I. Faith which before were granted, peaceably to be kept and observed; why then they

*° Honour should have them, it is no marvel. Yea and further, their devotion unto the to the churcli hath been such, that the nearer the churches were unto them, the more church_ liberties they enjoyed; and yet had these princes never the less on that account, to the"" ^"' '"ither the more ; which is evident, and redoundeth to the great honour and Iieople. nol)ility both of the king and his realm.
Five I have oftentimes heard of others, how that four or five things do especially
thinps iiobilitate and adorn this realm.
the P'irst, their sincere and inviolable faith ; for it was at no time read, that
realm. the kings of PVance (since the receiving of the faith) did ever s\ver\'e from
the same. Bi France Trojans, and successively from Charlemagne and other roval kings. of Priam. Thirdly, the unity and peace of concord, wliich especially, above all others, reigned and flourished in the realm of France.
Fourthly, the solemnity and jjomp of the prelates and clergy. Fifthly, the well-disposed readiness of the barons and subjects to obey. If therefore the prelates of this realm should not have this law and privilege, but should be deprived thereof, then should the king and his realm lose one of his noble estates, whereby they are highly magnilicd, I mean the bravery, solemnity, and royalty of the prelates ; for then, they should not only be neither pompous nor royal, but more beggarly and miserable than any others, the most part of their living consisting herein. I do conclude, therefore, that it is proved both by divine law, natin-al law, canon law, civil law, custom, and privilege, that the right of determining such temporal matters of the church may of right apper- tain to the church of France ; and so I turn the lord Peter's theme against himself. Besides this, I will jiropound that which is most plain and manifest ; that whatsoever things be offered up to the church, and arc converted to tjie dominion and property of the same, be God's, and appertain to him ; forasmuch as they are said to be dedicated to and sanctified by him, as sufficiently through- out the Levites may appear, as declared [1 Sam. xxi.] concerning the bread offered to God, where it is said, " I have no common bread under my hands to eat, but holy bread." Wherefore it was not lawfid for the laity to eat of the same bread, but in time of great necessity; which is also proved, where it is read, [Dan. v.] "Because king Belthazzar, and his lords, with his queen, drank in the golden and silver vessels, which his father Nebuchadnezzar had taken out of the temple of Jerusalem ; in the same (very) hour tlicre appeared fingers, as it had been of a man's hand, writing right over the candlestick upon the plain wall in the king's palace. And the king saw the palm of the hand that wrote ; and that which was written was RIene, Thelcl, P hares ; the interpre- tation whereof is this, as there it appearcth : Menc, God hath niunbered this king- dom and brought it to an end : Thekel, Thou art weighed in a balance, and art found too light : P/iares, Thy kingdom is dealt in parts, and given to the Medes and Persians." The very selfsame night was Belthazzar, the king of the Chaldecs, slain, and Diu-ius succeeded in the kingdom of the Medes ; tlie monarchy of the Assyrians being then translated unto the Medes. Whereby it appearelh, that those tilings which are offered up to the church, belong to (!od, and are so dedicated to him that no layman may use them ; which if they do, they must look to receive vengeance at God's hand, as Belthazzar did.
These things now ended, I will argue out the lord Peter's theme, which wa?, "Give unto the emperor, that is the emperor's; and unto God, that is God's. But this jurisdiction, which, as I proved before, is diversely converted to the dominion and property of the French church, is now God's, and therefore to
TO LORD PETER S ORATION 63]
be reserved to and for him ; wliei-cfbre, whensoever any goeth about to take rrench away the same, tlie good and godly ought to answer, what Ambrose did to tlie JJnionj.
