacy. In the great cause between the bishop of Lincoln and the abbot of St. Alban's, a bull had been obtained by the bishop, referring the cause to the decision of the papal legates. Henry, however, determined to hear it in his own court, and accordingly summoned the contending parties before him. The abbot, fearful of being brought before the legates for a second hearing, demanded of the king that proof made before him should be subject to no appeal. The king admired his prudence, and commended him for it to Becket, who sat by his side. The case was heard ; the privileges having been proved, judgment was given in favour of the abbot, and signed among others by Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury. (' Unum peto [said the abbot], quod, si in audientia vestra libertatem ecclesia; meag declaravero et evicero, ne me coarctent judices delegati iterato litigare de evicta libertate. Tunc Rex prudentiam ejus cum optima- tibus suis admirans, ad Archiepiscopum Thomam Cantuariensem conversus ait. Quod dicit abbas rationi consentaneum est, neque enim nostrie majes- tati honorificum foret, si lis in Palatio nostro decisa in Domini papae consistorio iterandam pra^stolaretur sententiam.' " (See Matt. Paris, Vitse Abb. Sancti Albani, pp. 77 and 79 ; Radulphus de Diceto, sub. ann. 1162.)
Pao^e 199, line 14. *' The monks said it tvas not meet," Src] — Becket himself states that he was kept out of the see for a year through the opposition of the
844 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
Chajiler (Epist. D. Tliom.T, lib. i. 12G). His predecessor, Tlicobald, died April liSil), A. D. ll(il. — Gotlwin. Great opposition was made to Hccket"s cleclion by Koliot, bisliop of London, not without incurring; mucli odium ; for lie says in relerencc to this in a letter of his own, quoted by I-ord Lyttelton, " Quod loijuinuir experlo novinuis, . . . verbuni ])roseriptionis illieo audivimus, et exilio crudiliter achiicli sunuis." Cutt. MS. Claud, b. ii. let. lib. i. 120. Grime tells us tliat the matter was deferred, " donee a conventu extonpieret [rex] consensum, qui liberam ab antiquo solct habere vocem in electione pomificis " (Grime, folio G, b.); and that in the meeting at London ('AL'iy26th) to confirm the appointment, (Jilbert I'oHot, though alone, still objected. The author of a MS. biography of Ik'cket at Lambeth, professing to be written by an eye-witness, speaks of the election having been secured rather by the " iiistantia rrrjis " than the votes of tlie clergy and people. " Unde totis enitens viribus, non prius destitit [rex] quam apud Angliit cierum optinuim cum in archiepiscopalum subrogavit. Nonmdlis tamen id circa ))roniotionem ejus visum est minus canonicuni, quod ad earn magis operata est regis instantia quam cleri vel populi vota." {MS. Lamb. fol. 2, b.) And, lastly, William of Newborough speaks of the primacy as " Minus siiicerfe ct canonicc, id est per operam mnnunique regiam, susceptum ;" and of Becket's tendering his insignia of office into the j)ope's hands, on account of the infor- mality of his election : " Secundo promotionis anno concilio Turonensi inter- fuit, ubi (ut dicitur) poiitificatum, . . . pungentis conscientia; stimulos non ferens, secreto in n)anus domini papic resignavit." {Gul. Neub. L IG, p. 169. Ed. Paris, 1610.) It is to this cause that we must refer Becket's own words and conduct, related at page 218 of tliis volume. Tiie /o;7« of the election, how- ever, seems to have been quite correct, for Becket himself asserts this against his adversaries at page 23 j.
Page 199, line 19. " In the four and fortieth year of his age," &c.] — He was born A.D. HIS, where RLrccr's cliapel was afterwards erected, according to Fuller's " Worthies of England," p. 203. In a.d. 1162 Easter fell on April 8th, and Trinity Sunday on June 3d. (Nicolas's Tables.)
Page 199, line 20 from the bottom. " J.i first, when, according to custom," Src] — The old tax called " dancgclt," of two sliillings on ever)' hide of land, was abolished (Foxe, p. 181); but perhaps the sheriff of each county received some compliment for his services from the wealthier landowners, which the king aimed at getting converted into a regular tax for the public service. The original runs thus : —
" Publicic potestatis ministri per regionem Anglicanam de consuctudine sibi de singulis Hidis vel Aidis (ut verbis comprovincialiuni utar) pecuniam coUigunt, tanquam laboris mercedem, quem tuitioni patriae iinpendunt. Quani pecmiiam tamen Rex tanquam reditum nitebatur in fiscum redigere. Obstitit Primas, dicens non oportcre pro reditu computari quod suo ct aliorum arbitrio daretur." — Quadrilogiis, edit. 1495, cap. 22.
Page 199, line 7 from the bottom. " Were divers cler/cs."] — The Quadrilogus says " clerici;" Grafton and Foxe say " divers others."
Page 199, line 4 from the bottom. " One Bruis, canon of Bedford."] — The
" Quadrilogus " (citing Alan) says, " Philippus quidam de Brois canonicus ;" Grafton and I'oxe, " a canon of Bruis." Fitz-Stephen calls him " Piiilip de Brois, canon of Bedford," and Brompton " Philip Brock, canon of Bedford."
