XXII. That the pope, in time, will give the temporal manors of those dignities

to the king's enemies, since he so daily usurpeth upon the realm and the king's regalities.*
XXI I I. That all houses and corporations of religion, which until the present king's reign had free election of their own heads, the pope hath encroached the san)e to himself.*
EnplUh XXIV. That in all legacies from the pope whatsoever, the English clergy J^yeth ^^^^ '''^ charge of the legates, and all for the lore of the realm and of our tiie pope's money.' legacies. XXV. And so it appeareth, that if the money of the realm were as plentiful
as ever it was, the collectors aforesaid, with the proctors of cardinals, would
soon convey the same away.s The XXVI. For remedy hereof may it be provided, That no foreign collector or
cXetor P''"ctur do reinain in England, on pain of life and limb; and that no Englishman, driven on the like pain, become any such collector or proctor to others residino- at out of the Rome." °
^jjp ■ XXVII. For better information herein, and namely touching the pope's
pope's collector, for that the whole clergy being at his mercy dare not displease him,
collector it were good that Mr. John Strens'ale, parson of St. Botolph's, living in Holhorn,
exainin- j„ ,jjg ^^^^^ house whore Sir W. Mirfield used to live, may be sent for to come
before the lords and commons of this parliament; who, being straitly cliarced,
can declare much, for that he lived with the said collector as cleik fuUlfive
years.'"
meS'go^'od ^"^1 asses. it may appear not to be for nought what hath been of us reported by the Italians and other strangers, who used to call Englishmen good asses : for they bear all burdens that be laid upon them.
Certain other Notes of Parliament.
Order Item, In the said parliament it was provided also, that such order as is taken
usuo" ^" London against the liorrible vice of usury, may be observed throughout the
whole realm."
Com- The connnons of the diocese of York complain of the outrageous taking of the
ajta'ii'ist archbisliop and his clerks, for admission of priests to their benefices.'-
the arch- To these records of the parliament above prefixed, of the fiftieth year of this
Yorkaii'd '^'"^ I'dward, we will adjoin also other notes collected out of the parliament in
hi.H om- the year next following, which was held the fifty-first year of this king's reign,
th?/"' and the last of his life, on Tuesday the Quindimc of St. Hilary [January
cetsWe"" ^"' *-"-l-'^''7] : although in the printed book these Statutes are said' to be made
tak;nKfor at the parliament holden.as above, in the fiftieth year : which is much mistaken,
Iwl'L^i,'." ""'' ""^'''' '° '^^ referred to the one and fiftieth year, as by the records of the niitisions. .J •/•ii.i
said year manifestly doth appear.
(1) Tit. 106. (2) Tit. 107. (3) Tit. 108: see vol. i. p. 11. (4) Tit. 103.
(5) Tit. 110. (G) Tit. 111. (7) Tit. 112. (8) Tit. 113. (9) Tit. 114.
(10) Tit. 115. (11) Tit. 158. (12) Tit. 171.
NOTES OUT OF THE PARLIAMENT ROLLS AGAINST THE I'OPK. 789
In that parliament, the bishop of St. David's, being lord chancellor, made a Edward long oration, taking his theme out of St. Paul, " Libenter suffertis insipientcs," '^l- &c. : declaring in the said oration many things ; as first, shewing the joyful news . .^ of tlie old king's recovery ; then, declaring the love of God toward the king and ,.'-,~.^
realm in chavtising him with sickness; afterwards, showing the blessing of God . "' '
upon the king in seeing iu's cliiidren's children; then, by a similitude of the Theeffect head and members, exhorting the people, as the members of one body, to conform c[,ll',cel- themsehes unto the goodness of the head; lastly, he turned his matter to the lor's ora- loids and the rest, declaring the cause of that assembly : that forsomucli as the ''""• French king had allied himself with the Spaniards and Scots, the king's enemies, who had prepared great powers, conspiring to blot out the English tongue and name, the king, therefore, wished to have therein their faithful counsel.'
This being declared by the bishop, Sir Robert Ashton, the king's chamber- This par- lain, declaring that he was to move them on the part of the king for the profit l'a."'ent of the realm (the which words perchance lay not in the bishop's mouth, for J^he^'po^pe^ that it touched the pope), protesting first, that the king was ready to do all usurpa- that ought to be done for the pope; but, because divers usurpations were done ^'""j^jj by the pope to the king's crown and realm, as by particular bills in this parlia- tue'king. ment should be showed, he required of them to seek redress.^
In this jiresent parliament petition was made by the commons, that all Against _ provisors of benefices from Rome, and their agents, should be out of tlie king's *'"^ P/^pe's protection ; whereunto the king answered, that the pope liad promised redress, sions which if he did not give, the laws in that case provided should then stand.^ *"■■'""
It was also in that parliament prayed, that every person of what sex soever, ,°'"^' being professed of any religion, continuing the habit till fifteen years of age and the pope's upward, may, upon proof of the same in any of the king's courts, be in law dispensa- utterly forebarred of all inheritance, albeit he have dispensation from the pope-, *'°°*' against which dispensation, is the chief grudge. Whereunto the king and the lords answered, saying, that they would provide.'
Item, In the said parliament the commons prayed, that the Statutes of Provi- sors at any time made he e.xecuted, and that remedy might be had against such cardinals as, within the provinces of Canterbury and York, had purchased reservations with the clause ' Anteferri,' to the value of twenty or thirty thou- By this sand gold crowns of the sun yearly : also against the pope's collector, wiio had ' '^".',^'. been wont to be an Englishman, but was now a mere Frenchman, residing at meant London, and keeping a large cffice at an expense to the clergy of three hun- the pre- dred pounds yearly, and who conveyed yearly to the pope twenty thousand abive the marks, or twenty thousand pounds; and who, this year, gathered the first king, fruits of all benefices whatsoever: alleging the means to meet these reser- vations and novelties to be, to command all strangers to depart the realm during the wars; and that no Englishman become their farmer, or send to them any money without a special license, on pain to be out of the king's protection. Whereunto was answered by the king, that the statutes and ordinances for that purpose made, should be observed.^
In the rolls and records of such parliaments as were in this king's time The held, divers other things are to be n be suppressed in silence; wherein the i-eader may learn and understand, that • pr^. the state of the king's jurisdiction here within this realm was not straitened in eminire,' those days (although the pope then seemed to be in his chief ruff), as afterwards "ow^we in other kings' days was seen ; as may appear in the parliament of the fifteenth corruptly year of this king Edward III., and in the twenty-fourth article of the said '^*" 'P""^' parliament: where it is to be read, that the king's officers and temporal justices debarred did then both punish usurers, and impeach the officers of the church for exfor- hy the tion in the money taken for redemption of corporal penance, probate of wills, ^'"^; solemnizing of marriage, &c., all the pretensed liberties of the popish church to menrof the contrary notwithstanding.* the clergy
Furthermore, in the parliament of the twenty-fifth year it appearcth, that l"^',''^ , the liberties of the clergy, and their exemptions in claiming the deliverance of men's men by their book under the name of clerks, stood then in little foice, as ha"ds. appeared by one Hawktine Ilonby, knight; who, for impriscming one of the Klerks king's subjects till he made fine of twenty pounds, was on that account executed, ten^''poraj"
law.
(1) Ex Archivis Reg. Edw. lit. reg. 51, tit. 4—12. (2) Tit. 13. (3) Tit. 36.
(4) Tit. 62 (5) Tit. 78, 79. (6) Ex Actis Parliamenti in an. 15. Reg. Edw. IH. t)t. 24.
790 THE STORY OF .10HX WICKLIFF.
Edward notwithstanding the liberty of the clergy, who by his book would have saved ^^^- himself, but could not.
. J. The like also appoarcth by judgment given against a priest at Nottingham,
,'.,_/ for killing his master.
And likewise by hanging certain monks of Combe.>
Thenr- Item, In the parlianunt of the fifteenth year, by the apprehending of John
rai(?n- Stratford, archbishop of Canterbury, and his arraignment ; concerning which »hr"arrh- his arraignment all things were committed to Sir William of Kildisby, keeper bishop or of the privy seal.^ Canter- ' -^ . , ,.
bury. Besides thcsc tniUis and notes of the kings parliaments, Avlierein
may appear tlie toward proceedings of this king and of all his com- mons against the pretcnsed church of Rome ; this is, moreover, to be added to the commendation of the king, how in the book of the Acts and Rolls of the king appeareth, that the said king Edward III, John sent also John WicklifF, reader then of the divinity lecture in Oxford, semM-iTh ^^ith certain other lords and ambassadors, over into the parts of Lmba"''' Flanders, to treat with the pope*'s legates concerning affairs betwixt sailors, the king and the pope, with full commission : the tenor whereof here followeth expressed :^ —
The King's Letter authorizing John WicklifF and others to treat with the Pope''s Legates.
The king, to all and singular to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Know ye, that we, reposing assured confidence in the fidelity and wisdom of the reverend father, John, bishop of Bangor, and our wcll-beloved and trusty Mr. John Wickliff', professor of sacred theology, Mr. John Guttir, dean of Segovia, and Mr. Simon Multon, doctor of laws. Sir William de Burton, knight, .lohn Bealknap, and John de Henyngton, have directed them as our special ambas- sadors, nuncios, and commissioners to the parts beyond the seas : giving to the said our ambassadors, nuncios, and commissioners, to six or five of them, of whom we will the aforesaid bisliop to be one, authority and power, with com- mandment special, to treat and consult mildly and charitably with the nuncios and ambassadors of the lord pope, touching certain affairs, whereupon, of late, we sent heretofore the aforesaid bishop and Sir U illiani, and friar Ughtred, monk of Durham, and master John de Siiepeye, to the see apostolical; and to make full relation to us and our council of all things done and passed in the said assembly : that all such things as may tend to the honour of holy church and the maintenance of our crown and our realm of England may, by the assistance of God and wisdom of the see apostolical, be brought to good effect, and accomplished accordingly. In witness whereof, &c. Given at London the twent) -sixth day of July'. [48 Ed. III. a.d. 1374.]
By the which it is to be noted, what good-will the king then bare to the said Wickliff, and what small regard he had to the sinful see of Rome.
Of the which John WicklifF, because we are now approached to his time, rcmaineth consequently for our story to entreat of, so as we have heretofore done of other like valiant soldiers of Christ's church before him.
€fje ^torp of giofjn IDicft liff.
*Although'' it be manifest and evident enough, that there were divers and sundry before WicklifF's time, who have wrestled and laboured in the same cause and quarrel that our coimtryman WiclifF liath done, whom the Holy Ghost hath from time to time raised and
(I) ExParliain.an.23. Edw. Itl. (2) Ibid. tit. 49.
(3) '• Rex universis, ad quorum notitiam prjcseiites litersE pervcnerint," &c. [This commission U in Uymer, whence the tr.iii^lation has Ijeen revised. Sec Appendix. — Ed.]
(^) Trnm ihe Edition of !5C3, p. 8.'), e.vnpt a few words from the Edition of 1570, p. 523.— En.
THE STORY OF JOHN WICKLIFl'. 791
stirred up in the cliurcli of God, something to work .against the bishop Edward
of Rome, to weaken the pernicious superstition of the friars, and to L_
vanquish and overthrow the great errors which daily did grow and A. D. prevail in the world ; amongst the which number in the monuments ^'^^^' of histories arc remembered Bercngarius, in the time of the emperor Henry III., a.d. lOol ; and Jolin Scotus, who took away the verity of the body and blood from the sacrament ; Bruno bishop of Angers ; Okleus the second ; the Waldenses ; Marsilius of Padua; John de Janduno ; Ochani ; with divers other of that sect or school :* yet notwithstanding, forsomucli as they are not many in number, neither yet very famous or notable, following the course of years, M-e will begin the narration of this our history^ v/ith the story and tractation of John ^V^icklifF; at whose time this furious fire of persecution seemed to take his first original and beginning. After all these, then, whom we have heretofore rehearsed, through God's providence ste]:»ped forth into the arena ^ the valiant champion of the truth, John Wickliff,* our countryman, and other more of his time and same country; whom the Lord with the like zeal and power of spirit raised up here in England, to detect more fully and amply the poison of the pope"'s doctrine and false religion set up by the friars. In wdiose opinions and assertions albeit some blemishes perhaps may be noted, yet such blemishes thev be, which rather declare him to be a man that midit err, than who directly did fight against Christ our Saviour, as the pope's proceedings and the friars' did. And what doctor or learned TheWe- man hath been from the prime age of the church so perfect, so abso- "f'wick- lutely sure, in Avhom no opinion hath sometime swerved awry? and I'ff"^'^'^'^ yet be the said articles of his neither in number so many, nor yet so than they gross in themselves and so cardinal, as those Cardinal enemies of '^' Christ, perchance, do give them out to be ; if his books which they abolished were remaining to be conferred with those blemishes which thev have wrested to the worst, as evil will never said the best.
Tliis is certain and cannot be denied, but that he, being the public reader of divinity in the university of Oxford, was, for the rude time "wherein he lived, famously reputed for a great clerk, a deep school- man, and no less expert in all kinds of philosophy ; the which doth not only appear by his own most famous and learned writings and monuments, but also by the confession of Walden, his. most The tcs- cruel and bitter enemy, who in a certain epistle written unto pope W'^ode^/^ Martin V. saith, '" That he was Monderfully astonished at his most a" ^ne-' strong arguments, with the places of authority which he had gathered, commen- witli the veheraency and force of his reasons," &c. And thus much tvlckhff.^ out of Walden. It appeareth by such as have observed the order and course of times, that this Wickliff flourished about a.d. 1371, The time Edward III. reigning in England ; for thus we do find in the flVu^"*^ Chronicles of Caxton : " In the year of our Lord 1371," saith he, nshed. " Edward III., king of England, in his parliament was against the •'^•D-'^"- pope's clergy : he willingly hearkened and gave ear to the voices and tales of heretics, with certain of his council conceiving and following sinister opinions against the clergy ; wherefore, afterwards, he tasted
(1) " Divers others:" Robert Grosthead, bishop of Linccln ; FItz-r.ilph, archbishop of Armagh; Nicholas Oreiii ; the author of the Ploujjlimaii's Complaint, and others. See also p. 712; and the beginning of Book V. p. 727, and Foxe's Prefiices, pp. x.\i. xxii. — Ed,
(2) The reader \iill observe, that the Latin Edition opens with the historj'cf WirlifT, and the first English Edition had said very little of any previous confessors to the truth. — Ed.
(3) " l\i d-enani prosiliit," in the Latin edition only, p. 1. — li'>).