Gothen sohliers, sent to liim by tlio emperor, wb.ich was to tiiis effect : " If tlie "
emperor," quoth he, " had recjuested that which had been mine, I would not ^ have denied him, albeit that whatsoever I have, all is the poor's ; but because . ^'^-•^- he demandeth those things which belong to God, wherein he hath no right or Ambrose interest, I had rather he should imprison mc, yea and cut off my head, than '" condescend to his request therein :" alluding to the history of Naboth [1 Kings obev^the" xxi.], in which is to be seen how Naboth, the holy nian, possessor of the vine- emperor, yard, was requested by the king to give up his vineyard ; who made answer, Naboth " I will not give unto thee the iidieritance of my fathers," at which answer denieth the king was marvellously offended. "Wherefore," quoth Ambrose, " if i\ks vh"e- Naboth would not deliver his vineyard, shall we deliver to you the church yard, of Christ ? no, God forbid, that I should deliver you Christ's heritage. Naboth did not deliver the vineyard, nor surely will I deliver Christ's church." And further he addeth a good saying, *' I can neither tase nor surrender aught from the temple of God, for I received it to keep, not to surrender : besides this, it is my duty and office to consult the interest of the emperor in this ' matter : and doubtless neither may I surrender any thing to him, nor yet he receive any thing of me." [Causa xxiii. qusest. 8. " Convenior." et " Qni."J Wherefore, by these and the like reasons it appeareth, that not spiritual jurisdiction only doth belong to God, as the lord Peter falsely hath suggested, but also all other kind of jurisdiction whatsoever possessed by the church, whether it be by law, custom, or privilege ; insomuch that neither may we surrender the same to any, nor yet may the king at our hands take the same.
Fiu'ther, the lord Peter affirmed, that Christ, for example sake, did pay tri- bute ; which is untrue, as appeareth in Genesis xlviii.; for the lands of priests were free from paying of all kind of toll and tribute. And if the lord Peter well considered JNIatt. xvii., he shoidd have found there, how that Christ did not only not pay tribute for example sake, but rather proved how he was not bound to pay any at all. To conclude, therefore, the children be free ; but ye pay, to avoid slander and offence : wherefore the text saith : " Lest we shoiild offend them, go to the sea," &c. But peradventure it may be answered, that by tlie example of Christ, to avoid offence, ye ought to pay. But this is untrue. How of- because there is a double offence of the weaklings and of the Pharisees : for as *^",'if. concerning the offence of the weaklings, which cometli of ignorance and not of be^avoid- malice, some things are to be omitted for a time, till they be better instructed; ed. as the apostle saith in Romans xiv. But as concerning the offence of the Pharisees, who commit and offend of a ])retenced malice, there is nothing to be omitted, as Christ saith in Matt. xv. ; to whom his disciples saying, " Do you not know how that the Pharisees hearing this word are offended?" he answered tliem, " Behold, suffer them, they are blind, and leaders of the blind ;" for that in the time of Christ, the offence then was of little •nes : but now is the offence of the Pharisees ; wherefore, then it was to be suffered for avoiding of offence, but now not so. Now therefore it is apparent that the third token of Third the fear of God consisteth in the complete true restoring of goods: and of him "ote of who hath such fear whereby he restored to God lus own, it is spoken in ^f q^j^ Ecclus. X. : " The seed of the man that feareth God shall be brought to honour : but the seed which ti-ansgresseth the commandment of the Lord shall be sliamed." And thus it fidly appeai^eth, how loving fear and obedience is due unto God, for the excellency of his majesty ; because the words be, " Fear God."
Secondly, I do say, that especial honour and reverence are due unto the king. Honour for his dignity's sake; which followeth in the theme. Now it is said, " Honour "fthe the king:" I will allege Ecclus. chap. x. ; where it is specified, " In the midst of "'^' the brethren the ruler is holden in honour among them;" wherefore it scemeth Two to me that there are two kinds of honours, one which proceedeth from the lips, kmdsof and that is named flattery, wherefore it is spoken in Matt. xv. ; "This people '°"°""- doth honour me with their lips, but their hearts are far from me." There is nouble another kind of honour which is real, and cometh from the heart ; and this is '^^"""Vj''' the very true honour indeed, wherewith the king ought to be honoured. 3^,1 „.j,i, But me thinketh, that he doth really and in very deed honour the king, li^-'itt.