Page 200, line 7. " They passed so little of (i.e. cared so little for) the spiritual correct i 011."] — " Adjiciens [rex] ad nocendum fore promptiores nisi ))ost poenam spintualem corporali poenae subdantur ; et pcenatn parum curare de Ordinis amissione, qui Ordinis contemplatione a tarn enormibus manus continere non verentur." — Quadrilogus, edit. 1495, cap. 23.
Page 200, last line but one. " Was greatly rebuked of the archbishop," &c.] " In recessu vero episcopus, quem supradiximus, ab Archi-Pra^sule acritcr est objurgatus, quod ct se et co-episcopis inconsultis commune omnium verbum niutare pr;rsumpsisset."
Page 200, note (1.)] — Hollinshed seems to have pondered these words " luculenter ct probabililer ;" and thus endeavours to express their force:
APPENDIX TO VOL. ir. 845
" The archbishop, and his sufiVagans, with the vest of tlie bishops, answered very pithily, hibouring to prove that it was more against the liberties of the Chiux-h than that they might with reason well allow."
To show how the original narrative was interrupted by the introduction of tlio constitutions, the context is here given from the " Qiiadrilogus :" — " Archi- episcopus una cum comprovincialibus et cum pricfatis eruditis suis librato con- silio, cum plurimum et ipse pro cleri libertate Secundum Antiquorum Patruni Canonicam Institutionem luculenter satis etprobabiliter respondisset, in fine Ser- monis cum omni devotione Kegiam obseerabat Clementiam ne sub novo Kege Christo et sub nova Christi lege in nova et peculiari Domini sorte contra Sanc- torum Patrum Instituta Novam per Regnum sunm induceret conditionem." " Verum Rex nihil motus ad hoc, sed c6 amplius commotus (juod cerneret Archi- Priesulem et Episcopos adversiis ipsum (ut reputabat) unanimes sic et constantes, sciscitabatur mox, an consuetudines suas Regias forent observaturi : Replicans illos tempore Avi sui ab Archi-episcopis et Episcopis Privatis et Privilegiatis ob- sevvatas, non oportere suo tempore tristi judicio damnari. Ad quod Archi-Praesul, prajhabito cum Fratribus suis consilio, respondit iUas se et Fratres suos obser- vaturos, salvo Ord'tne suo. Et id ipsum etiam ex Ordine responderunt Ponti- fices singuli, singulatim et a Rege interrogati. Unus autem, Hilarius scilicet Cicestrensis Episcopus, a\idiens ob banc omnium vocem Regem magis exacer- batum, Archi-Prsesule et Co-Episcopis inconsultis mutavit Verbum, dicens se Regias Constitutiones observaturum bond fide," — Qiiadrilogus, edit. 1495, cap. 24. edit. 1682, cap. 19.
It is worthy of observation, that Foxe was led on from a small beginning to interrupt the text here in the manner intimated. For in Grafton the inter- ruption is only this : — " And those constitutions are in number xxviii. or xxix. whereof certeine followe."
" Concerning the nomination and presentation into benefices, if any contro- versy arise between the laity and clergy, or between one spiritual man with another, the matter to be brought into the king's temporal court, and there to be decised.
" Chm-ches, such as be de feodo regis, to be given at no time without the assent and permission of the king.
" All spiritual and ecclesiastical persons, being accused of any crime, what- soever it be, cited by the king's justice, to come and appear m the king's court, there to answer, whether the matter appertain to the spiritual court or to the temporal ; so that, if the said person or persons be found guilty and convicted of any crime, the church not to defend him nor succour him.
"No archbishop, nor bishop, nor person being of any ecclesiastical dignity, to attempt to go over the sea out of the realm without the king's knowledge and permission ; and in so doing, yet notwithstanding to be bound, tarrying in any place, to procure no damage either to the king or to the realm.
" Such goods or catells as be forfeited to the king, neither any sanctuary of church or churchyard to detain them, contrary to the king's justice, for that they belong to the king, whether they be foimd in the church or churchyard.
"No orders to be given to husbandmen's children, witliout the assent and testimonial of them, which be the lords of the country where they were born and brought up."
In the edition of Foxe, 1563, p. 48, the interruption was somewhat enlarged: — " The copy of those lawes and constitutions are conteined in the nimiber of eight or ix and twentj'c, whereof I thought here to resite certayne, not unwor- thie to be knowne.
" The copy and effect of certain Laws and Constitutions set forth and proclaimed in the days of King Henry II.
[Here follow the above Articles from Grafton, almost totidem verhis.l " Besides these constitutions, there were many other, which I passe over, for that the afore rehersed articles are the chiefe. And now let us returne to the matter betwixt the king and Thomas Becket aforesayd. The king, as is aforesayd, conventing his nobles and clerks together, required to have the punishment of the aforesayd misdoersof the clergie ; but Thomas Becket would not consent thereto.
" Besides these constitutions were other at the same time set forth, to the
846 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
number of xxix. in all ; but these were the chief, namely and expressly con- demned by the bishop of Rome, amongst all the rest. " Cerlai/ne other Constitutions, besides the xxix, uhich the forsaid King Henri/
the third (sic), a little after, sent from Norman Ji/ to England, after Becket
was fled over.