792 TllK KNOWLEDGK OF THE GOSPEL
£dward and suffcrcd niudi adversity and trouble. And not long after, in the ^'^' year of our Lord,"' saith he, " 1372, he wrote unto the bishop of A.n. Rome, that he should not by any means intenneddle any more within ^^"i-- liis kingdom, as touching the reservation or distribution of benefices ; and that all such bisho))s as were under his dominion should enjoy their former and ancient liberty, and be confirmed of their metro- politans, as hath been accustomed in times past," &c. Thus much writcth Caxton. But, as touching the just number of the year and time, we will not be very curious or careful about it at present : this A At- is out of all doubt, that at what time all the world was in most oMVick" desperate and vile estate, and that the lamentable ignorance and Uffstime. (jarkncss of God's truth had overshadowed the whole earth, this man stepped forth like a valiant champion, unto whom that may justly be applied which is spoken in the book called Ecclesiasticus, of one Simon, the son of Onias : " Even as the morning star being in the midst of a cloud, and as the moon being full in her course, and as the bright beams of the sun ; so doth he shine and glister in the temple and church of God ^ [chap. 1. v. 6.]
Thus doth Almighty God continually succour and help, when all things are in despair : being always, according to the prophecv of the Psalm [Ps. Ix. v. 9.], " a helper in time of need ; " which thing never more plainly appeared, than in these latter days and extreme age of the church, when the whole state and condition, not only of worldly things, but also of religion, was so depraved and corrupted ; that, like the disease named lethargy amongst the physicians, even so the state of religion amongst the divines, was past all man"'s help and remedy. The name only of Christ remained amongst Christians, but his true and lively doctrine was as far unknown to the most part, as his name was common to all men. As touching faith, consolation, the end and use of the law, the office of Christ, our impotency and weakness, the Holy Ghost, the greatness and strength of sin, true works, grace and free justification by faith, the liberty of a christian man, wherein consisteth and resteth the whole sum and matter of our profession, there was almost no mention, nor any word spoken. Scrip- ture, learning, and divinity, were known but to a few, and that in the schools only ; and there also they turned and converted almost all into sophistry. Instead of Peter and Paul, men occupied their time in studying Aquinas and Scotus, and the Master of Sentences. The world, leaving and forsaking the lively power of God's spiritual word and doctrine, was altogether led and blinded with outward ceremonies and human traditions, wherein the whole scope, in a manner, of all christian perfection, did consist and depend. In these was all the hope of obtaining salvation fully fixed ; hereunto all things were attril)uted ; insomuch that scarcely any other thing was seen in the temples or churches, taught or spoken of in sermons, or finally intended or gone about in their whole life, but only heaping up of certain shadowy ceremonies upon ceremonies; neither was there any end of this their heaping.
The people were taught to worship no other thing but that which they did see ; and did see almost nothing Avhich they did not worship.
The church, being degenerated from the true apostolic institution
GROSSLY EXPOUNDED BY THE KOMAXISTS. 793
above all measure, reserving only the name of the apostolic dnirch, icdwnru
but for from the truth tiiereof in very deed, did fall into all kind of 1_
extreme tyranny ; whereas the ])overty and simplieity of Christ was A. j). changed into cruelty and abomination of life. Instead of the apo- ^'^' — stolic gifts and continual labours and travails, slothfulness and ambition was crept in amongst the priests. Beside all this, there arose and sprang up a thousand sorts and fashions of strange religions ; being only the root and v.ell-head of all superstition. How great abuses and depravations were crept into the sacraments, at the time they were compelled to worship similitudes and signs of things for the very things themselves ; and to adore such things as were ah good instituted and ordained only for memorials ! Finally, what thing "eiiied Avas there in the whole state of christian religion so sincere, so sound, ^nd »pot-
. ted witJi
and so pure, which was not defiled and spotted with some kind of supersti- superstition ? Besides this, with how many bonds and snares of^'°"" daily new-fongled ceremonies were the silly consciences of men, redeemed by Christ to liberty, ensnared and snarled ; insonnich that there could be no great difference perceived between Christianity and Jewishness, save only the name of Christ : so that the state and condition of the Jews might seem somewhat more tolerable than ours ! There was nothing sought for out of the true fountains, but out of the dirty puddles of the Philistines ; the christian people were wholly carried away as it were by the nose, with mere decrees and constitutions of men, even whither it pleased the bishops to lead, them, and not as Christ's will did direct them. All the whole world was filled and overwhelmed with error and darkness ; and no great marvel : for why ? the simple and unlearned people, being far from all knowledge of the holy Scripture, thought it quite enough for them to know only those things which were delivered them by their pastors and shepherds, and they, on the other part, taught in a manner nothing else but such things as came forth of the court of Rome ; whereof the most part tended to the profit of their ordei-, more than to the glory of Christ.
The christian faith was esteemed or accounted none other thing then, but that every man should know that Christ once suffered ; that is to say, that all men should know and understand that thing which the devils themselves also knew. Hypocrisy was accounted for wonderful holiness. All men were so addicted unto outward shows, that even they themselves, who professed the most absolute and singular knowledge of the Scriptures, scarcely did understand or know any other thing. And this did evidently appear, not only in the common sort of doctors and teachers, but also in the very heads and The cap- captains of the church, whose whole religion and holiness consisted, the"" ° in a manner, in the observing of days, meats, and garments, and such seju^etj like rhetoricd circumstances, as of place, time, person, &c. Hereof ^s weii as sprang so many sorts and fashions of vestures and garments ; so many rior sort, differences of colours and meats, with so many pilgrimages to several places, as though St. James at Compostella^ could do that, which
(1) " St. James at Conipostella." This refers to a famous but mo.^t weaiisome pilgrimage, murh esteemed in former times, to the tomb of St. James at Compostella, i'l the province of Gallicia in Spain. Tlie distance from Rome was about t'.veive hundred ihiijlish miles, and yet from thence, as also from the most distant parts of Europe, have millions of Cliristians, to their own cost and misery, travsrsed rocks and mountains to visit that tomb. — Sec Dr. Michael Geddes' Miscellaneous Tracts, vol. ii. — Ed.
794
THE KSOWI.F.DGE OF THE GOSPEL
A.I). 1:572.
Palestine
deemed
lioly for
nirisl's
vralking
there.
ilirhard kin? of England
the em j)cror of Home. Philip, king of France.
KdH-ard Clirist coultl iiot do at Canterbury ; or else tliat God were not of '" like power and strength in every plaee, or could not be found but bv beini; sought for by running gadding hither and thither. Thus the holiness of the whole year was transported and put off unto the Lent season. No country or land was counted holy, but only Palestine, where Christ had walked himself with his corporal feet. Stieh was the blindness of that time, that men did strive and fight for the cross at Jerusalem, as it had been for the chief and only force and strength of our faith. It is a wonder to read the monuments of the former times, to see and understand what great troubles and calamities this cross hath caused almost in every christian common- wealth ; for the Romish champions never ceased, by writing, admo- nishing, and counselling, yea, and by quarrelling, to move and stir up princes' minds to war and battle, even as though the faith and belief of the gospel were of small force, or little effect without that wooden cross. This was the cause of the expedition of the most noble prince king Richard unto Jerusalem ; who being taken in the same journey, and delivered unto the emperor, could scarcely be ransomed home again for thirty thousand marks. In the same Frederic, enterprise or journey, Frederic, the emperor of Rome, a man of " most excellent virtue, was drowned in a certain river there, a.d. 1190 ;
jxnd also Philip, the king of France, scarcely returned home again in safety, and not without great losses : so much did they esteem the recovery of the holy city and cross.'
Upon this alone all men''s eyes, minds, and devotions were so set and bent, as though either there were no other cross but that, or that the cross of Christ were in no other place but only at Jerusalem. Such was the blindness and superstition of those days, which under- stood or knew nothing but such things as were outwardly seen; whereas the profession of our religion standeth in much other higher matters and greater mysteries. What was the cause why Urban did so vex and tor- ment himself.'' Because Jerusalem with the holy cross was lost out of the hands of the Christians ; for so we do find it in the Chronicles, at wliat time as Jerusalem with king Guido and the cross of our Lord was taken, and under the power of the sultan, Urban took the matter so grievously, that for very sorrow he died. In his place suc- ceeded Albert, who was called Gregory YIII., by whose motion it was decreed by the cardinals, that (setting apart all riches and voluptu- ousness) "they should preach the cross of Christ, and by their poverty and humility first of all should take the cross upon them, and go be- fore others into the land of Jerusalem." These arc the words of the history^; whereby it is evident unto the vigilant reader, unto what ^slw'"^' gi"ossness the true knowledge of the spiritual doctrine of the gospel cv;.ound- was degenerated and grown in those days; how great blindness and iioniar- darkness were in those days, even in the first primacy and supremacy *'*• of the bishop of Rome : as though the outward succession of Peter and the apostles had been of greater force and effect to that matter. What doth it force in what place Peter did rule or not rule ? It is much more to be regarded that every man should labour and study with all his endeavour to follow the life and confession of Peter ; and that man seemeth unto me to be the tnie successor of Peter against whom the gates of hell shall not prevail. For if Peter in tlie Gospel
(1) See Appendix. (2) Ibid.
The know- ledge of
GROSSLY EXPOUNDED BY THE ROMANISTS. 795
do bear the type and figure of the christian church (as all men, in a Edward
manner, do affirm), what more foolisli or vain thing can there be, than _
through private usurpation, to restrain and to bind that unto one A.. D. man, which, by the appointment of the Lord, is of itself free and open _2z_i:_ to so many ?
* But ' let it be so that Peter did establish his chair and seat at Rome, and admit that he did the like at Antioch : what doth this place of Peter make, or help, to the remission of sins, to the inter- pretation of Scriptures, or to have the authority or keys of binding and loosing ? The which things, if they be the works of the Holy Ghost and of christian faith, and not of the place, surely very foolishly do we then refer them unto the see of Rome ; including, and hedg- ing them in, as it were, within certain borders and limits, as though there were no faith, or that the Holy Ghost had no operation or power, in any other place but only at Rome. What doth it make matter, where Peter served the Lord ? We ought rather to seek and know wherein Peter was acceptable unto his Lord, or wherefore ? that we likewise, with all our whole powTr and endeavour, may go about by the same means and way, to do the like.
Wlierefore if we do think or judge that Christ had given unto Peter any singular or particular privilege, which was not also granted unto the residue of the apostles, more for any private affection or love of the man (such as many times reigneth amongst us now-a-days), we are far deceived. But if that he, for the most high, divine, and ready confession, which not he alone, but for, and in the name of them all, did pronounce and express, obtained any singular privilege; then he who doth succeed in the place and chair of Peter, doth not, by and by, show forth Peter's faith ; but Avhosoever doth nearest follow Peter in faith (in what chair or see soever he do sit) is wor- thily to be counted the successor of Peter, and is his successor in- deed ; in such sort and wise that he getteth thereby no kind of worldlv honour.^ For the apostleship is an office, and no degree of honour ; a ministry or service, and no mastership or rule ; for as amongst the apostles themselves there was no pre-eminence of place or dignity, but that they altogether, with one mind, spirit, and accord, went about and did the work of their Master, and not their own business, so he who was the least amongst them was most set by before Christ, witness to himself.^ Whereby their succession deserved praise before God, but neither dignity nor promotion in the world. For, as Polycarp answered very well in Eusebius, unto the under- consul, " How doth the profession of them (said he ) who have forsaken all things for Christ's sake, accord or agree with these worldly riches and earthly promotions ?''
But the bishops in these days* (I know not by what means of ambition, or desire of promotion) have altered and changed the eccle- siastical ministration into a worldly policy, that even as prince suc- ceedeth prince, so one bishop doth succeed another in the see, as by rio-ht and title of inheritance, flowing and abounding moreover in all
(1) These three paragraphs, with the few words at the close of the succeeding one, are reprinted, ■with the aid of the Latin, from the edition of 1563, p. 87. See also the Latin edition of 1559, pp. 3, 4.— Ep. (2) Sec Ai)pendix.
(3) i.e. " as he himself testifieth :" see Luke ix. 48. '• Sic ut qui minor inter ipsos foret, pl.ins haheretur apud Christum testem." Lat. Kdition 1559, p. 4. — Ed. (1) " Then days," Edition 1563. " Horum temporum," Edition 1559.— Ed.
796 THE STORY OF JOHK WICKLIFF COKTIXaED.
Edward kind of wealth and ridics here in earth ; being also guarded, after the "^' fashion and manner of the world, with routs and bands of men,, chal- A. I), longing unto himself rule and lordship, in such manner that the whole ^'^1^- governance and rule of all things fully did rest and remain in his ])()\vor and hands. All other pastors and shepherds of other churches liad no power or authority, more than was permitted and gi-anted unto them by him. He alone did not only rule and govern over all churches, but also reigned over all kingdoms ; he alone was feared of all men ; the other ministers of Christ were little or nothing regarded ; all things were in his power, and at his hands only, all things were sought for. There was no power to excommunicate, no authority to release, neither any knowledge of understanding or interpreting the Scriptures, in any other place, but only in the cloister at Rome.* The ris- '^I'luis, in tlicsc SO great and troublous times and homble darkness '"f"P.°f of ignorance, what time there seemed in a manner to be no one so in trou- little a spark of pure doctrine left or remaining, this aforesaid Wick- umes. liff, by God's providence, sprang and rose up, through whom the Lord would first waken and raise up again the world, which was overmuch drowned and whelmed in the deep streams of human traditions. Thus you have here the time of WicklifF's original : *now we will also in few words show somewhat of his troubles and conflicts.* wickiifr, This Wickliff", after he had now a long time professed divinity in ofoxford ^^^'^ university of Oxford, and perceiving the tme doctrine of Clirist*'s gosjiel to be adulterated and defiled with so many filthy inventions of bishops, sects of monks, and dark errors : and that he, after long debating and deliberating with himself (with many secret sighs, and bewailing in his mind the general ignorance of the whole world), could no longer suffer or abide tne same, at the last determined with him- self to help and to remedy such things as he saw to be wide, and out of the way. But, forsomuch as he saw that this dangerous meddling could not be attempted or stirred without great trouble, neither that these things, wliicli had been so long time with use and custom rooted aiul grafted in mcn''s minds, could be suddenly plucked up or taken away, he thought with himself that this matter should be done by little and little, *even as he that plucked out the hairs out of the horse tail, as the proverb saith.* Wherefore he, taking his original at small occa- sions, thereby opened himself a way or mean to greater matters. And first he assailed his adversaries in logical and metaplivsical questions, disputing with them of the first form and fiishion of things, of the in- crease of time, and of the intelligible substance of a creature, with other such like sophisms of no great effect ; but yet, notwithstanding, it did not a little help and furnish him, who minded to dispute of greater matters. So in these matters first began Keningham, a Car- melite, to dispute and argue against John Wickliff.