632
AKSWER OF THE PRELATES
French llittory.
A.D.
1.329.
A prince rather to Ik; loved than feared A sen- tence.
In altera- tion.what to be con- sidered.
Mark here a fable.
who wisheth and counsclleth him to keep and do those thingi whcrchy his dominion is beloved, his royalty not diminished, his honour and lame preserved, and his conscience not burdened ; and he that pcrsuadeth him contrary to these, I think doth not honoiu" the king.
To proceed therefore further; I say first, that he doth de facto honoiu- the king, wlio pcrsuadeth him those things whereby he may be beloved of his subjects : fur a prince ought to study ratlier to be beloved than feared. And what greater treasure can a prince wish, than to have the hearts of his subjects? according to the saying of Seneca,' " The love of the citizens is a fortress invincible, and a bulwark not saultable." What thing is more to be wished for, what is better than to live and reign, every man willing and rejoicing thereof? And in my opinion, there is nothing which causeth a prince more to be beloved, than if he keep and maintain his ancient liberties, and bring in no alteration ; wherefore it is said [Prov. xxii.], " Thou shalt not remove the landmarks which tliy fore-elders have set." This place the lord Peter alleged to make for liimself, which I will prove to make against liim, and that bj'^ this .reason, ye ought not to transgress the old Hmits and bounds which the fathers have set, for novelty and alteration doth engender discord; and for this cause, in making of new alterations there ought to be both evident utility, and urgent necessity. If, therefore, the prince will abrogate and take away the liberties granted by his forefathers and predecessors, he shall not be of his realm beloved ; as it appeareth by Rehoboam. [1 Kings xii.] It is, likewise, plainly to be seen in the chronicles, how that by these means many kingdoms and dominions have been translated from nation to nation, and from their own native regiment to the rule of strange people. And now, certain it is, that your predecessors Charlemagne, St. Louis, Philip the Fair, Louis and Philip his sons, with many others, have sealed and confirmed this liberty of the church. Wherefore for a man to counsel and persuade yom- highness U) spoil the church of any thing, it is even the next way to spoil and undo yom-self, and bereave you of that by which your dominion is beloved ; and for this cause I thought good to put yoiu- gi'ace in remembrance of 1 Mac. ii. .01, where it is written, " Remember the works of your forefathers, which they have done in their generations, and you shall receive great glory and renown for ever." Note here, your highness, by the waj, how king Philip, grandfather to St. Louis, fostered and kept in his realm St. Thomas, archbishop of Canter- bury' ; wlio, because he stoutly defended the liberties of his chiuxh, was banished out of England ; how much more, therefore, are you boiuid to defend and maintain your own prelates in tlieir liberties ratified and confirmed by your grace's predecessors, according to the saying of Gregory (Causa xxv. quiest. 2, cap. " Si."] " If I were to destroy those things which my predecessors and ancestors ordained, I should not be a builder, but I should be justly accounted a stroy-good and puller down, as the voice of Truth itself testifielh, ' Every kingdom divided within itself shall be brought to desolation.' All knowledge and law divided against itself shall be destroyed." In another place he saith, " It is oversharp, and against all good manners, upon any reason and excuse whatsoever to rescind those things which are well ordained ; or, by one's example to teach others at their pleasure to dissolve old constitutions."' Mark here a story about a castle which was given to St. Remy for the use of the church of Laon by king Clovis, which king Pepin afterwards desired to have, giving com- pensation to the church ; to whom the said St. Remy appeared in his sleep, and severely blamed him for it, saying, " A better man than thou gave it me, and yet wilt thou take it away from me !" And with that he smote him ; who the next day was found all black and blue; since which time, no king of France durst even lie in that castle. Verily therefore, he doth not in fact honour the king, who giveth liim counsel to transgress the old limits that his fathers did set; yea, rather, the king's majesty ought to sav unto them that which is written in Jolm viii., " I do honour niy Father " (that is, in keeping the liberties of the church, as they did wliich granted them) ; " but vou have dishonoured me " (in counselling me that which seemeth best to please your- selves); for it is written in Ecclus. chap, iii., "The worship of a man's father is his own worship, and where the father is without honour, it is the dishonour of the son."