" I. If any person shall be found to bring from the pope, or from the arch- bishop of Canterbury, any writing containing any indict or curse against the realm of England, the same man to be apprehended without delay for a traitor, and execution to be done upon the same.
" II. That no monk, nor any clerk, shall be permitted to pass over into England without a passport from the king, or his justices; whoso doth contrary, tha't man to be attached and imprisoned.
" III. No man to be so bold once to appeal to the pope, or to the archbishop of Canterbury, out of England. , • r
" IV. That no decree or commandment, proceeding from the authority of the pope, or the bishop of Canterbury, to be received in England, under pain of taking and imprisoning.
" V. In general to forbid any man to carry over any commandment or precept, either of clerk or layman, to the pope, or to the archbishop of Can- terbury. , „ , 1 • • 1 •
" VI. If any bishop, clerk, abbot, or layman, shall do contrary to this inhi- bition, the same incontinent to be thrust out of the land, with all their kindred, and to leave all their goods behind them.
" VII. All the possessions, goods, and cattell, of such as favour the pope or the archbishop of Canterbury, to be seized and confiscate for the king.
" VIII. All such of the clergy as be out of the realm, having their rents and profits out of the land, to be summoned and warned through every shire within three months to repair home, or else their rents and goods to return to the king.
" IX. That St. Peter's-pence should be no more paid to the apostolical see, but to be reserved diligently in the king's coffers, and there to be at his com- mand. (,\tque hasc ex Quadiilogo.)
" By these, and such other laws and decreements, it may appear,^ that the abolishing of the pope is no new thing in the realm of England. This only difference there is, that the pope being driven out then, could not be kept out so long as now. The cause is, that the time was not yet come that antichrist should so fully be revealed ; neither was his wickedness then so fully ripe in those days, as it hath been now in our time. Now, these premised, let us return where we left, to the matter betwixt the king and Thomas Becket.
" The Communication and Controversy between the King and Thomas Becket,
with his Clergy. " The king, as is aforesaid, con venting his nobles and clerks together, required to have the punishment of certain misdoers of the clergy; but Thomas Becket not assenting thereunto, the king came to this point, to know whether he would consent, with his clergy, that the customs then set forth in the realm (meaning the first part of those decrees above specified) s.hould be observed."
The interruption became still greater in the subsequent editions, see p. 217, note. It will be perceived, that this first English edition of Foxe does not contain the absurd title which crept into the succeeding editions — "Other lawes and constitutions made at Ciarendoun in Normandy, and sent to England, " &c.
Page 201, line 2. " And in the dead of the night, unknown to the bishops, removed frotn London."^ — Foxe omits this altogether. The Quadrilogus of M9.') (cap. 24) says: — " Et nee salutans nee salutatus a pontificibus, immo nesci- entibus ipsis, clam et ante lucanum Londonia rccessit. Et quidem hoc grandis nve ct indignationis argumcntum extitit. Videres tunc murmur in poi)ulo et motioncs in clero. Episcopi turbati et tremuli regein aheuntem sunt persecuti, metuentes se non prius inventuros, quam audirent se omnia bona sua perdituros." It proceeds (cap. 25) : — " Accidit post modicum tempus," &c.
Page 201, line 17. " Bishop of Chichester."} — Grafton and Foxe saj', "bishop of Chester :" the Quadrilogus, " Cicestrensis."
APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
Page 201, line 9 from the bottom.] — These "two noble peers " were, accord- ing to Hoveden, Reginald, Earl of Cornwall, and Robert, Earl of Leicester.
Page 201, note (1).] — The original, whence the text is derived, runs thus in the Qiiadrilogus of 1682 : — " Accidit post modicum Episcopum Lexoviensem reconciliandi gratia. Ilegem ex transmarinis adiisse, nam ab amicitia ejus exci- derat ; qui (forsan ut recuperaret gratiam quam perdiderat) consilium dedit (utinam non in la>sione nominis sui) ut ad se partem cleri converteret, ne prae- valerent adversus eum, dum simul quasi conserta acie starent et communicato sufFragio sibi subvenirent."
The Quadrilogus of 1-195 (cap. 25) reads in this passage " Londoniensem." Grafton strangely misunderstands the whole (in connexion with the previous context, as cited in the last note) to mean, that " the king, removing from London unknown to the bishops, sailed over to Normandy, whither the bishop of London, called Gilbert, not long after resorted to crave the king's favour, and gave him counsel withal to join some of the bishops on his side, lest, if all were against him, peradventure he might sooner be overthrown." The errors of this sentence are corrected in Foxe's text. The corrections made receive con- firmation from Hoveden, who says (Script, post Bedam, p. 492) — " Deinde post multum tempus Ernulfus, Lexoviensis Episcopus venit in Angliam, et solicite laboravit die ac nocte, ut pax fieret inter regem et Archiepiscopum, sed ad ple- num fieri non potuit. Deinde per consilium Lexoviensis Episcopi rex separavit Rogerum Archiepiscopum Eboracensem, &c. &c. et alios quosdam ecclesiae praelatos a consortio et consilio Cantuariensis Archepiscopi, ut per illos praefa- tum Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum in suos conatus facilius alliceret."