By these originals, the way was made unto greater points, so that at length he came to touch the matters of the sacnimcnts, and other al)Uflcs of the church ; touching which things this holy man took great pains, protesting, as they said, oj^enly in the schools, that it was his ehief and principal purj^ose and intent, to revoke and call back the church from her idolatry, to some better amendment ; especially in the matter of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. But this boil or sore could not be touched without the great grief and pain of the whole world : for, first of all, the whole glut of monks and
LAKCASTER AND PERCY MAINTAIXERS OF WICKI.IFF. 797
begging fi-Lirs Avas set in a rage and madness, avIio, even as hornets with Edward
their sharp stings, did assail'this good man on every side ; fighting, as _
is said, for their altars, paunches," and bclHes. After them the ])riests A. D. and bishops, and then after them the archbishop, being then Simon _}^U_ Sudbury, took the matter in hand ; who, for the same cause, deprived ^^J;'^|;'^ him of his benefice, which then he had in Oxford/ *At* the last, on,is i,». when their power seemed also not sufficient to withstand the truth 0x101^ which was then breaking out, they ran wholly unto the lightnings and thunderbolts of the bishop of Rome, as it had been unto tiie last refuge of most force and strength. For this is their extreme succour and anchor-hold, in all such storms and troubles, when the outcries of monks and friars, and their pharisaical wickedness, cannot any more prevail.* Notwithstanding, he being somewhat friended and supported by the king, as appeareth, continued and bore out the Duke of malice of the friars and of the archbishop all this while of his first tfr?m'd beginning, till about a.d. 1377; after which time, now to prosecute ^"'"''p^^'^^^,- likewise of his troubles and conflict, first 1 must fetch about a little gr«--at compass, as is requisite, to introduce some mention of John ofersof Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, the king's son, and lord Henry Percy, "^^"^"'^• r*'ho were his special maintainers.
As years and time grew on, king Edward III., who had now reigned about fifty-one years, after the decease of prince Edward his son, who departed the year before, was stricken with great age, and with such feebleness withal, that he was unwieldy, through lack of strength, to govern the affiiirs of the realm. Wherefore, a parliament being called the year before his death, it was there put up, by the knights and other the burgesses of the parliament, because of the misgovernment of the realm (by certain gi-eedy persons about the king, raking all to them- selves, without seeing any justice done), that twelve sage and discreet lords and peers, such as were free from note of all avarice, should be placed as tutors about the king, to have the doing and disposing under him (six at one time, and in their absence, six at another) of matters pertaining to the public regiment. Here, by the way, I omit to speak of Alice Perris, the wicked harlot, who, as the story reporteth, had be- Alice Per- witched the king's heart, and governed all, and sat upon causes herself, kfng's* through the devilish help of a friar Dominic ; who, by the duke of ^^^^' Lancaster, was caused to be taken, and was convicted, and would The king have suffered for the same, had not the archbishop of Canterbury and edTy'il^ the friars, more regarding the liberty of their church than the punish- J^"'"^^"^ ment of vice, reclaimed him for their own prisoner. This Alice the help of Perris, notwithstanding she was banished by this parliament from the * king, yet afterwards she came again, and left him not, till at his death she took all his rings upon his fingers and otherjewels from him, and so fled away like a harlot. But this of her by the way.
These twelve governors, by parliament aforesaid being appointed Twelve to have the tuition of the king, and to attend the public affairs of fssigHd the realm, remained for a certain space about him ; till afterwards it ^^°g_' '*** so fell out, that they being again removed, all the regiment of the realm next under the king, was committed to the duke of Lancaster, the king's son ; for as yet Richard, the son of prince Edward, lately departed, was very young and under age.
(1) See Appendix. (2) See Edition 1363, p. 88. Lat. Ed. 1559, p. 5— Eo.
798 WK KHAM, UISHOP OF WINCHESTER, DEPRIVED.
Edwaid This tlukc of Lancaster had in liis licart of lono^ time conocivcci a ^"- cerUiin dispk-iisure aj^^iinst the popish clerg-y ; whether for corrupt A. I), anil inii)ure tl(,etrine, joined with like abominable excess of life, or ^•^ cause thereof may be guessed to arise by William Wickhajn, bishop of Winchester.' The matter is this : Apmc- The bishop of Winchester, as the saying went then, was reported pr7ia°tc""' to affirm, that the aforesaid John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, was th^duke "°^ ^''"^ ^*^" "^ ^'"S Edward, nor of the queen ; who, being in travail ofLan- at Gaunt, had no son, as he said, but a daughter, which, the same "*'*'■ time, by Iving upon of the mother in the bed, was there smothered. Whereupon the (piecn, fearing the king's displeasure, caused a certain man-child of a woman of Flanders, bom the very same time, to be conveyed, and brought unto her instead of her daughter afore- said ; and so she brought up the child whom she bare not, who now is called duke of Lancaster. And this, said the bishop, did the queen tell him, lying in extremity on her death-bed, under seal of confession ; charging him if the said duke should ever aspire to get the crown, or if the kingdom by any means should fall unto him, he then should manifest the same, and declare it to the world, that the said duke of Lancaster was no part of the king's blood, but a false heir of the king. This slanderous report of the wicked bishop, as it savoureth of a contumelious lie, so seemeth it to proceed of a subtle zeal towards the pope's religion, meaning falsehood : for the aforesaid duke, by favouring of WicklitF, declared himself to be a professed enemv against the pope's profession ; which thing was then not unknown, neither unmarked of the prelates and bishops then in Eng- land. But the sequel of the story thus followeth.
" This slanderous villany of the bishop's rejjort being blazed abroad, and coming to the duke's ear ; he, therewith being not a little discon- tented, as no marvel was, sought again, by what means he could, to be revenged of the bishop. In conclusion the duke, having now all the government of the realm, under the king his fother, in his own William hands, so pursued the bishop of Winchester, that by act of parliament ham/bi- he was condemned and deprived of all his temporal goods; which wmches- ,i,'oods were assigned to prince Richard, of Bourdeaux, the next ia- |^e_r de- heritor of the crown after the king ; and, furthermore, he inhibited the said bishop from approaching nearer to the court than twenty miles." Further as touching this bishop, the story thus proceedeth : " Not long after (a.d. 1377), a parliament was called by means of the duke of Lancaster, upon certain causes and respects ; in which parliament great request and suit was made by the clergy, for the deliverance of the bishop of Winchester. At length, when a subsidy was asked in the king's name of the clergy, and request also made, in the king's behalf, for speedy expedition to be made for the dissolving of the parliament, the archbishop therefore accordingly convented the bishops for the tractation thereof. To whom the bishops with great lamentation complained for lack of their fellow and brother, tl>e bishop of Win- church a Chester, whose injury, said they, did derogate from the liberties of the matter, wholc church ; and therefore they refused to join themselves in
^(1) E\ Cliron. Monastcrii Albaiii.
prived.
Lih(!rliiB of the
WICKLIFF SENT FOR SY THE DUKE OF LANCASTER. 799
tractation of any sucli matters, before all the members togetlier v. ere Edward
united witlitlie head; and, seeing the matter touched them altogetlier _
in common, as well him as them, they woidd not otherwise do. And ^..p. they seemed, moreover, to be moved against the archbishop because '^''- he was not more stout in the cause, but suffered himself so to be cited of the duke."
The archbishop, although he had sufficient cause to excuse himself. Bishop of wherefore not to send for him, (as also he did,) because of the perils ter'senr which might ensue thereof, yet being forced and persuaded thereto fo'^'^j.'^!.^ bv the importunity of the bishops, directed down his letters to the tion.; aforesaid bishop of Winchester, willing him to resort unto the convo- cation of the clergy ; who, being glad to obey the same, was received with great joy by the other bishops ; and, at length, by means of Alice Perris, the king's paramour, above mentioned, having given her a good quantity of money, the said Winchester was restored to his temporalities again.
As the bishops had thus sent for Winchester, the duke in the mean John time had sent for John WicklifF, who, as is said, was then the sem for divinity reader in Oxford, and had commenced in sundry acts and l^^^^^ disputations contrary to the form and teaching of the pope's church Lancas- in many things ; who also, for the same had been deprived of his benefice, as hath been before touched. The opinions which he began at Oxford, in his lectures and sermons, fii-st to treat of, and for which he was deprived, were these : That the pope had no more power to excommunicate any man, than hath another. That if it be given by any person to the pope to excommunicate, yet to absolve the same is as much in the power of another priest, as in his. He affirmed, ;iioreover, that neither the king, nor any temporal lord, could give any perpetuity to the church, or to any ecclesiastical person; for that wlien such ecclesiastical persons do sin ' habitualiter,'' continuing in the same still, the temporal powers ought and may meritoriously take away from them what before hath been bestowed upon them. And that he proved to have been practised before here in England by William Rufus ; " Avhich thing" (said he) " if he did lawfully, why may Example not tlie same also be practised now ? If he did it unlawfully, then RiS^us!^'" doth the church err" (said he) " and doth unlawfully in praying for him." But of his assertions more shall follow, Christ willing, here- after. The story which ascribeth to him these assertions, being taken out (as I take it) of the monastery of St. Alban's, addeth withal. That in his teaching and preaching he was very eloquent, "' but a dissembler" (saith he) "and a hypocrite." Why he surmiseth him to be a hypocrite the cause was this : —
First, Because he resorted much to the orders of the begging friars, frequenting and extolling the perfection of their poverty :
Secondly, Because he and his fellows usually accustomed in their preaching to go barefoot, and in simple russet gowns.
By this, I suppose, may sufficiently appear to the indifferent the nature and condition of Wickliff, how far it was from that am- bition and pride, which in the slanderous pen of Polydore Virgil, J^^^^'^^"" reporting in his nineteenth book of him, that because he was not pen of preferred to higher honours and dignities of the church, conceiving p°'>''''^^- there-for indignation against the clergy, he became their mortal
800 \VI( KI.IKl- PWI.SKI.Y CHARGED WITH AMBITION*.
Edtrard cncmv. How truc was thi=, He only knoweth best, that rightly shall
'■ — judge both the one and the other.
^■}l- In the mean time, by other circumstances and parts of his life we "' may also partly conjecture what is to be thought of the man. But
however it was in him, whether true or false, yet it had been Wickiiff Polydore's part, either not so intemperatcly to have abused his pen, chwied or iit least to have showed some greater authority and ground of that with am- ),jj. report : for to follow nothing else but flying fame, so rashly to Poijdore. defame a man whose life he knoweth not, is not the part of a faithful
story-writer, wickiitr Hut to return from whence we digressed. Beside these his opi- t'oTouch"' nions and assertions above recited, with others which are hereafter to ihc- mat- be brought forward in order, he began then somethinfj nearlv to touch
tcrofthe , '^ „ , ' • .i . • ,i ^i • i
sacra- the UKittcr ot thc sacrament, proving that in the said sacrament the
'"'""'■ accidents of bread remained not without the subject, or substance ;
ami this, both by the holy Scriptures, and also by the authority of the
doctors, but especially by such as were most ancient. As for the
later writers, that is to say, such as have written upon that argument
under the thousand years since Christ"'s time, he utterly refused them,
saying. That after these years Satan was loosed and set at liberty ;
and that since that time the life of man hath been most subject to, and
in danger of, errors ; and that the simple and plain truth doth appear
and consist in the Scriptures, wliereunto all human traditions,
whatsoever they be, must be refeiTcd, and especially such as are set
Theiat- forth and published now of late years. This was the cause why he
ters'ofthe fcfuscd the later writers of decretals, leaning only to the Scriptures
to b^'^mis- ^"*^ ancient doctors ; most stoutly affirming out of them, that in the
doubted, sacrament of the body, which is celebrated with bread, the accidents
dents not are Hot prcscut without the substance ; that is to say, that the
the^ac"ra- ^^ody of Christ is not present without the bread, as the common sort
ment of priests in those days did dream. As for his arguments, what
the sub- they were, we will shortly, at more opportunity, by God's grace,
»'-■>""• rlcclare them in another place, lest that with so long a digression we
seem to defer and put off the reader. But herein the truth, as the
poet speakcth very truly, had gotten John Wickiiff great displeasure
and hatred at many men's hands ; and especially of the monks and
richest sort of priests.
Albeit through the favour and supportatioii of the duke of Lan- caster and lord Henry Percy, he persisted, hitherto, in some mean quiet against their wolfish violence and cruelty : till at last, about A.D. 1377, thc bishops, still urging and inciting their archbishop Simon Sudbury, who before had deprived him, and afterward pro- hibited him also not to stir any more in those sorts of matters, had obtained, by process and order of citation, to have him brought before them ; wliereunto both place and time for him to appear, after their usual fonn, was to him assigned.
Thc duke, having intelligence that Wickiiff, his client, should come before the bi,slioj)s, fearing that he being but one, was too weak against such a multitude, calleth to him, out of the orders of friars, four bachelors of divinity, out of every order one, to join them with "NN ickliff also, for more surety. When the day was come, assigned to the .said Wickiiff to appear, which day was Thursday, the nineteenth
WICKLIFF BROUGHT TO HIS APPEARANCE. 801
of February, John Wickliff went, accompanied with the four friars Edward
aforesaid, and with thcni also the duke of Jjancaster, and lord Henry : —
Percy, lord marshal of En before tlicm to make room and way where Wickliff should come. ____
Thus WicklifF, through the providence of God, being sufficiently guarded, was coming to the place where the bishops sat ; whom, by the way, they animated and exhorted not to fear or shrink a whit at the company of the bishops there present, who were all unlearned, said they, in respect of him (for so proceed the words of my aforesaid author, whom I follow in this narration), neither that he should dread the concourse of the people, whom they wovUd them- selves assist and defend, in such sort, as he should take no harm.' ^Vith these words, and with the assistance of the nobles, WicklifF, in heart encouraged, approached to the church of St. Paul in London, where a main press of people Avas gathered to hear what should be said and done. Such was there the frequency and throng of the multitude, that the lords, for all the puissance of the striving- liigh marshal, unneth with great difficulty could get way through ; ioi^^\„ insomuch that the bishop of London, whose name was William p^^s by Courtney, seeing the stir that the lord marshal kept in the church pie. among the people, speaking to the lord Percy, said, that if he liad riiewords known before what masteries he would have kept in the church, he sLp'of''' would have stopped him out from coming there ; at which words of the London to bishop the duke disdaining not a little, answered the bishop and Percy, said, that he would keep such mastery there, though he said ' nay.'