Page 201, note (2). " /w the Icing's promise."~\ — " In regis promissione." (Quadi-ilogus) One would rather have expected " in regis poslulalione" or some such word. The king's " request" is mentioned a few lines above.
Page 201, note (3).] — Foxe (or rather Grafton) reads in the text, "After this came to him two rulers of the temple, called Templars ; one, Richard de Hast; the other, Costans de Hoverio, with their company." The Quadrilogus says : — " Igitur cum tertio per Richardum, magni nominis virum, qui templo Hierosolymitano tunc prceerat sibi cavere moneretur et cleri misereri, non tulit eorum supplicationes, non geniculationes. Nam, tanquam in ipsius verticem vibratos gladios viderent, plangere videbantur, et tanquam funus prsesens futu- rum facinus lugebant." The second Templar is not named here ; yet it is plain, from the plural number being used in the rest of the sentence, that more than one came to Becket. Grafton seems to have supplied an " et " after " Richardum," and so made out two " qui praeera[n]t templo," "two rulers of the temple." Hoveden says there were two Templars, and names them correctly " Richardus de Hastings et Tostes de Sancto Homero." (Scriptores post Bedam, pp.492, 493.) Gervase calls the latter " Hosteus de Bolonia." (Script. Decem. col. 1386.) A slight mistake has been made in thetextby the present editor, in calling Richard de Hastings " the grand master of the Temple," a title exclusively belonging to the master of the whole order residing at Jerusalem : the provincial governors were called simply " Master," or " Grand Prior," or " Grand Prae- ceptor." (Addison's " History of the Knights Templars," London, 1842, p. 105.) This last cited writer shows that Henry II. was a very great patron of the Templars ; also that Richard de Hastings was a great man in his day, and Master of the Temple at the king's accession. (Addison, pp. 99, 109, 110.) The clause " with their company " has been dropped in the text, there being no authority for it : for the cause which led to its introduction, see the next note.
Page 202, line 1 . "At length came these last messengers again from the king."'j — " Tandem ultimi nuncii regis veneiimt lacrymis et verbis eis expressis seorsum iterate significantesquid futurum erat si non acquiesceret." The tico Templars came again (iterato), and in private (seorsiun) expostulated with Becket. Hoveden, Brompton, and Gervase give them the credit of overcoming the archbishop's reluctance. Grafton, also, seems so to have understood the sen- tence ; but he renders " ultimi nuntii " by " the last message," instead of " these last messengers." The word " seorstim" no doubt suggested to lum the idea, that they came the first time " with their company " (see the last note) : it rather means that they now conferred with Becket apart from "his company," viz, the
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848 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
lords and bishops. (See Lord Lyftclton.) It is singular, however, that tliese words "Tandem ultinii . . . acquiesceret " are omitted in the second edition of the Qiiadrilogiis, wliich, after the words cited in tiie last note, goes on, " Uiide ijotiiis super clerum quam super se motus miseratione annuit de consilio illorum Uegi;e voluntati parere." This omission proves that the editors of that edition tliought, either that the Templars did not come a second time, or that at least tlicy were the " ultiini nuncii."
Page 203, line G from the bottom. " The bishop of Evreux."^ — The Quadri- lot^us of 119j says, " Interea elaboratum est ab episcopo Eboracensi," &c-. ; but the later edition says, " Ebroicensi." This is coniirmed by Grime's MS. history, and (iervase (Script. Decern, col. 1388). " Ebroicensis " is easily corrupted into " Eboricensis," and this into " Eboracensis."
Pa^e 204, line 18.] — " Legaaj" an old word for " legation " or " legateship." It is curious, that wliile "legatio" is here translated as if it were " legatum," Foxe has at p. 598, § 10, translated "legatum" "legation," as if it were " lee atio " — which (as a mis-translation) has been altered into "legacy" in this edition.
Pa'^e 204, line 23. " That the king should be legate himself."'] — Hoveden adds,"" on condition of not molesting Becket." This explains the king's indignation.
Pa"-e 204, note (3).] — The translation in the text has been revised from the Latin.
Page 205, line 30.] — " Anaclitus and Euaristus." See Labbe's Cone, tom. i. cols. 518, 537, 538, for the passages of their writings referred to.
Page 205, line 9 from the bottom. " Cited up to appear by a certain day at Nort?iampton:''\—\\\\\\am. Filz-Stephen lays particular claim to accuracy in his account of the council of Northampton. He thus speaks of himself in the Preface to his Life of Becket : — " Ejusdem domini niei concivis, clericus, et convictor : ct ad partem solicitudinis ejus oris ipsius invitatus alloquio, fui in cancellaria ejus dictator; in capella, eo celebrante, subdiaconus; sedente eo ad cognitionem causarum, epistolarum et instnmientorum quae offerebantur lector, etaliquarum (eo quandoque jvibente) patronus ; concilio Northaviptonia' habito, ubi maximum fuit reium momentum, cum ipso interfui ; passionem ejus Can- tuariiB inspexi; csctera plurima quie hie scnbuntur oculis vidi, auribus audivi, qu.'edam a consciis didici relatoribus."
Fitz-Stephen's account of the council of Northampton differs in some respects from that in the Quadiilogus. Dr. Brady gives the principal features of both in his History of England, vol. i. Foxe's account has been compared with both, and several inaccuracies corrected. The " certain d,y " for which Becket was cited to Northampton was, according to Fitz-Stephen, " Octava S" . Michaelis, fcria tertia," i.e. Tuesday, October Gth, a. d. 1164. He adds, that the king spent so nuich time on his way thither in hawking, that he did not arrive till too late to transact any business that day : the "prima actio " of the council, tlierefore, did not take place till the Wednesday, or " feria quarta" as the Quadrilogus calls it.
Page 205, line 7 from the bottom. " Hoveden tvritet/i," &:c.]— As a change has been made here in Foxe's text, Iloveden's words are given : — " Ubi [apud Northampton] ta'dium magnum fecit [Rex] Thomae Cantuariensiarchiepiscopo. Imprimis enim fecit Rex cqnos suos hospitari in hospitiis illius : sed archiepi- scopus niandavit regi qucxl ipse ad curiam non veniret, donee hospitia sua vacuareiitur ab cquis et honiinibus suis. In crastino colloquii venit Thomas archiepiscopus ad curiam regis," &c. The Quadrilogus opens the account of the council thus . — " Facta igitur concione trahitur ad causam archiepiscopus, qu6d ad quandam regis citationem se in propria persona non exhibuerit. Qui licet se sutticientem rcsponsalem pro se misisse probaverit, tamen omnitnn proce- runi et etiam poiititicum judicio mox omnia ejus bona mobilia sunt confiscata, nisi forte regia Clementia vellet temperare judicium." Out of these two state- ments of Hoveden and the Quadrilogus Grafton makes up the following : — " So when the day was come, all the peers and nobles with the prelates of the realm upon the king's proclamation being in the castle of Northampton, gi-eat fault was found with the archbishop, for that he, being personally cited to
APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
appear, came not liimself, but sent another for him. The cause why he came not Hovcden assigneth to be this : for that the king had placed his horse and liorsemcn in the archbishop's lodging (which was a house there of canons), wlierewith he, being offended, sent word again that he would not appear, unless his lodging were voided of the king's horsemen. Whereupon," &c. It will be at once perceived, that Grafton in this statement quite misrepresents the meaning both of Hoveden and the Quadrilogus, and that the amended text places the matter in its true light. — The occupation of Becket's lodgings by the king's horses was a circumstance not at all unlikely to occur, in conse- quence of the king's arrival late on the Tuesday from his field sports, as men- tioned from Fitz-Stephen in the last note. Grafton renders Hoveden's " man- davit " " sent word ;" but as it is followed by the word " coUoquii," the more equivocal term " warned " might have been better, Fitz-Stephen says that Beckct did not see the king on Tuesday; but next morning {Wednesday) waited on him and complained of William de Curci's having occupied one of his lodgings, and requested he might be ejected, which the king complied with : he then offered to enter into the affair of John the Marshal, but the king put it off till John's return from London. This probably was the " colloquium " which Hoveden refers to. Fitz-Stephen adds, that the next day {Thursday) Becket was condemned for his non-appearance at the king's court on Holy Cross day (Sept. 14), concerning John the Marshal's business : — " Quia scilicet a Rege citatus pro caus«i cujusdam Joannis (mareschalli) ncque venisset, neque idoneese excusasset." (Fitz-Steph.) This John, the king's marshal, claimed a manor which was in I3ecket's possession. When called on in the spiritual court to swear to his case, he swore, not on the Gospels, but on a troparium. Becket refused to accept such an oath, and the man accused him to the king of refusing him justice. Being sunnnoned to the king's court to explain the affair on Holy Cross dav, Becket sent four knights to answer for him. This, then, constituted the first charge against Becket : " Qu5d ad quandam Regis cita- tionem se in propria persona non exhibuerit." The merits of the case itself were to be afterwards tried. The accusation here against Becket was simply that he did not appear in person in the king's court (agreeably to the Constitutions of Clarendon), to explain his conduct in the affair. A fine of five hundred marks was accepted in lieu of his forfeited moveables. The Quadrilogus differs here from Fitz-Stephen in placing this transaction to the Wednesday, and then bringing up the affair of John the Marshal on Thursday as an entirely distinct charge. — Mr. Carte and Lord Lyttelton state, that the troparium above men- tioned was not a song-book (as some have rendered it), but a book of church music, with a portion of a Gospel inserted at the beginning, and that it was the constant practice to be sworn on such books; so that Becket's objection to hear the suitor on that score was really a frivolous one.
Page 205, line 4 from the bottom. " A house of Canons."'] — The Cluniac convent of St. Andrew. See the note on page 214, line 4.
Page 206, line 16. " And this ivas ilie first day's action.''] — The Quadrilogus says ; — " Et haec sententia sic lata in archipragsulem feria quarta prima fuit concilii actio."