At last, after much wrestling, they pierced through and came to Our Lady''s Chapel, where the dukes and barons were sitting together with the archbishops and other bishops ; before whom WicklifF, according to the manner, stood, to know what shoidd be laid unto him. To Avhom first spake the lord Percy, bidding him to sit down, saying, that he had many things to answer to, and therefore had need of some softer seat. But the bishop of London, cast eftsoons into a furnish chafe by those words, said, he should not sit there. Neither was it, strife uo- said he, according to law or reason, that he, who was cited there to loni'^niar! appear to answer before his ordinary, should sit down during the time shai and of his answer, but that he should stand. Upon these words a fire London" began to heat and kindle between them ; insomuch that they began so to rate and revile one the other, that the whole multitude, there- with disquieted, began to be set on a hurry.
Then the duke, taking the lord Percy''s part, with hasty words strife be- began also to take up the bishop. To whom the bishop again, duke"of"* nothing inferior in reproachful checks and rebukes, did render and f'^"*'^^" requite not only to him as good as lie brought, but also did so flir bishop of excel him in this railing art of scolding, that to use the words of mine whoo'ver- author, " Erubuit dux, quod non potuit proevalere litigio ;'" that is, ^^^j.''';""' the duke blushed and was ashamed, because he could not overpass scolding. the bishop in brawling and railing, and, therefore, he fell to ])lain threatening ; menacing the bishop, that he would bring down the pride, not only of him, but also of all the prelacy of England. And speaking, moreover, unto him : " Thou,'"' said he, " bearest thyself so brag upon thy parents, who shall not be able to help tl.ee ; thcv shall
(I) Ex Hist. Monachi D. Albani ex accommodato D. Jlattli. Arcliiepis. Cant. VOL. 11. 3 F
.S02 UIOTDI S (ONDlfT OK TUli I.OXDOKKKS.
EHwaid have cnoufjli to do to liclj) tliemselvcs ;" for his jwrcnts were the carl
" and countess of Devonshire.' To whom the bisliop again answered,
A. I), that to be bold to tell truth, his confidence wa not in his parents,
^•^^^- nor in any man else, but only in God in whom he trusted. Then
ThcUukf the duke softly whispering in the ear of him next by him, said, That
rti.To*^" be would ratlier pluek the bisliop by the hair of his head out of the
thck ehureli, than he would take this at his hand. This was not spoken
biihop by s;o seeretly, but that the Tjondoners overheard lum. Whereupon,
out of the being set in a rage, they cried out, saying, that they would not suffer
ciiunh. ^ij^.jp bishop so contemptuously to be abused. But rather they would
lose their lives, than that he should so be drawn out bv the hair.
Thus that council, being broken with scolding and brawling for that
day. was dissolved before nine o'' clock, and the duke, witli the lord
J*ercy, went to tlie parliament ; where, the same day before dinner,
Pftitions a bill was put up in the name of the king bv the lord Thomas
{!."riia^ '" NVoodstock aiul lord Henry Percy, that the city of London should no
Ka^in't'the "^'^'■^' ^'c govcmcd by a mayor, but by a captain, as in times before ;
lit) of ami that the marshal of England should liave all the ado in taking
tlie arrests withm the said city, as in otlier cities besides, with other
petitions more, tending to the like derogation of the liberties of
fjondou. This bill being read, John Phil])ot, then burgess for the
city, standetli up, saying to those who read the bill, that that was
never seen so before ; and adding, moreover, that the mavor would
never suffer any such things, or other arrest to be l)rought into the
city ; with more such words of like stoutness.
Ha«iy The next day following the Londoners assembled themselves in a
the'Lii^iw council, to consider among them upon the bill for changing the
doner., niayor, and about the office of the marshal ; also, concerning the
injuries done the day before to their bishop.
In the mean time, they, being busy in long consultation of this matter, suddenly and unawares entered into the place two certain h)rds, whether come to spy. or for what other cause, the author leaveth it uncertain ; the one called lord Fitz- Walter, the other lord Guy Bryan. At the first coming in of them the vulgar sort was ready forthwith to fly upon them as spies, had not they made their protestation with an oath, declaring that their coming in was for no harm toward them. And so they were compelled by the citizens to swear to the city their truth and fidelity : contrary to the which oath if they should rebel, contented they would be to forfeit whatsoever goods and possessions they had within the city. The ora- Tlils douc, tlicii bcgau thc Lord Fitz-AV^alter, in this wise, to pcr- loru^Fitz- suadc and exhort the citizens; first declaring how he was bound and fhe'Loiw" 0^^'g'c^l to them and to their city, not only on account of the oath twsn now newly received, but of old and ancient good will from his great grandfather"'s time ; besides other divers duties, for the Avhicli he was chiefly bound to be one of their principal fautors ; forsomuch as whatsoever tended to tlieir damage and detriment redounded also no less unto his own : for which cause he could not otherwise choose, but that what he did understand to be attempted against the public l^rofit and liberties of thc city, he must needs communicate the same to them ; who unless they with speedy circumspection do occur, and
(I; This bishop of London was William Courtney, son to tlic earl of Devonsbire.
THE LONDONERS*' HASTY rOT'XSEL. 803
prevent perils that may and are like to ensue, it would turn in the Edward
end to their no small incommodity. And as there Avere many other '"'
things which required their vigilant care and diligence, so one thing A. D. there was, which he could in no wise but admonish them of; which ^^'^^- was this, necessary to be considered of them all : how the lord marshal Henry Percy, in his place within himself had one in ward and cus- tody, whether with the knowledge, or without the knowledge of them, he could not tell : this he could tell, that the said lord marshal was not allowed any such ward or prison in his house within the liberties of the city ; which thing, if it be not seen to in time, the example thereof being suffered, would, in fine, breed to such a prejudice unto their customs and liberties, as that they should not, hereafter, when they would, reform the injury thereof.
These words of the lord Fitz-VV alter were not so soon spoken, but Tiie citi- they were as soon taken of the rash citizens ; who in all hastv fury London running to their armour and weapons, went incontinent to the "house ^'hrioT of the lord Percy, where, breaking up the gates, by violence they I'ercy-s took out the prisoner, and burned the stocks wherein he sat in thesavop midst of London. Then was the lord Percy sought for, whom, cod'spro- saith the story, they would doubtless have slain if they might have satXhis found him. With their bills and javelins all corners and privy servants. chambers were searched, and beds and hangings torn asunder. But the lord Percy, as God would, Avas then with the duke, whom one John Yper the same day with great instance had desired to dinner.
The Londoners not finding him at home, and supposing that he The was with the duke at the Savoy, in all hasty heat turned their power ^'h^duke thither, running as fast as they could to the duke's house ; where "f i-a"- also, in like manner, they were disappointed of their cruel purpose, searched In the mean while, as this was doing, cometh one of the duke's London- men, running post haste to the duke and to the lord Percy, ^''^• declaring what was done. The duke being then at his oysters. The duke without any further tarrying, and also breaking both his shins at the Percy^ify form for haste, took boat with the lord Percy, and by water went to ^°}^^ Kingston, where then the princess, with Richard the young prince ^"'"^^' did lie ; and there declared unto the princess all the Avhole matter concerning the outrage of the Londoners, as it was. To whom she promised again, such an order to be taken in the matter as should be to his contentation. At what time the commons of London thus, as is said, were about the duke's house at Savoy, there meeteth with them a certain priest, avIio, marvelling at the sudden rage and concourse, asked what they sought. To whom answer was given a priest again of some, that they sought for the duke and the lord marshal, Ii"ke^of to have of them the lord Peter de la Mare, whom they wrongfully Lancas- had detained in prison. To this the priest answered again more house boldly than opportunely : " That Peter," said he, " is a false traitor kuied^ to the king, and worthy long since to be hanged." At the hearing of these words, the furious people, with a terrible shout, cried out upon him, that he was a traitor, and one that took the duke's part, and so falling upon him with their weapons, strove who might first strike him ; and after they had wounded him very sore, they had him, so wounded, to prison ; where, within few days, for the soreness of his wounds, he died.
-^ V 2
804 THE DUKE KEVEKGED OF THE LONDOXEUS.
^rfKn.j Neillicr would the n^c of the people thus have ecased, had not
'■ — the bishop of liondon, leaving his dinner, come to them at Savoy,
^■^- and putting them in remembrance of the blessed time, as they term _L_;J_ it, of Lent, hail persuaded them to cease and to be quiet. Ti.e villa- 'j'j,g Ijondoncrs seeing that they could get no vantage against the
uy of tlic ^ . " ij cj
i-ondoii- duke, who was without their reach, to bc-wreak their anger they took his kgaiiiit arms, which in nu»st despiteful ways they hanged up in the oj)en ii.« that when one of his gentlemen came through the city, with a plate containing the duke's arms, hanging by a lace about his neck, the citizens, not abiding the sight thereof, cast him from his horse, and plucked his escutcheon from liim, and were about to work the ex- tremity against him, had not the mayor rescued him out of their hands, and sent him home safe unto the duke his master. In such hatred then was the duke among the vulgar people of London. The mo- After this the princess, understanding the hearts and broil of the tiirnrin- Londoners, set against the aforesaid duke, sent to London three '■•■'" '" kni'dits. Sir Aubrey de Vcr, Sir Simon Burley, and Sir Lewis Clifford,
the Lon- o ~ ^ ^J ' . -^
doners, to cutrcat the citizens to be reconciled with the duke. The Lon- doners answered, that they, for the honour of the princess, would obey and do with all reverence, what she would require ; but this they required and enjoined the messengers to say to the duke by wortl of mouth : that he should suffer the bishop of Winchester, before-mentioned, and also the lord Peter de la Mare, to come to tlicir answer, and to be judged by their peers; whereby they might either be (piit, if they were guiltless ; or otherwise, if thev he found cul- pable, they might receive according to their deserts after the laws of the realm. ^Vhat grief and displeasure the duke conceived and retained in his mind liereof ; again, wiiat means and suit the Lon- doners on their part made to the old king for their liberties ; what rhymes and songs in London were made against the duke; how the l)ishoj)s, at the duke's request, were moved to excommunicate those
The duke uialicious slaudcrcrs ; and, moreover, how the duke at last was revenged
LVthT""* of those contumelies and injuries; how lie caused them to be brought ondoii- before the king; how sharply they Atere rebuked for their mis- demeanour by the worthy oration of the lord chamberlain, Robert Aston, in the presence of the king, archbishops, bishops, witli divers other states, the king's children, and other nobilities of tlie realm ;
The i.on- !» couclusiou, liow the Loudoucrs were compelled to this at length,
ers.
di>ners caused bear a
caused to ^' ^^'^ couimou asscut and public charges of the city to make a
great ta])er of wax, which, with the duke's arms set upon it, should wax In be brought with solemn procession to the church of St. Paul, there to •i^!^"in ^urn continually before the image of Our Lady ; and, at last, how liunour of \)(A\\ tlic Said dvdcc and the Londoners were reconciled together, in the
the duke, i-.p, iii-
begmnmg of the reign of the new kmg, with the kiss of peace; and how the same reconcilement was publicly announced in the church of Westminster, and what jov was in the whole city thereof: these, because they are impertinent and make too long a digression from the matter of W'icklilf, I cut off with brevity, referring the reader to other histories, namely of St. Alban's, where they are to be found at large.
As these aforesaid things for brevit}'sakc 1 nass over, so I cannot
HAUGHTINESS OF THE BISlIOl' OV XOKWICH. 80')
omit, though I will not be long, that which happened the same time Ki'mird
and year to the bishop of Norwich, to the intent that this posterity
now may see, to what pride the clergy of the pope"'s church had then A.j). grown. At the same time that this broil was in London, the bishop ^'^'^- of Norwich, a little after Easter, coming to the town of Lynn, a story of belonging to his lordship; being not contented with the old accus- irN,t['."'' tomed honour due unto him, and used of his predecessors before in ^'''^'''• the same town, required, moreover, with a new and imused kind of magnificence to be exalted : insomuch that when he saw the chief Example magistrate or mayor of that town to go in the streets with his officer tiR.'pJ!^e"» going before him, holding a certain Avand in his hand, tipped at both c'ergy- ends with black horn, as the manner was, he, reputing himself to be lord of that town, as he was, and thinking to be higher than the liighest, commanded the honour of that staff due to the mayor, to be yielded and borne before his lordly personage. The mayor or bailiff, 'f'p with other the townsmen, courteously answei'ed him, that they Avere the^ " right willing and contented, with all their hearts, to exhibit that loThe"^"^" reverence unto him; and would so do, if he first of the king and •j'shov. council could obtain that custom, and if the same might be induced, after any peaceable way, with the good wills of the commons and body of the town : otherwise, said they, as the matter was dangerous, so they durst not take in hand any such new alteration of ancient customs and liberties, lest the people, who are always inclinable and prone to evil, do fall upon them with stones, and drive them out of the town. Wherefore, kneeling on their knees before him, there humbly they besought him that he would require no such thing of them ; that he w'ould save his own honour, and their lives, who, otherwise, if he intended that way, Avei-e in great danger. But the bishop, youthful and haughty, taking occasion, by their humbleness, to swell the more in himself, answered, that he w^ovdd not be taught xiie stout by their counsel, but that he would have it done, though all the u'ebisho']. commons (whom he named ribalds) said ' nay.' Also he rebuked the Ig^'^fg,,, mayor and his brethren for mecocks and dastards, for so fearing the vulgar sort of people.
The citizens perceiving the wilful stoutness of the bishop, meekly answering again, said, they minded not to resist him, but to let him do therein what he thought good : only they desired him that he would license them to depart, and hold them excused for not Avaiting upon him, and conducting him out of the town Avith that reverence Avhich he required, for if they should be seen in his company, all the suspicion thereof Avould be upon them, and so shovdd they be all in danger, as much as their lives Avere Avorth. The bishop, not re- g-arding their advice and counsel, commanded one of his men to take the rod borne before the mayor, and to carry the same before him : Avhich being done, and perceived of the commons, the bishop after that manner Avent not fin-, but the rude people running to shut the Tiictown gates, came out Avith their boAvs, some Avith clubs and staves, some nain Avith other instruments, some Avith stones, and let drive at the bishop ^?.^','^^t and his men as fast as they might, in such sort, that both the bishop and his horse under him, Avith most part of his men, Avere hurt and Avounded. And thus the glorious pride of this jolly prelate, ruffling in his ncAv sceptre, Avas received and Avelcomcd there • that is, he
806 DKATII Oy EDWARD III.
Edirard was SO pcltcd w itii bats and stones, so wounded witli arrows and '■ — other instrnmenls fit for siah a pkinnish, tliat the most part of his
A.JD. nicn. with his mace bearer, all running away from him, the poor ' '' wounded bishop was there left alone, not able to keep his old power, wlu> went al)out to usurp a new power more than to liini belonged. Pride will Thus, as is commonly true in all, so is it well exemplified here, that fair ' which is commonly said, and as it is commonly seen, that pride will I'owcr have a fall, and power usurped will never stand. In like manner, will never if the citizens of Rome, following the example of these Lynn men. The"* ^s they have the like cause, and greater, to do by the usurped power usurped „{• their })ishop, would after the same sauce handle the pope, and un-
powcr of . I • 1 1 • 1 • 1 1 • -1
tiie Dopo sceptre liiin ot Ins mace and reganty, which nothing pertain to him ; haTea tlicy, iu SO doing, should both recover their own liberties, with more bridle. }i,,nour at home, and also win much more commendation abroad.^
This tragedy, with all the parts thereof, being thus ended at Lynn, which was a little after Easter (as is said) about the month of April, The death a.d. 1S77, the Same year, upon the 21st day of the month of June next Kdwafd. after, died the worthy and victorious prince, king Edward III., after he had reigned fifty-one years ; a prince not more aged in years than renowned for many singular and heroical virtues, but principally noted and lauded for his singular meekness and clemency towards his subjects and inferiors, ruling them by gentleness and mercy without all rigour or austere severity. Among other noble and royal ornaments of his nature, worthily and copiously set forth of many, thus he is described of some, which may briefly suffice for the comprehension of all the n^nd*"" ^^^^' ' ' " '^° ^^^ orphans he was as a father, compatient to the afflicted, tion of mourning with the miserable, relieving the oppressed, and to all Edward, tliciu that wautcd, an helper in time of need,^'-^ &:c. But, chiefly, above all other things in this prince, in my mind, to be commemo- rated is this, that he, above all other kings of this realm, unto the time of king Henry VIII., was the greatest bridler of the pope^s usurped power, and outrageous oppression: during all the time of which king, not only the pope could not greatly prevail in this realm, but also John Wickliff was maintained with favour and aid suflScicnt.'
But before we close up the story of this king, there cometh to hand that which I thought good not to omit, a noble purj:)ose of the king in requiring a view to be taken in all his dominions of all bene- fices and dignities ecclesiastical remaining in the hands of Italians, and aliens, with the true valuation of the same, directed down by com- mission ; whereof the like also is to be found in the time of king Richard II., the tenor of which commission of king Edward III., 1 thought here under to set down for worthy memory.
The king directed writs unto all the bishops of England in this form :
PMward, by tlie grace of (iod king, &c. to the reverend father in Christ, N., by the same grace bishop of L., greeting. Being desirous upon certain causes to be certified what and now many benefices, as weil archdeaconries and other dignities, as vicaniges, parsonages, prebends and chapels, within your diocese, be at this present in the hands of Italians and other strangers, wliat they be, of what kind, and how every of the said benefices be called by name ; and
(1) Ex Chron. Monach. D. Albani.
(2) " Orphanis crat quasi pater, anUitis compatiens, niiscris condolens, oppresBOS rclcTans, rt i-uncnsindigentibus impendens auxilla opportuna."
(3) The reign of Edward III. closes here in the iiecond and third editions.— Ed.
i
VIEW OF ECCLESIASTICAL BENEFICES. 807
how much every of the same is worth by the year, not as by way of tax or Edward extent, hut according to the true vahie of the same ; hkewise of the names •^^^• of all and singular such strangers being now incumbents or occupying the same a y\~ and every of them; moreover, the names of all them, whether Englishmen or 1374
strangers, of what state or condition soever they be, who have the occupation or
disposition of »ny such benefices with the fruits and profits of the same, in the behalf, or by the authority of any the aforesaid strangers, by way of farm, or title, or procuration, or by any otlier wavs or means whatsoever, and how long they have occupied or disposed the same ; and withal whether any of tlie said strangers be now residents upon any of the said benefices, or not ; we command you, as we heretofore commanded you, that you send us a true certificate of all and singular the premises, into our high court of chancery under j'our seal dis- tinctly and openly, on this side the Quindene of Easter [April 16th] next com- ing, at the farthest : returning unto us this our writ withal. Witness ourself at Westminster, the sixth day of March, in the forty-eighth year ofour reign over England and over France the thirty-fifth year. (a.d. 1374.)
By virtue hereof, certificate was sent up to the king into his chancery, out of every diocese of England, of all such spiritual livings as were then in the occupation either of priors aliens, or of other strangers ; whereof the number Avas so great, as being all set down, it would fill almost half a quire of paper. W hereby may appear that it was high time for the king to seek remedy herein, either by treaty with the pope or otherwise ; considering so great a portion of the revenues of his realm was, by this means, conveyed away and employed either for the relief of his enemies, or the maintenance of the foreigners ; amongst which number the cardinals of the court of Rome lacked not their share, as may appear by this which followeth.
View of Ecclesiastical Benefices.
The lord Francis of the title of St. Sabine, priest and cardinal of the holy Coventry chvu'ch of Rome, doth hold and enjoy the deanery of the cathedral church of ^nd Lich- Lichfield, in the jurisdiction of Lichfield, which is worth five hundred marks by ^^^^' the year; and the prebend of Brewood, and the parsonage of Adbaston to the same deanery annexed, which prebend is worth by the year fourscore marks, and the parsonage twenty pounds; which deanery with the prebend and par- sonage aforesaid, he hath holden and occupied for the space of three years. And one Master de Nigris, a stranger, as proctor to the said cardinal, doth hold and occupy the same deanery with other the premises with the appurtenances, by name of proctor, during the years aforesaid, and hath taken up the fruits and profits, for the said cardinal, dwelling not in the realm.
Lord William, cardinal of St. Angelo, a stranger,^ doth hold the archdeaconry Norwich, of SuiFolk, by vii-tue of provision apostolical, from the feast of St. Nicholas last past ; he is not resident upon his said archdeaconry. And the said archdea- conry, together with the procurations due by reason of the visitation, is worth by year sixty-six pounds thirteen shillings and four pence. And Master John of Hellinington, &c., doth occupy the seal of the official of the said arch- deaconry, &c.
Lord Reginald of St. Adrian, deacon-cardinal,' hath in the said county the Surren, parsonage of Godalming, worth by year forty pounds, and one Edward Teweste doth farm the said parsonage for nine years past.
The lord Anglicus of the holy church of Rome, priest and cardinal, a stranger, Ebor. was incumbent, and did hold in possession the deanery of the cathedral church of York, from the eleventh day of November, a.d. 1.366, and it is yearly worth, according to the true value thereof, four hundred poiuids ; and Master John of Stoke, canon of the said church, doth occupy the said deanery and Uie profits of the same, in the name or by the authority of the said lord dean, &c. But the said dean was never resident upon the said deanery since he was admitted thereunto. Item, lord Hugh of our lady in • * * deacon and cardinal, a [ Firanger,*doth possess the prebend of Driffield, in the said church of York, froni '"""'^
808
Vli:\V Ol ECtLlCSlASTK AL BEXEFICES.
Edward III.
A.I).
i;57i.
pHrisbu. Tlie
deanery or Salia- bury.
[Woking- ham]
Treasu- rer of the rhurch of Sariim.
[\nrlh- mortnn]
tlie scventli day of June, a. d. 1363 : from which day, &'c. Jolin of Gisbounie, and George C'oujiemanthorp, &c., do occujjy the said prebend, Mdrth by year one hundred pounds ; tlie said lord Hugh is not resident upon the said pre- bend.
Item, Lord Simon of the title of St. Sixt, priest and cardinal, &.'c., possess the prebend of Wistow in the said church of York, wortli by year one nuiidred ixnuids ; and the aforesaid Master John of Stoke doth occupy the aforesaid prebend and the jirofits thereof, &c. ; but the said lord Simon is not resident ui)on the said prebend.
Item, Lord Francis of the title of St. Sabine, priest and cardinal, a stranger) doth possess the prebend of Stransal, in the said chuiTh of York, worth by year one hundred marks. And Master William of Merfield, &'c., doth occupy the said prebend, &:c. ; but the said lord Francis is not resident upon the' said prebend.
Lord Peter of the title of St. Praxed, priest and cardinal, a stranger,' doth hold the archdeaconry of York, worth by year one hundred pounds, and Master William of Mirfield, &:c., for farmers.
The deanery of the cathedral church of Sarum, with churches and chajjcls imderwritten to the same deanery annexed, doth remain in the hands of lord Reginald of the title of St. Adrian, deacon and cardinal;' and so hath remained these twenty-six years, who is never resident; his proctor is one Lawrence de Nigris, a stianger, and it is worth by year two luuidred and fifty-four pounds, twelve shillings, and four pence.
Richard, bishop, doth liold the vicarage of Mccrc, to the deanery annexed, and hath holden the same for nineteen years ; worth by year forty pounds.
Robert Codford, the fanner of the church of Heightredbury, to the same annexed, worth by year fifty pounds.
The church of Stoning and the chapel of Rescomp, to tlie same deaneiy aimexed, worth by year seventy marks.
The chapel of Ilerst, to the same deaneiy annexed, worth by vear forty pounds.
The chapel of Wokenhamc, to the same deanery annexed, worth by year thirty-six pounds.
The chapel of Sandhurst, worth by year forty shillings.
The church of Ciodalming, to the same deanery annexed, in the diocese of VVinchester, worth by year forty pounds.
The dignity of treasurer in the church of Sarum, with church and chapeLs underwritten to the same annexed, is in the hands of lord John of the title of St. Mark, priest and cardinal,'' and hath so continued twelve years, who was never resident in the same; worth by vear one hundred and tliirty-six pounds, thirteen shillings, and four-pence.
The church of Fighelden, to the same annexed, worth by year twenty-six pounds, thirteen shillings, and four-pence.
The chinch of Ahvardbury with the chapel of Putton, worth by year ten pounds.
The prebend of Calnc to the same treasurer annexed, worth by year one hundred pounds.
'i'he archdeaconry of Berks, in the cathedral church of Salisburv, with the church of Morton to the same annexed, is in the hands of lord William, of the title of St. Stephen,-' who was never resident in the same, worth by year eight score marks.
The archdeaconry of Dorset, in the church of Salisbury, with the church of (lissiche to the same annexed, in the hands of lord Robert, of the title of the Twelve Apostles, priest and cardinal!" and is worth by year one hundred and three marks.
The j)rebend of Woodford and Willeford, in the church of Salisbury, is in the hands of Robert, the cardinal aforesaid, and is worth forty marks.
The i)rebend of Hey worth, in the church of Salisbury, is in tlu' h;inds of the lord cardinal of Agrifolio,^ who is never resident, worth by the year eighty pounds.
llie prebend of Nctherbaniby and Beminster, in the church of Salisbury, one Hugh I'elegrine a stranger, did hold twenty years and more, and was never vcbident in the same ; worth by the year eight score marks.
i'
VIEW OF KCCLESIASTICAL BENEFICES. 809
Tlie church prebendary of Gillingham, in the nunnery « of Salisbury, lately luchard holden of lord Richard, now bishop of Kly, is in the hands of the lord Peter of ^^• the title of St. Praxed, priest and cardinal, &c.' worth by the year eighty pomjds. . .^
Lord William, of the holy church of Home cardinal, a stranger," doth bold lo^u' the archdeaconry of Canterburj', and is not resident ; the true value of all the ' yearly fruits, rents and pi'ofits, is worth seven hundred florins. Canter-
The lord cardinal of Canterbury" is archdeacon of Wells, and hath annexed ^^^y- to his archdeaconry the churches of Hewish, Berwes, and Southbrent, which w^elis'" are worth by year, with their procuration of visitations of the said archdeaconrv," one hundred threescore pound.
Item, The lord cardinal" is treasurer of the church of Wells, and hath the moiety of the chuix-h of Mertock annexed thereunto, worth by year sixty pounds.
Item, The lord cardinal of Agrifolio" is archdeacon of Taunton in the church of Wells, and is worth by year, with the procurations and the prebend of Mylverton to the same annexed, eighty pounds.
Note. Like matter is also found in the time of king Richard II., upon what occasion it is uncertain ; but, as it seemcth by record of that time, a new pope being come in place, he would lake no knowledge of any matter done by his )redecessors, that might any way abridge his commodity ; and, therefore, this ing was forced to begin anew, as may appear by this following.*
Lord cardinal of Agrifolio'-' is prebendary of the prebend of Coringham, The arch together with a portion of St. Mary of Stow to the same annexed; the fruits dearonry whereof, by common estimate, be worth by year one hundred and sixty-five " ""^' pounds ; Master John, vicar of Coringham, and Master Robert, person of Ket- telthorpe, and W. Thurly, be farmers.
Lord cardinal Albanum* is prebendary of the prebend of Sutton, the fruits [Aibanen- whereof be commonly esteemed worth by year four hundred marks. Roger •"*•] SkjTet of Buckingham, and William Bedeford of Sutton, do farm the same [oianda- prebend. The lord cardinal Glandaven '^ is prebendary of the prebend of Nas- vensis.] sington, worth, by estimation, three hundred marks. Robert of Nassington, ^^'ap^'^'^'^" and John, son of Robert of Abbethorpe, do occupy the same prebend. of North-
Lord cardinal Nonmacen* is parson of Adderbury, worth, by estimation, one ampton. hundred pounds; Adam Robelyn, clerk, is his proctor, and occupieth the \e"s'is.]' same.
Lord cardinal of St. ***i2 is prebendary of Thame, worth yearly, by common The arch- estimation, two hundred marks ; John Heyward and Thomas *** a layman, deaconry J '., u J of Oxon.
do occupy the same prebend.
Lord Peter de Yeverino, cardinal,'^ is prebendary of Aylesbur}', worth yearly, The arch- by common estimation, eighty marks. Holy Duse of Aylesbury doth occupy deaconry the same prebend.
The cardinal of St. Angeloz hath the archdeaconry of Suffolk, and is worth The dio- by year, by common estimation, a hundred marks. S^*^ "^
Lord cardinal Neminacem,* treasurer of the church of Sarum, hath the arch- rp^^ ^jj^' deaconry of Sarum, with the church of Figheldon to his dignity annexed., which cese of is let to farm to Grace, late wife of Edmund Swayne, deceased, paying yearly ?^"™', fifty marks. He hath also, in the same archdeaconry and county, the said je«j,>.] church of Alwardbury, with the chapels of Putton and Farle to the same an- nexed, which is let to farm to the lord prior of the house of Ederose for the yearly rent of twenty-three pounds ; he hath also the prebend of Calne in the said archdeaconry and covmty, worth by year one hundred pounds, and the farmer thereof is Raymund Pelegrine.
Lord cardinal of Agrifolio^ hath the archdeaconry of Berks, worth by year one hundred and twenty marks, and remaineth in his own hands. Item, He hath the prebend of Worth, worth by year a hundred pounds ; Raymund Pere- grine is farmer there.
Lord cardinal Gebanen'" hath the prebend of Woodford and Willeford in [Geben- the county of Wiltshire, let to farm to John Bennet of Sarum, worth by year "'"'"-J forty marks.