Page 206, line 17. " The next day an action," &c.] — The Quadrilogus calls this the second day of the council, and " feria quinta" or Thursday.
Page 206, note (1).]— The Quadrilogus of 1495 (cap. 32) says :— " In palatio vero et qui ad concilium venerant universi jam audientes hoc obstupu- erunt. Et jam passim submurmurabant solam captionem archiprresulis superesse. Alii vero etiam graviota suspicabantur. Et hoc quidem jam passim. ' Super his ' (inquit vero archiepiscopus) ' prudentiores vulunuis consulere, et de consulto respondere.' Dum igitur pontifices qui aderant quid super his respondendum agendumve esset requirerent, Henricus tunc," iS:c. Fitz-Stephen says (p. 38) : — " Jubetur super his omnibus regi rationem exponere. Respondit archiepiscopus se non ad hoc venisse paratum vel cita- tum. Super hoc si convenire deberet, loco et tempore domino suo regi quod juris esset faceret. Exegit rex ab eo super hoc cautionem fidejussoriam. Dixit ille, se oportere super hoc habere consilium sulFragancorum et clericoruni suorum. Rex sustinuit, Il!e discessit ; et ex ilia die amplius ad hospiliuni VOL. II. 3 I
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850 APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
ejus non vcncrunt eiim vidcre barones, aut alii milites, intellccto regis animo. Qnarta die, ad hospitium domiiii arcliiepiscopi venerunt omncs ecclesiasticae piTsoiia; i]i;i.'. C'liiii episcopis semotini, cum abbatibus seniotim, super hujus- inodi tractatuin habuit, consilium captavit," &c. On the authority of the foregoing passages, the following words have been added to Foxe's text
(1.40 12): — '• Heckct, astonished at this demand, begged leave to consult
with his brother bishops apart, before he made his answer, which was granted." Tiie ensuing words — " And so ended that day's action. On the morrow " — are added to Foxe's text on tlie authority of Fitz-Stephen, who makes this last claim to be " ])ropounded " on the Frhhuj, and tlie consequent deliberation to occupy the Satiirdai/. This last addition is also necessary to explain Foxe's own narrative ; for liis expression " tlie morrow after," at tiie opening of the pre- vious paragraph, must mean Frulay ; and yet the next day named, and which Foxe describes as immediately following the deliberation, is Snndatj (p. 209). It was necessary, therefore, to introduce a more distinct notice of the inter- mediate Suturdaji, in order to make out the week. It is singular that the (^ladrilogus of 1495 makes the claim only " triginta marcarum :" but tlie Quadrilogus of 1GS2 says " ducenta triginta marcai-um millia."
Page 206, note (2).] — The words in the text — " The archbishop was sitting apart in a certain conclave with his fellow-bishops about him, consulting together, the doors fast locked to them, as the king had willed and commanded" — would stand, according to Foxe, near the beginning of the previous paragraph, after the words — " The morrow after which was the third day of the couricil :" they are brought down here conformably to Fitz-Stej)hen's statement, which (as already intimated) makes this last claim on Becket to have been " pro- pounded " in open council on the Friday, and discussed in conclave on the Saturday ; and in fact, Foxe's subsequent narrative shews the same thing; for at page 208, 1. 17, 18, 4.5, he distinctly says that Becket and his suffragans were shut into the conclave by the king for the express purpose of this delibe- ration, which (as already proved) took j)lace on the Saturday. The expression " sitting apart " is a variation from Foxe, who says " sitting below " ; the Quadrilogus of 1495 (which he followed) says " deorstim," but the edition of 1682 says " seorsum," apart; and Fitz-Stephen says the deliberation took place ad hospitium domini arcliiepiscopi.
Page 208, lnie24. " Who hath thus," Src] — This passage will be found in Fitz-Stephen (p. .^O), whence the text is amended. The Latin of the part so amended is as follows : — " Et quis vos fascinavir, O iiisensati pontifices? Quid jirudcnti vocabulo dispcnsationis manifestam iniquitatem vestram contegitis ? Quid vocalis dispensalionein totius ecclesiae Christi dispendinm ? Rebus voca- bula serviant ; non cum rebus pervertantur vocabula. Quod autem dicitis, malitige temporis multa fore indulgenda, assentior certc : sed non oh id peccata accunmlanda esse peccatis."
Page 209, line 24. " Sunday, nothing was done."'\ — " In crastino vero, dominica viz. die, ])ropter diem quievit concilium." (Quadrilogus.) Fitz- Stephen, however, makes a very different representation: — "Quinta dies, quae et dominica erat, tota consiliis dedita est. Vix reficiendi hora respirare licebat. Archiepiscopus ab hospitio non discessit " (p. 39).
Page 210, line 18 from the bottom.] — " Amoto ab humeris pallio cum infula, caeteris indutus vestibus sacris, cappa clericali superjecla." (Quadrilogus.) Cappa was a cloak.