Lord Audomar de Rupy is archdeacon of Canterbury,'* to tlie which arch- The dio- deacon belongs the church of Lymin within the same diocese, worth by year, S."^ "^ after the taxation of the tenth, twenty poimds. The church of Tenham, worth bury, by year, after the said taxation, one hundred and thirty pounds, six shillings, [Lyvtut.^
(a) Monastery. There was no nunnery at Salisbury.— Ed. (6) An. 2. Rich. 2. [See Appendix.]
810
VIKW Ol" ErCl.KSIASTICAI. BENEFICES.
Jtirhard II.
A.D.
i;{78.
The Hio- ceM. ..f York.
The dio- ce^e of Durham. [Grben- nentii ]
and eight-pence. Tlic church of Flakington near Tanterbury, worth by year twenty marks. Tlie cliurch of St. Clement in Sandwich, worth by year, :iftPr the taxation aforesaid, eight marks. Tlic church of St. Mary in Sandwich, wortli by year nine pounds, of tiie wliich the said archdeacon receivetli only . six marks : the prolits of all wliich premises Sir William Latimer, Knight, hatli received, together with tlie profits arising out of the jurisdiction of the arch- deaconry, worth by year twenty pounds.
Anglicus, of the church of Rome priest and cardinal, the cathedral chinch of York, worth by year three hundred and seventy-three pounds, six shillings, and eight pence, and the prebend of Southcave, valued yearly at one hundred and sixty marks.
Lord cardinal (lebanen"^ doth hold the church of Wearmouth, and the archdeaconry of Dinham, worth by year two hundred marks. And John of Chambre, and Thomas of liarington, of Newcastle, be the farmers and proctors of the said cardinal.
(Kx Bundello Brevium Regis dean. 2. Rich. II. part i.)
Some p.iins liave been taken to discover the identical returns from which Fo.\c compiled the fore(foinR " View" of Benefices held by Aliens; but without success. Many returns of a similar nature, and referring to the period, have been found. t)Oth in the Tower and the Exchequer records, .some of which exactly tally with Foxe's statements. The printed " Taxatio Ecclesiastica " of Pope Nicholas IV., made about a century previous to these returns (circa a.d. 12U1), confinns Foxe's accuracy as nearly as could he expected. Several decided misspellings have been corrected.
The following tal)le is compiled from the List of Cardinals in Moreri's Dictionary, article 'Car- dinal ;' and will serve to illustrate and correct Foxe's text. Figures of reference are given to assist the reader.
CREATEU DIED
1 Francis Thebaldeschi, a Roman, cardinal of St. Sabine, and archpriest of
St. Peter's a.d. 1368 . a.d. KISS
2 William Noellet or de Nouvean. a Frenchman, deacon-cardinal of St.
Angelo a.d. y^7\ . a.d. 139.4
^ Rcpiiiald des I'rsins, a Roman, deacon-cardinal of St. Adrian .... a.d. 1350 . a.d. 1374
4 Anglic de Grimoard de Grisac, a Frenchman, bishop of Avignon, priest-
cardinal of St. Peter ad Vincula, afterward made bishop of Albano . a.d. ISfifi . a.d. 1387
5 Hugh de St. Martial, a Frenchman, deacon-cardinal of St. Mary in Porticu. a.d. i;!6l . a.d. 1403 fi Simon de Langham, an Englislunan, ex-abp. of Canterbury, cardinal of
St. Sixt ' A.D. l.!(JS . A.D. 137fi
7 Peter Gomez d'Albornos, a Spaniard, abp. of Seville. cardinal of St. Praxed a.d. 1371 .a.d. 1374
8 John de Blauaac. a Frenchman, bp. of Nismes, priest-cardinal of St. Mark a.d. 1.3G1 . a.d. 1379
9 William d'Aigrefeuille, a rrenchnian, priest-cardinal of St. Stephen in
Ccflin Monte a.d. 1.367 . a.d. 1401
1 0 Robert de Geneve, a Frenchman, bp. of Cambray (afterward Clement VII.),
priest-cardinal of the twelve Apostles a.d. 1371 . a.d. 1394
11 William Judicis or de la Jupie, a Frenchman, nephew of Clement VX.,
deacon-cardinalofSt.Mary in Cosmcdin (See Hasted's Kent, torn. iv. 782) a.d. 1342 . a.d. 1374
12 Bertrand Lagier. a Frenchman, bp. of Glandeves in Provence, priest-
cardinal of St.Prisca. The Parliamentary Notes of the fiftieth jearof Edward III. (supra, p. 78") make the same cardinal prebendary both of Thame and Nassington : we should therefore, probably, supply Prisca in the hiatus at p. S09, making this L.igier the prebendary of Thame . a.d. 1371 . a.d. 1392
13 Peter Flandrin, a Frenchman of the diocese of Vivicrs, in le Vivarez,
deacon-cardinal of St. ICustace a.d. 1371 . a.d. 1331
1 4 Audomar de Riipe is mentioned in Hasted's Kent (torn. iv. 782) as archd.
of Cant, next but one to William Judicis (above. No. II) : in a Patent of June 3d, 2 Rich. II,, printed in Rymer, he is called " Adomar dela Roche, archd. of Cant.," and is therein deprived for taking part with the French.
APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
Page 5, last line but one.] — Ingulph mentions a council held at London A.D. 833, to debate on the measures to be taken in consequence of the Danish invasion : the defeat at Charmouth was, no doubt, the occasion of the council.
Page 6, line 1. ^'Notwithstanding, in the next battle," Src] — This sentence no doubt refers to the battle of Hengisdown, in Cornwall, and ouglit to have been placed at the close of the paragraph, according to the best authors (Saxon Chron., Hoveden, Rapin, Henry), and even according to Foxe himself; for the first words of the next sentence imply, that when the Danes landed in the West of England they had experienced no checli since their victory at Char- mouth ; and the only occasion on which Egbert is anywhere reported to have rallied against the Danes, was at the battle of Hengisdown, consequent upon their descent in the West, of which Foxe presently speaks.
Page 6, note (4).] — Foxe's account of the reign of Ethelwolph is con- fused, for want of due attention to the chronological arrangement of his mate- rials: for though he was misled by Fabian into the notion, that the Danes did not trouble Ethelwolph till toward the close of his reign (see p. 12, note 3) ; yet he here proceeds at once to introduce Ethelwolph 's Charter to the Church, whicii speaks of the ravages of the Danes as the moving cause which led him to propitiate the Divine favour by liberality toward the Church. An improved arrangement has, therefore, been adopted from Malmesbury, from whom Foxe appears to have derived his materials for this reign.
Page 7, line 18. " Sergius IF., who first brought in," &c.] — Authors differ on this subject. Hoffman supports Foxe's statement. " Hie [Sergius II.] primus Pontificum nomen mutavit, cum antea Petrus Buccaporcius diceretur." But Moreri says that Adrian III. was the first to change his name, wliich had been Agapitus, on being made pope a.d. 884. He also says that it was Sergius the Fourth who was called Petrus os Porci or Bocca di Porco, before he was made pope A.D. 1009. " Sergius II. n'osant porter le nom de Pierre, par respect de celui du Prince des Apotres, prit celui de Sergius, qui detruit lopinion du vul- gaire, qui s'imagine que ce Pape sc nommoit Groin de Pourceau, et que ce fut ce qui le porta a changer de nom. On prend le change en ceci ; car cette histoire ne pent regarder que Sergius IV., qui etoit d'une famille de ce nom." — Moreri s Dictionary.
Page?, note(l).] — Aventine seems to be the first who really disputed the cur- rent story. About one hundred and fifty good catholic writers assert or recognise it. One of the first modern antagonists is Florimond de Remond in his " Anti- Papesse," in 1607, which was replied to by Alexander Cooke in his " Pope Joane," in 1625. But the most notorious — perhaps the best — is the Protestant Blondel, first in French, rather mysteriously, in his " Familier Eclaircissement," &c. Amst. 1647; after his death, through the editorship of Steph. de Cour- celles (Curcellaeus), in a Latin translation, " De Joanna Papissa," 1657, with a long Apology for his friend ; neither of whom was any friend to the Anti-remon- strants of Holland. The French was answered in 1655 by the Sieur Congnard, Advocate of the parliament of Normandy; the Latin by Sam. des Marets (Maresius) in his " Joanna Papissa restituta," Groningae, 1658, the year after Curcellseus's edition, whose Apology he examines point by point, reprinting the whole. After these appeared, on the same side F. Spanheim and L'Enfant. Gieseler, in his valuable Text-Book, ii. 20, 21, was either ignorant of these writers, or has purposely suppressed them, although they all pretty powerfully attack his '* decisive " proofs. The numismatic champion, Garampi, may be
812 Ari'KN'DIX TO vol.. II.
(old, tliHt the obverse niul reverse of a coin are not necessarily in every case sviuluonons ; tliat his clnonolopv is not the best supported; and that there is such a place as Padua. He, liowever, has known better than to conceal the names of tlic opponents ttf liis Thesis. — De Xiimnio Argoiteo Ben. III. Rom. 17JI), pp. N, f>.
Page 8, line 1.'). " liy Ihi.i pope [Nicholas I.] priests began tn be restrained," &€.] — Fo.xe here follows the atithority of ^'olateran and others (see infra, vol. V. p. .'{2fi) : but he rather inclines himself to say tliis of Nicholas II. ; to whom also he considers the ensuing letter to be addressed, hut by whom — bolii he and the critics arc undecided. (See pp. 12, 97, and vol. v. pp. 30.5, 311, 32(i— 331.)
Page 10, last line. " Augustine less than Jerome."'] — There is an allusion here to a passage of St. Augustine's writings. Speaking of himself a bishop and Jerome a priest, he says: — " Quanquam enim secundum honorinn voca- bula qure jam ecclesia; usus obtinuit ej)iscopatus presbyterio major sit, tamen in multis rebus Augustinus Ilieronymo minor est : licet etiam a minorequoli- bet non sit refugienda vel dedignanda correctio." Inter Epistolas Hieron. Epist. 77, in fine. — Hieron. Opera, Ed. Beiied. Paris, 170G, torn. iv. col. Gil.
Page 10, note (1).] — The consequences of the constrained celibacy enjoined by the Romish Church on her clergy are, unhappil}', so notorious, that (as Bishop Hall intimates) it would be irrelevant to dispute about the number of infants' heads found in the pope's fish-pond. To suppose that 6,000 infants, or even 1,000 (for IVIartene, Ampl. Coll. i. 119, reads " plusquam millia," leaving out "sex"), should have been murdered and thrown into one pond within so short a period as the story implies, is out of the question ; and some critics have even thought this circumstance sulKcient to prove the letter a forgery, though they allow that it came to our hands " .i pontificiis." (See Mansi's edition of Fabricii Bibiiotheca Med. et Inf. Latinilatis, vol. vi. p. 285, and Theiner's Einfiilirujir/ der Krzwnngenen Ehelosigkeit, i. 1G7.) Nothing, however, is more common than errors as to numbers in ancient documents. Indeed, the number itself would not have been so incredible had the story referred to the age of Erasmus, who states in one part of his works, " Nunc videmus niundum esse plenum sacerdotibus concubinariis. Est apud Gcrmanos episcopus quidam, qui ipse di.xit in convivio, uno anno ad se delata undecim millia sacerdofum palaui coneubinarioruni : nam tales singulis annis pendunt aliquid episcopo." — Erastni Opera, Lug. Bat. tom. ix. p. 185. Erasmus wrote this in defending his published ojiinion respecting the celibacy of the clergy against the attacks of a papist.
Page 12, line 24. " By this Adrian [III.] it was first decreed," &c.]— The emperor had no share in the election or confirmation of Adrian II., men- tioned in the preceding line ; for the emperor's ambassadors, who were at Home at the time, were not invited to the election. On complaining of this they were told, that the ceremony had not been omitted out of any disrespect to the emperor, but to prevent, ftn- the future, the ambassadors of any prince from pretending to interfere with the election of a pope. At page 464 we find that transaction referred to as the first instance of the exclusion of the emperor from a voice in the election of a pope. But no decree of exclusion was issued till the time of yldrian III., as stated in the text here and supra, p. 6. The decree (according to Martinus Polonus) was, " Ut Imperator non se intro- mitteret de electione." (See the note in this Appendix on p. 464, line 6.) Hoffman, in his Lexicon, says briefly : —
" Adrianus II. Nicholao successit, sine consensu Impcratoris, irgre id legatis fcrentibus."
" Adrianus III. legem tulit, ut pontificis designati consecratio sine prrosentia regis aut legatorum procederet."
Sec also Sandini P'itcp Pontiff. Rom. p. 340.
Page 12, note (3).]— The document translated at the top of the next page, and which will be foimd in Hoveden, says expressly, " ah exordio regni Ethel- wulphi regis usqiie ad adventiun Normanorum et Willielmi regis, ad ducentos aiinos et triginta;" which carries us back to the very beginning of Ethel- wolph's reign. Hoveden himself says in his text, that the Danes came "prime anno regni sui." — Script, post Bcd'am, p. 412.
APPENDIX TO VOL. II. 813
Page IG, line 3. " These ihingn thus (lone" &c.] — Asserlus and tlie " Annales Bertiniani " botli assert, that Ktlielwolpli wont to Rome in a.d. So.") and continued there twelve montiis ; that he visited the French court early in July a.d. 8.jG ; and that he was married by Hincniar, abp. of Rheinis, October 1st. P. Paj^i adopts these dates (Crit. in IJaroniuui), and says that tlie grants mentioned in the text were made — not to Leo IV., who died July 17th a.d. 8.55, but — to his successor, Benedict III. The Benedictine authors of " L'Art dc Verifier des Dates" follow this account.
Page 18, line 9. " Reigned both toy ether the term of five years, one with anolher."'\ — i. e. for two years and a half each from their father's death ; after which period Ethelbert reigned sole monarch for about si.\ years, when he was succeeded by Ethelred a.d. 8GG.
Page 19, line 18 from the bottom. " Inguar and Huhha . . . slain at E/igle- field."'] — Brompton states that they escaped after the battle of Englefield into Ireland, and died there. Hoveden (p 41G), cited by Foxe at page 23, gives a different account of their death: seethe note in this Appendix on that passage.
Page 21, line 1.] — Foxe, misled by Fabian, reads " Witdiorn or iVoburn." (See page 37, line 8.) Spelnian in his life of Alfred states, that the following inscription was formerly to be read on Ethelred'.s tomb at Wimborne, afterwards destroyed in the civil wars: — "In hoc loco quiescit corpus S. Ethelredi regis West Saxonum, martyris, qui Anno Domini dccc lxxii., xxiii. Aprilis, per manus Danorum paganorum occubuit." (Camden's Britannia, and Spelman, p. 43.) Alfi-ed certainly came to the throne in April, a.d. 872, according to the chronicle cited at page 32, note (1), which states that he died Oct. 28th a.d. 901 after a reign of twenty-nine years and six months. — See Mr. Sharon Turner s Anglo-Saxon History, vol. i. p. 537.
Page 21, line 2. " For lack of issue of his body."'] — Other authors say, that it was by virtue of his father's will, and that Ethelbald at least left children behind him who survived Alfred. — Turner, vol. i. p. 53G,
Page 22, line IG. " In the next year," Sec] — Foxe says, " the same" year : but see L'Art de Ver. des Dates. Also, it is plain that the three Danish kings left Cambridge a.d. 87G ; for they wintered after the battle of Wilton at London a.d. 872-3 ; at Torksey in Lindsey a.d. 873-4 ; at Repton a.d. 874-5 ; at Cam- bridge a.d. 875-G; and in a.d. 876 they seized Wareham Castle.
Pao-e 22, line 27. " But they falsely breaking their league," Sec] — This statement is rather too elliptical. The treaty was broken toward the close of a.d. 876 by some of the Danes breaking out of Wareham, seizing the horses of Alfred's coast-guard, and making their way to Exeter. Of the rest, some attempted to follow i)y sea early next year, a.d. 877, wlien they were wrecked at Swanawic, or Swanage : the others escaped from Wareham to Exeter on foot. — Rapin, and Spelman, p. 49.
Page 22, line 29. *' At Stvanawic,"] — says Huntingdon ; i.e. Swanage on the Dorsetshire coast, not Sandwich, as Foxe says.
Pat^e 23, line 31. " Their ensign called the Raven was taken."] — " The Danish standard called Reafan, or the Raven, was the great confidence of those pagans. It was a banner with the image of a raven magically wrought by the three sisters of Inguar and Hubba, on purpose for their expedition in revenge of their father Lodebroch's murder, made (they say) almost in an instant, being by them at once begun and finished in a noon-tide, and believed by the Danes to have carried great fatality with it ; for which it was highly esteemed of them. It is pretended that, being carried in battle (Asser. Anual. ad an. 878, Gale ii. 1G7), toward good success it woidd always seem to clap the wings, and do as if it would fly ; but toward the approach of mishap it would hang them right down and not move. The prisal of it by the Christians was of no little consequence ; for the pagans when they came to lose it, could not but lose withal their hearts and confidence." — Spelman's Life of Alfred, p. 61 : see the note on the Italian Caroccio, mentioned by Foxe at p. 479.
Page 23, line 32. " In the same conflict both Inguar and Ilubba irere slain."] — For a different account, see p. 19. The Annals of Ulster say that Inguar died in Ireland a.d. 872, and that Haldeu or Ilalfden was killed in
,*■ ] J, APPENDIX TO VOL. II.
Ireland at the battle of Lochraun a.d. 876 ; and the Saxon Clnonicle says that he died in Ireland. — Turner, vol. i. p. 538, 540.
Page 21, line 11. " Coviing to Winchester" &c.]— The Saxon Chronicle says, that (lulhrum was ba{)tiztd at Aulre, near Etheling, but that the chrismal was i)Villed oil him eight days after at Wedmore. In MS. Digby, 11. 1!)G. this place is called " Westni.," and soon after it says that the twelve iJh\s' 'fea!.ting which followed was at London.— //carwe's Note to Spelman's Life of Alfred, p. 66, and Turner, vol, i. p. 575.
Page 24, line 21 from the bottom. " lie likewise sent to India," &c.]— Mr. Sharon Turner (vol. ii. p. 15S) devotes a long Appendix to an examination into the probability of Alfred's embassy to St. Thomas, and decides in its favour.
Page 21, line 5 from the bottom. " The fourth year after this, which was the nfnetcetith year of the reign of king Alfred."'\—¥oxe says " the third," but he had last mentioned the "fifteenth" year of the reign. The year wag A.D. 890 according to the Saxon Chronicle.
Pa^e 25.] — This page describes, though in a confused manner, the operations of the Danes under their famous Captain Hastings during three or four years. The Saxon Chronicle says that they came from Boulogne to " Limene-muthan " in East Kent, a.d. 89.'). The same Chronicle places their arrival at Lea in A.D. 895 or S96.— Turner, vol. i. pp. 587 — 002.
Page 25, line 20.]—" Chester " (the Chronicles call it Legacestria) must mean Caerleon ; see p. 5, note (5) : this supposition alone can explain how the Danes should go thence "by North Wales to Northumberland." In confirmation of this it may be observed that lloveden says, ad an. 90.'), " Civitas, quae Karlf- gion Britannic5, Legacestria Saxonice, dicitur, restaurata est;" referring, no doubt, to the damage which the city had sustained from these Danes. (See the note in this Appendix on page 37, line 17 from the bottom.)
Page 28, line 20 from the bottom.] — Tanner in his Bibliotheca Britanno- Hibcniica, p. 32, discusses the story about the two schools in Oxfordshire, and explodes this etymology.
Page 28, note (1).]—" Chester, in South Wales," clearly means the " Ches- ter" so often mentioned by Eoxe, viz., Caerleon. " Galfridus" mentioned in the text is Galfridus Moniimetensis, or GeoflVy of Monmouth. In the place of his history referred to (lib. ix. cap. 12) he calls the place which Foxe deno- minates " Chester in South Wales" " Urbs Legionimi." Arthur is there stated to have selected this place for his coronation on account of its beauty, and because " ' Habebat gymnasium ducentorum philosophorum, qui astroiiomia atque cseteris artibus eruditi cursus stellanmi diligenter observabant, et prodigia eo tempore ventura regi Arturo veris argumenlis praedicabant.' "
Foxe might have mentioned, besides, the famous school of Dubritius (after- wards archbp. of Caerleon) on the banks of the Wye— also that of 11 tutus a little later, in Glamorganshire, at Llantuyt, so called from him. Dubritius died Nov. 4, A.D. 522.— Godwin dt Prcesulibus, and Usher Jntiq. Brit. Eccl. cap. 5.
Page 28, note (2).]— The passage in Bede reads thus :— " Quae in Gallia bene disposita vidit imitari volens, instituit scholam in qusi pueri Uteris erudi- rentur, juvantese episcopo Felice, quern de Cantia acceperat, atque psedagogos ac maijistros juxta morem Cantuariorum praebente." Felix became bishop A.D. 630. — Wharton, Anglia Sacra, toin. i. Malmesbury (de Vitis Pontif.) says, that Felix was a liiirgundian, whom Sigebert had become acquainted with during his exile in France, and that his successor in the see of Dunwich was a Kentish man.
Page 29, line 2. " Then his mother."']— 'Th\s must have been Alfred's step- mother, Judith, who married his eldest brother, Ethelbald, after Ethelwolf's death, and remained in England sometime after Ethelbald's death in a.d. 860; after wliich she married Baldwin, earl of Flanders, a.d. 862 (L'Art de Ydr. des Dates). See Mr. Sharon Turner's Anglu-Saxon History, vol. ii. pp. 500, 505—507.
Page 29, la.st line, and page 30.—" Grinbald, Asserius, Wcrefrilh, Neotus, Johannes Scot us "] — Grinbald was a very accomplished and courteous man, and
ATPENDIX TO VOL. II. 815
was so attentive to Alfred on liis way to Rome at Rheims, that he afterwards bfgged Fulco, Archbishop of Rheims, to send him over to England.
Asser the uncle and the nephew were monks of St. David's. The uncle wrote Alfred's Life, and was Archbishop of St. David's. The other was made 15isIiop of Sherborne.
Werefrith was Bishop of Worcester, a.d. 873—892.
Neotus, called for his piety St. Neot, was the companion of Alfred's youth : he was buried at St. Guerrir's church, near Gineshury, in Cornwall. Hence his body was removed to a monastery built on the site of the Duke Alric'a palace, in Huntingdonshire. Thence the bones were removed in 1213 to Croy- land Abbe}'.
Johannes Scotus, or Erigena, was very learned in Greek, Chaldee, and Arabic ; he was patronized by Charles the Bald of France : he came over to England at Alfred's invitation, and taught publicly at the monastery of Malmesbury, where he was murdered by his scholars with their penknives. He is sometimes confounded with another John, a monk of St. David's, and called John the Monk; and whom Alfred, in his preface to Gregory's Pastoral, calls his mass-priest. — Spelnuni's Life of yl If red, p. 133, &c.
Page 30, line 23.] — Charles the Bald reigned over France a.d. 843 — 877.
Page 31, line 9.] — The Council of Vercelli was held Sept. 1st, a.d. 1050. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 32, line 21.] — Pleimund is said at page 103 to have been archbishop only twenty-nine years, and in M. West, to have been elected a.d. 889, and died A.D. 915, which only gives twenty-six years : Godwin gives him but nine- teen or twenty years.
Page 32, line 24.] — On the duration of the archbishopric of Odo, see the note in this Appendix on p. 50, line 6.
Page 32, note (1).] — All the concurrents of time given in this note agree, by Sir H. Nicolas's Tables ; so that the date may be looked on as certain. As Alfred died in his 53d year, he must have been born a.d. 848 or 849.
Page 33, line 5. " Bishop of Porto."'\ — Porto was a small place at the mouth of the Tiber, opposite to Ostia, and gave the title to one of the seven cardinal bishops. Tiiose were the bishops of Ostia, St. Rufine, Porto, St. Sabine, Pra^neste (hod. Palestrine), Tusculum (hod. Frascati), and Albano." — Moreri's Diet. v. Cardinal.
Page 33, line 6.] — " Ciim aliquando in sinistram suspicionem venisset " — are the words of Sigebert, ad an. 900. The authority which Foxe here follows is " Sigehert Gemblacensis Coenobita; Chronographia, ab an. 381 ad an. 1112," printed in Pistorius's " Germ. Rer. Script." torn. i. (edit. Ratisb. 1726, p. 804.)
Page 33, line 28.] — " Praesertim cum ipse Formosus a Marino papa abso- lutus fuerit a perjurio." — Sigehert (ibidem).
Page 33, line 31. " Who then 7narching," &c.]— Sigebert says (ibidem) : — "Romam venit; sed non admissus, Roniam Leonianam obsedit. Lepusculo forte versus Romam fugiente, et exercitu cum clamore nimio sequente, Romani timen- tes se de muro projiciunt et hostibus per factos acervos murum ascendendi locum faciunt." From which Foxe derives the following : — " Who then marching towards Rome, was there prevented by tlie Romans from entering. But in the siege (saith the author) the Romans within so played the lions, &c." The pun in " lions" is not perceived, from Foxe's not fully translating " Romam Leonianam."
Page 34, note (2.)] — Foxe says " The French king, Eudo," but it must have been Charles the Simple : for Eudo, or Eudes, died Jan. 1st a.d. 898 ; but John IX. did not succeed to the papacy till the July following, and he held a council at Rome that year in favour of Formosus, the acts of which were ratified by the council of Ravenna that same year. So that the French king there present must have been Charles the Simple, who succeeded Eudes and was present at the council of Turin the July following. Sigebert (p. 805) con- firms this opinion. — L'Art de Ver. des Dates.
Page 35, note (1.)] — " Formosum sepulcro extractum in sede pontlficatfis
810 APrEN'DIX TO VOL. IT.
sacerdotal iter iiuliitmn decollari ])ra'cci)it." (Sigebert, ml an. 007.) See an allusion to this history by IMkington inlVa, vol. viii, p. 292.
Page 3fi, line 9. " Stephen VII. or VIII."] — The reason of the uncertainty as to the numbering of this pope will be found stated in the note in the Ap^ien- dix to vol. i. p. 372, line 11.
Page 3G, line 17. '^ Might be further applied than to that Muroxia of Roine."^ — The allu>i afterwards of his brother Henry VIII. See inftii, vol. v. pp. 45 — 55.
Page 36, line 22. " Ordo Cluniacensis."'] — The Abbey of Clugny was founded by William the Pious, Earl of Auvergne and Duke of Aquitaine, by a chart dated Si-pt. 11th, a.d. 910; at which time Sergius III. was pope. (L'.\rt de Verifier des Dates.) The first abbot was Berno, who was succeeded at his death, a.u. 927, by St. Odo, who died a.d. 914. (Moreri, v. Clugni.) See the note in this Appendix on page 57, lines 25, 2G.
Page 37, line 8. " W'imborne."'\ — So Polychronicon, Fabian, Grafton, adding " near Bath." Foxe seems to have taken the reading of " U'obnrn" from a former passage of Fabian; see the note in this Appendix on p. 21, line 1.
Page 37, line 17 from the bottom.] — " Chester" here, as in other places, means Caerleon. Polychronicon ad an. 908 says, " Hoc anno civitas Caerlegion sive Legecestria, quaj modo Cestria dicitur, ope Etheldredi ducis Merciorum et Elfledic uxoris suae post confractiones per Danos factas restaurata est, &c." See also the note in this Appendix on page 25, line 20.
Page 38, line 12.] — This list of places occurs in Polychronicon sub. an. 912.
Page 43, line 9. " Middleton and Michelenes,"~\ — more commonly known as Melton, in Dorsetshire, and Michaelney, in Somersetshire; the founding of these two monasteries is referred to infra, vol. v. p. 374. See Tanner s Notitia Monaatica.
Page 44, note f2.)] — These directions concerning a bishoj)'3 duties are primed by Mr. Thorpe at p. 547 of his Collection of Anglo-Saxon Laws, and in Saxon with an English translation at p. 420.
Page 45, line 16.] — The Chronicle of Melrose Abbey states that Athelstan died " G Cal. Novemb. feria 4. Indictione 14," i. p. Wednesday, October 27th, A.D. 911, which concurrents of time (by Nicolas's Tables) all lit. The Saxon Chronicle gives the same date; so that it may be considered as fixed. It also agrees with Foxe's statement here that Athelstan reigned "sixteen year.s," if we suppose him to have come to the throne a.d. 925, as stated above.
Page 45, line 17.] — Foxc here states that Edmimd reigned "six years," and at line 24 and page 50, line 18, "six years and a half." In each case "four years and a half" has been substituted ; for the Saxon Chronicle says he died May 2Gth, a.d. 91G : the Melrose Chronicle adds the day of the week and the Indiction, which confirm that date. So that Edmund, by this account, reigned only "four years and a half:" it is proper to observe, however, that Foxe had authority for " six years and a half ;" for the Saxon Chronicle, inconsistently with itself, assigns that period to his reign.