Page 211, line 24.] — These chaplains of the archbishop are named in the Quadrilogus : " Erant enim ibi Magister Robertus Magnus [Grandis, edit. 1682] cognomine et Osbertus de Arundel [Arundelli, edit. 1682]. Cum autem qui ostiarii dicebantur cum virgis et baculis de coenaculo regis in quo rex erat cum magno impetu descendissent et vultu minaci et digitis extensis versus archipripsulem, quotquot in domo crant crucis signaculo se signantibus, &c." — ■ Quadrilogus.
Page 211, line 33. " William Fitz-Stephen."']— This is Becket's biographer Fitz-Stephen, miscalled here " John " by Grafton, who was probably misled by the mention of one "John Plancia" in the context. — Quadrilogus, edit. 1495, lib. i. cap. 26.
APPENDIX TO VOr. 11. 851
Page 21], line 9 from Uie bottom.] — The Quadrilogus says: " Dicum est etiam quod Joselinus Sarisburieiisis et Wilhelmus Norvicciisis episco])i, qui adlmc restiteraiit, traliereiitur statim ad sii]){)licium in membris muiilaiidi : qui et ipsi pro salute sua Cantuariensem i-ogabant. Intuens igitur Archiepiscopus in Exoniensem, ait, &c."
Page 212, line 23. " In all haste to the pope in France."'] — " Ad llomanam sedem." (Quadrilogus.) Foxe, from Grafton, says " up to Rome." But the papal see was then at Sens. In like manner, at line 8 of the next page, " before the pope " is substituted for " up to Rome."
Page 213, line 10 from the bottom.] — " Et sic catholicae ecclesias et aposto- licEe sedis auctoritate hinc recedo." — Quadrilogus.
Page 214, line 4.] — " Ad ecclesiam Beati Andrete, religiosorum mona- chorum conventuale monasleriinii." — Quadrilogus.
Page 214, line 9.] — Fitz- Stephen says, that Becl dom from the Qiiinzaine of St. Michael (October 13th) to the commemoratio defunctorum hdelium (November 2d) ; on which day (jervase says " 4 Non. Nov. [November 2d] apud Graveninges in Boloniensi territorio applicuit." Gervase also says that he assumed the name of " Frater Christianus."
Page 214, line 15.] — Wingham was one of the manors belonging to the see of Canterbury: but both editions of the Quadrilogus read here " Mungeaham," which was another manor of the see of Canterbury. (See Hasted's Kent, v. Great Mungeaham.)
Page 216, note (1).] — Becket himself states generally what the ordinances were which he mainly objected to, at page 230.
Page 216, note (1), line 4. " ^ remembrance and recognition:" " recor- datio et recognitio."] — These are somewhat technical terms, " recordatio" im- plying an examination of witnesses as to what the usage and precedent have been in any case, and " recognitio " the allowance, ratification, and recording thereof. The following passage in the Appeal of the bishops against the excommunications of Vezelai refers to this transaction at Clarendon, and seems to express the force of the two words in question : — " It was now necessary, with a view to restoring a good understanding, that an enquiry should be instituted into the ancient usages of the kingdom, and the question thus finally brought to an issue. And, accordingly, evidence was sought among the oldest of our bishops and nobility, and their combined testimony was publicly recorded." — £p. D. Th. i. 128, Froude, vol. iv. p. 177. See Ducange, and Thorpe's Glossary to his Anglo- Saxon Laws, V. Recordatio.
Another illustration of this peculiar meaning of " recordatio et recognitio" will be found at page 114, Canon I. of the Council of London. (See the note in this Appendix on that Canon.)
Page 217, note, article IX.] — Frank- Almoigne was a tenure peculiar to ecclesiastics, and exempted from all secular services. — Lord Lyttetton's Henry 1 1. vol. ii. p. 249.
Page 218, line 13. " I entered into the fold of Christ," &c.] — For ex- planation of this passage, see the note on p. 199, line 14.
Page 219, line 12.] — For "Sens" . . . " fom- years" . . . "six years." — • Foxe (copying Grafton) reads " Senon" (from the latin " Senones"), . . " five years," . . . "seven years." But Foxe himself, at p. 244, rightly considers his banishment to have lasted "six years:" and as Becket left Pontigny about Martinmas (Nov. 13th) a.d. 1166, it is plain that his sojourn there lasted, as Foxe says, two years ; which leaves but four years for his residence at Sens : Gervase expressly says he was there lour years.
Page 220, line 14. "In the mean time," &c.] — The matter from hence to p. 241, consisting chiefly of translations of letters, is Foxe's addition to Grafton, who only briefly alludes to them. They were all written before Becket's removal to Sens.
Page 220, line 19.] — For "four years " Foxe reads "five." See the l;:st note. Becket resided in the abbey of St. Columban while at Sens.
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S/)2 AIM'KNDIX TO VOL. II.
Page 221, note (I).] — Tins epistle is found in " Epist. D. Tlionia?," lib. i. G4. Ill the Cave nianusciipt in the IJudleian, this letter occurs with the words jircfixed " sine sahitatioiie." For an allusion to this absence of a salutation, see p. 2.'}1, line 29. For a translation of this letter, see Froude's Jiemains, vol. iv. p. 141.
Page 227, line l."5. " The prior of Moiifdieu, and Bernardus de Corilo."'\ — Hovedcn reads (Script, post Bedam, p. 507), " Prior de Monte Dei et Bernardus de Corilo." Foxe from some obscure or corrupt copy reads, " Petrus de ponte Dei, and Bernardus de Corilio." The ]n\or of Montdieu was named bJimon ; he was afterwards again sent by the pope as an envoy to Henry about 1 iG8, with Eiigelbert, prior of \'al de St. Pierre, and Bernard, a monk of Cirammont, to warn the king against Becket's then threatened excom- numication. (Epist. D. 'rhoma; iv. 1,29. Froude's Remains, vol. iv. pp. 3G0, .■}"(), 388.) Probably this Bernard de Corilo is the same individual as that Bernard of Granimont.
Page 228, line 36.] — The excommunication of which the king was warned by the pope (p. 228) under date of May 27th, was pronounced by Bccket at Vezeliii on the Sunday after Ascension, June 5th, a.d. 110(5: for this date, see a letter by John of Salisbury to the bishop of Exeter, Papist. D. Thoma^ i. 140, translated by Froude, p. 149.
Page 228, line 5 from the bottom. " Earl ////y//."]— Hugli, Earl of Chester, mentioned at p. 27G.
Page 229, line 7. " Letard, clerk of Norl/iJIeet."'\ — Foxe reads " Norfolk;" but the Quadrilogus has " Northfleit," and Hoveden (Script, post Bedam, p. 513) " Norflictn," and Hasted's Kent (i. 44G) says that Letard died incumbent of Northflect, a.d. 1199. (Reg. RofF. p. 506). For " Monkton," Foxe reads " Monchote," wherein he follows the Quadrilogus; but Hoveden (ut supra) reads " Novo Cotona," an evident corruption (as well as the " Monchoto" of the Quadrilogus) of " Monocotona," or Monkton (called in Doomsday " Monocstune "). Monkton was one of the churches in the arch- bishop's gift.
Page 229, line 19. "Richard of Ilchester.'"\ — Foxe reads " Rice of Wilccs- ter." The letter reads " Wlcester," which is meant for Yvelcester, or " Ivecestre " (as Hoveden reads it, Script, post Bed. p. 506), or llchester. Foxe in the next page mis-calls him " Richard of Worcester." Richard of llchester was at this time archdeacon of Poictiers, and a great partisan of the king's; he was afterwards made bishop of Winchester. He is mentioned in Letters in Froude, pp. 135, 153, 154, 159, 161. — See Godwin de Prasulibus, Cave, and Tanner.
Page 230, line 34.] — "John of Oxford" son of Hcnr\' a burgess of Oxford, was chaplain to Henry II., and much employed by him in his political affairs. At his command he presided at the council of Clarendon : he was sent with others to appear at Sens before the pope against Becket (p. 214) : he was chief envoy to the diet of Wurtzburg in 1165 : he was sent with other envoys to Rome in 1166 to threaten pope Alexander, that, unless he would abandon Becket, Henry would do all in his power to overthrow his autho- rity. See Henry's letter to Reginald, archbishop of Cologne, stating this (Ep. D. Thomsc, i. 69, translated by Froude, p. 127). The other envoys were, the archbishop of York, the bishop of London, the archdeacon of Poictiers, and Richard de Lucy. — The allusion to the "oath" may be explained by a passage in one of John of Salisbury's letters (Ep. D. Th. i. 73. Joan. Sarisb. 182): "It appears that John of Oxford has, in the name of our king, entered into compact with this German tyrant, and sworn that he shall be supported with English arms and counsel against all mortals, saving only the king of France." (Froude, p. 126.) It was no doubt in allusion to this oath, tliat Becket in a letter (E]). D. 'riiomne i. 155, translated by Froude, p. 236) calls him " Jurator " "the Juror." Respecting the other two charges alleged bore against him, see the last note, and the note on page 23G, note (1). He was made bishop of Norwich, a.d. 1175, and itinerating justice, a.d. 1179, ^nd died a.d. 1200. (See Fuller's Worthies, and Tanner's Dibliotheca.)
APPKNDIX TO VOL. II. 8o3
Page 230, line 22 from the bottom. " That hifamous schismatic of Cologne."'] — Reginald, archbishop of Cologne, is meant. " It was at his suggestion, prin- cipally, that the emperor had set up Pascal (Guido de Crema) as antipope, to succeed Victor (April 22nd, a. d. 1161). At a meeting lately held at Wittemberg or VVurtzburg (May 23rd, a.d. 1165), to support the emperor in this attenpt, Reginald opened the proceedings, and gave out, on the authority of the English envoys, that Henry was about to join them, and would bring fifty bishops with him ; on the strength of which reinforcement he proposed adopting strong mea- sures, and banishing all persons of any station in the Church who declined acknowledging Pascal. The archbishop of Magdeburgh objected, and called upon the archbisliop of Cologne to commit himself first, by receiving consecra- tion from Pascal. The latter hesitated; but on the emperor becoming furious, and charging him with treachery and false dealing, he consented, and received orders from the antipope, promising to receive consecration afterwards. (Ep.