Page 47, line 19 from the bottom.] — "Alfridus" means Alfrid, treasurer of Beverley Minster. " Alfredus Beverlacensis [sen Fibroleganns] in septen- trionalibus Angliieparlibus natus et Cantabrigiae educatns. In patriam reversus evectus est ad canonicatum in ecclesia S. Johannis Beverlacensis, in qua postea thesaurarius cunstitutus. Ab hoc oflicio ' Thesaurarius' cognomine notus erat inter scri))torcs. Annales (lib. ix.) edidit Thos. Hearne. Obiit anno 1 13G, et Beverlaci sopultns erat, (Bale, Pits.) vel anno 1120, quo et Annales suos liniit. (Vossius.)" — 'ianners Bibliotlieca ; which may be consulted by those who wish for further information. Alfrid is referred to by Mr. Turner on the matter in the text.
" Pulcher," two lines lower, is a corruption of " Sepulchre," and " Piikher- church" is still further corrupted into " I'uckle-churcl) ;" which is now a small village seven niik-s N.E. of Bristol, and, according to Camden, was once a royal manor.
APPENDIX TO V(U,. ir. 817
Page 48, line 18. " Odo being a Dane horn."'] — Osbernc in his life of Odo says, tliat he was son of one of the Danes who came over with Inguar and Ubba.
Paoe 50, line C. " This Odo continued bishop the space of eighteen years.'"]
Foxe "-ivGR (liftercnt accoinits of the duration of Odo's episcopate : he hcrt",
and at pp. 32, 103, says " twenty years ;" next page he says " twenty -four." Godwin (de Pra^sulibus, &c.) pve'fers " eighteen years," which is here adopted in the text.
Page 50, line IS.]— Ednnmd died May 2(5 ih a.d. 91G. (Sax. Chron.) The same^Chronicle states that Kdred died Nov. 23d, a.d. 955, having reigned (as Foxe states) " nine years and a half."
Pao-e 50, line 2G. "In his time Dunstan was promoted to he bishop of Worcester."] — This seems incorrect, and is certainly inconsistent with the statement in this and the next page, " that he was as yet but abbot of Glaston- bury" after the death of Edred, and even of Edwin.
Pa^e 51, line 21 from the bottom. " Not croivned tillfovrtcen years after."] — Foxe has Malmesbury's authority for this statement (Script, post Bedam, p. 60) ; and doubtless he was crowned with great pomp at Bath, Whitsunday A.D. 973 (see pp. 62, 63) : but that was after a seven-years' penance, part of which was, according to Malmesbury, " diademate carere septennio '' — according to Osberne, " ut in toto spatio (septcnni) coronam sui rcgni non gcs- taret." In explanation of the term " gestare" it may be remarked, that it was the custom of our ancient kings to wear their crowns in public at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide (Lord Lyttelton'sHen. II. vol.ii. p. 282) ; and that it was the prerogative of the Archbishop of Canterbury, or Ins deputy, to put the crown on the king's head on those occasions, as well as at the original coronation. (See the notes in this Appendix on pp. 62, 63, and 110.) Speed, on the authority of Polydore Virgil, says that Edgar was crowned originally at Kingston; but no other author mentions this: most probably, however, it was tlie fact; and the very nature of the penance seems to require it. Mr. Taylor in his " Glory of Regality," p. 237, takes this view of the subject.
Page 51, line 18 from the bottom.]— On the promotion of Dunstan, see the notes in this Appendix on pp. 50, 74.
Pao-e 51, line 15 from the bottom. " Odo, archbishop twenty-four years."] — See the note on page 50, line 6.
Pace 54, line 31.] — John Cassian was born about the middle of the fourth centurv^ — Gennadius says in Scythia ; but others say (with more probability) in Proveiice. IlavniP' conceived an earnest desire to become acquainted with the monks of Egypt, then very famous, he visited the Thebaid about a. d. 390 : after residing there several years he wont to Constantinople, where he was ordained deacon about a. d. 409. He retired to Marseilles about a. d. 414, and there fomided two monasteries, one that of St. Victor, in which he had 5,000 monks, the other for nuns. He died a. d. 440 or 418, at the age of ninety seven years. (See Moreii and Biographic Univeiselle.) His printed works are : " Dc institutis Coenobiorum, libri xii. ;" " CoUationes Patrum, libri xxiv." ; " Johan- nis Cassiani de Christi Incarnatione, libri vii.;" " Flores Cassiani, sive illustriores sententias ex ejus operibus coUectoe."
Pac'e 56, line 24. " Mazises."] — Alardus Gazseus was a Benedictine monk in the abbey of St. Vedast at Arras, who wrote a Commentary on Cassian's works. His dedication of this Conmientary is dated " Michaelis apparitione [May 8th] a.d. 1615." In his Commentary on this place in Cassianus he says : " Mazices sive fid^iKus Ptolemseus in ea, vEgypti, sive Africae, parte locat in qua Cassianus. Eorundem ut barbarorum et immanium hominum meminit Palladius (Lausiaca 7) in Arsacio, quos tamen Mazicos vocat : Et Nestorius apud Evagriimi lib. i. Hist. Ecclesiast. cap. 7 : Et Nicephorus lib. 14, cap. 13. In Vitis Patrum Gens Mazicorum dicitur, Ub. 4, c, 15." — Cassiani Opera, Lips. 1733, p. 212.
Page 57, line 25. " Basil's rule — Benet's ride."] — St. Basil was the founder of Monkery in the East, St. Benedict in the West.
St. Basil, surnamed the Great, became bisliop of Ca-sarea a.d. 370, and died A.D. 378. He was an intimate friend of Gregory Nazianzen. — Cave's Hist. Litt.
St. Benedict was born in Italy a.d. 480, and died a.d. 513. He built a VOL. II. 3 G
^|g AIM'KNDIX TO VOI,. II.
monustcry nt MonU- Cassino, Naples, wliich was destroyed by tlic Lombards, but rebuilt under tbe sanelion of (iregory III., who died A.n. 741. Zacliary, wlio followed liini in the popedom, sent them tbe MS. rule, and made tluiu independent of all but papal jiu-isdiction. Boniface, tbe Anglo-Saxon, founded a Hcnedietine nionastirv at Vnlda with tbe p.)pe's sanction, and Pepin, king of France, made it independent of all but papal jurisdiction. Berno introduced tbe rule into Clugny, of wbicb be was tbe first abbot, a.u. 910. One of his pupils and bis successor, Odo, introduced it into Fleury, wbicb bad been plun- dered by the Normans. He died a.d. di\. St. Benedict's body was brought to Fleury, which became the head quarters of the order in the West. See Sharon Turner's Anglo-Saxon Hist. vol. ii. p. 233.
Paf^e r)7, line 2G. " Clnniacenses, first set vp hij Otiio."'] — The abbot Odo, nientfoned in the last note and the note on p. 30, line 22, must be intended. For Sigebert mentions the rise of Clngny first ad an. 893, under tbe reign of " Odo," [Kudo,] " King of France " thus: — "Hoc tempore floruit in Ijurgun- difi Berno, ex comite abbas Gigniacensis ccenobii asefundati; qui etiam ex dono Avie comitissa; constituit Cluniacum cccnobium in cellam Gigniacen- seni." But afterwards ad an. 912, we read : — " Ordo Chinlacensis incipit. Berno abbas moiiturus Odonem olim musicum constituit abbatem, ca conditionc ut ecclesia Cluniacensis solveret annuatim ecclesiae Gigniacensi censum duodecini denariorum." St. Odo greatly advanced the popularity of tbe Order of Clugny. It is, therefore, of 67. Odo that we must understand Foxe to speak.
Page 57, line 29.] — The congregation of Benedictine monks of J'allomhrosa on the Apennines, was founded by John Gualbert, a Florentine, about a.d. 1030. — Soames's Moske'm, vol. ii. p. 356.
Page 57, line 34.] — The "Flagellants" originated in Italy, a.d. 1260, and spread over a large part of Europe. See an account of them in Soames's Mosheim, vol. ii. p. 598.
Page 59, line 3 from the bottom.]— Respecting these drinking cups, see the note on ]). 168. The following words of Malmesbury will confirm Foxe, though the actual law has not been found: — "In tantuin et in frivolis pacis sequax, ut quia compatriota' in tabernis convcnientes jamque temulenti pro modo bibendi contendercnt, ipse clavos argenteos vel aureos vasis affigi jusserit, ut dum metam suam quisque cognosceret, non plus subserviente vereciuidia vel ipse appeteret vel alium appetcre cogeret." — Script, post Bedam, p. 50, line 20.
Page 02, line 27. "Staged and kept back from Ins Coronation."'\ — See the notes in this Appendix on p. 51, line 21 from the bottom, and p. 03, line 17. According to the view there taken, we should here read " from the use of his crown," rather than "from his coronation." — Foxe in the next line saj's, that Edgar was " crowned" at tbe age of one-and-thirty, a.d. 974, as is by the Saxon chronicle of Worcester church to be proved," The new edition and translation, however, of the Saxon Chronicle read " a.d. 973," and add the day, '5 Id. Mail, die Pcntecostes ' {i.e. Whit-Sunday, May 11th), which proves (see Nicolas's Tables) that 973 is the true reading. Also in the next page Foxe calls it " the one-and-thirtieth year of his age," which is here adopted instead of " the age of one-and-thirty."
Page 02, line 35. " Osherne.'"']—" Osbernus, gcnte Anglus, ecclesia; Cau- tuariensis praacentor et monachus, Lanfranco archiepiscopo familiarissimus, cla- ruit circa annum 1070. Praeter summam artis musicae peritiam, condcndis Sanctorum A'itis incubuit. Notandum Osbernum duobus libris Dunstani vitam et miracula dcscripsisse. Priorcm tantum cum posterioris prologo dedit Whar- tonus, eo quod liber secundus parum ad rem historicam conferre videbatur." — Cave.
Page 63, line 6.]— The following is the Latin Penance in Osberne (see Wharton's /Inglia Sacra, vol. ii. p. Ill) : — " Septennem ei poenitentiam indixit. In toto spatio coronam regni sui non gestaret. Jcjunium in hebdomade bidualo transigerct. Avitos pauporibus thcsauros large dispcrgeret. Super hoc sacrandis Deo virginibus monastcrium quoddam fundaret; quatcnus qui unam per peccatum Deo virginem abstulissct, plures ei per plura sa;culi volumma aggregarct. Clericos etiam male actionales de ecclesiis propelleret, Mona- cboruni agmina introduceret : justas Deoque acceptas legum rationes sanciret :
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sanctas conscribcict Sciipturas, per onincs fines ini])erii s\ii popnlis custoilieiulas mandaret." It will be observed tliat no nunnery is iierc named: "Shaftes- bury " is Foxe's addition, and erroneous, see p. 21. Rmnsey, in Hants, was pro- bably the nunnery founded by Edgar on this occasion, a.d. 974. — See Tanner's Notitia Monastka.
Page 03, line 17. " Set the crown on the king's head at Bath."'\ — This was done at the feast of Pentecost, May 11th, a.d. 973. (Osberne, &c.)— It seems probable (as before intimated) that the crowning at Bath was not properly tin- coronation, but the conclusion of a seven years' penance, during which time- Edgar had not worn his crown. The resuming it was made a great event, for example's sake. For Mulinesbury himself says, that Edgar for this crime — " Septennem po-nitentiam non fastidivit ; dignatus Ilex affligi jejunio, simulque diademate carere septennio." (Script, post Bedam, p. 60.) In the life oi Dunstan, he adds — " Ita ut proceres ad specimen et normam Regis compositi, paruni vel nihil contra jus et a?quum auderent." (Ibid. p. 202.) ^ee the notes on pp. 5 1 , G2.
Page 63, line 19.] — Foxe reads here "thirteenth year of his reign," but " fourteenth '' p. ,51. He also says he was " only three years crowned king."' — more probably "ten," including the first seven years of his reign. See the last note.
Page 63, note (2).] — Foxe reads here rather obscurely, "mention of Elfleda and Editha, and also of Ulfred and Dunstan."
Page G5, line 13.] — Iloveden dates the death of Edgar " the 32d year of his age, the 19th of his reign over Mercia and Nortlunnherland, the IGtli of his reign over all England, Indictione 3, 8 Id. Julii, feria quinta" (Script, post Bedam, p. 426), i.e. Thursday, July 8th, a.d. 9l!S : these concurrents agree, by Nicolas's Tables.
Page 65, line 24.] — Here should follow the address of Edgar to his clergy wliich is given afterwards at page 101.
Page 66, last line.] — The birth and parentage of Editha are stated at page 01.
Page 69, line 15.] — Osberne and Brompton both represent the council as being held at Winchester. (See page 84, line 16 from the bottom.) Osberne speaks as if it were held a considerable period before that of Calne. But Wharton {An(jlia Sac. vol. ii. p. 112) shows that the council of Winchester saf about A. D. 908, and that of Calne about seven years later.
Page 09, line 19. " Jornalensis here malceth rehearsal," ^c.^ — Foxe's refer- ence to Jornalensis (or Brompton) is not quite acciu-ate. Brompton says nothing about praying to the rood : Osberne says, that the council fell to intreating Dunstan in favour of the priests ; and that while he sat perplexed what to "do, the image spoke. Foxe also says, that the inscription was put under the feet of the rood ; which was the more usual ])lace for an inscrip- tion ; but Brompton says — " In cujus rei memoriam in capite refectorii ejusdem monasterii supra caput crncifixi, &c." (Decem Scriptores, col. 870.) Tliis quotation will suggest to the reader the meaning of " frater :" it is a corrup- tion of " fratry," which is either a corruption of refectorium, or is derived from fratres, being a room in which they could all assemble. The " fratry " is still shown at Carlisle cathedral. For further information on the point, see Davies's Rites and Customs of the Cathedral Church of Durham ; Parker's Glossary of Architecture, Oxford, p. 90; Foshroke's Encyclopedia of Antiquities, vol. i. p. 108; and Foshroke's British Monachism, v. Refectorium. it is hardly neces- sary to add, that a " rood " was a large wooden image of Christ crucified, such as may frequently be seen in France by the road-side: Osberne describes it on this occasion, as " Dominici corporis forma vexilio crucis fixa." There are other allusions to roods in Foxe. (See Index.)
Page 71, line 7. " Pope John X//."] — Foxe is rather inconsistent in his numbering of this pope, the reason of which is, that the old authors differ. Here, and at p. 402, Foxe calls him John XIII ; but at p. 404, and vol. iii. p. 212, he calls him John XII. As John XI. is the last pope John named by Foxe (p. 30), this pope is in the present edition always numbered John Xli.
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8!^0 API'KNDIX TO vol,. II.
The niimhcrinp of sovcral foUowinp Pojics Jolin lias been altpvod in conscnuoiicc of tlu' clian^c made lure.
Pa tlie Honiisli clinich, and is not instded in tlie list j^iven in " L'Art de Verifier dea Dates," wliicli nunil)irs tlie next three popes mentioned in this pa^e