(1) Seneca de dementia ad Neronem.
TO LORD I'KTKll S OltATlOX.
Secondly, I say, that he truly doth honour the king, who counselleth liim, French \\ hereby his power and dignity are not diniinishcd; for as it is great honour to Hittvry. the king's highness to increase and augment his power, so is it as much dis- ~\ ^ honour for him to diminish any jot thereof; and therefore the emperors were j.{9q' wont to call themselves victorious, in augmenting and increasing their com- — L monwealth. And to say thai you and your predecessors could not gr-ant these things to the church, it were too, too absiu'd, and to the too much derogation of your majesty's most honourable estate. And therefore for you, most sove- reign lord, who hold and possess such ample right and title in the realm of France, both by election and inheritance, not to grant and leave this to your posterity, it were to the great debasing of your majesty's honour, crown, and dignity. Yea, if it were (as God forbid), it would follow, that your predeces- sors lived continually in «n ; yea, and lurther, it were as much to say (which were too vile) that blessed St. Louis by wliom all France is beautified, coidd not be justly canonized. For as the lord speaker declared, if he took his oath at his coronation both to alienate nothing, and also to call in that which was before alienated, which is inseparable from the crown, it shoidd follow that he was foresworn, and consequently committed deadly sin, and so could never be canonized, which is too, too absurd to be talked of. And if reply be made, that he might have repented ; it is soon to be answered, that his sin is read of, but of his repentance it is not found, as it is said of Solomon. But put the case that it be true what the lord Peter said, then it must needs follow, that your grace could bestow nothing, neither country, town, nor tower; and yet there be few who willingly would not receive them, notwithstanding their allegiance and liomage, which they pretend to your highness. Keep, therefore, and confirm, most renowned prince! that which was granted by your noble progenitors, otherwise your royal honoin- shall decrease ; that it may be verified in you which is read of in Romans xi., " I will honour my ministiy."
Thirdly, I do affirm, that he rightly honoureth the king, who persuadeth him -wtio ho- to that whereby his honom- and renown is preserved. For, in matters of weight noureth and of great importance, next after conscience we must have regard to name'^^^ '"^'' and fame, as it is written in Proverbs xxii., " It is better to have a good name than riches." A good name far surpasseth all things, and is above silver and gold; and St. Augustine saith, " Two things are necessary for thee, conscience Con- and name ; conscience for God, and name for thy neighbour ; and tlierefore it ^^'^"j^o^j is written in Ecclus. chap. xH., " Labour to get a good name, for that will ^"nie. continue surer by thee than many great treasures of gold," A good life hath a number of days. That renown and name the Lord, who anointed your grace with the oil of gladness, hath in a very little time more abundantly blessed you with, than any other prince ; wherefore you ought to be more vigilant and careful how still to keep and enjoy the same, for it is no less virtue to keep that which is gotten, than to seek and get ; whereby not only while you live, but also when you are dead, your glorious renown may live for ever ; yea and further, that by you nothing be done, whereby any blot or soil should creep into that your so great renown, applying that to your grace which is said in Proverbs x., " The memorial of the just shall have good report," Src. Beware therefore, most noble pi-ince, and take heed that in your days and time, the liberties of the church be not taken away (which God forbid) or diminished in any jot; for if your glorious name should be blotted therewith, there be thou- sands who would clu-onicle the same to perpetual memoiy. "Wherefore, most christian prince, if such as trusted after their death for no other life, but only for fame and renown, lived a life most godly and virtuous, how much more ought we Christians, who look after another life, by our well-doings here, to win us a peqjetual name and memory after our death? And you besides, if you should dishonour your name and fame, what a matter were it, considering how the kings of France were ever counted the most christian prhices, and most bountiful towards the church, giving examples to other princes how to enrich then- churches and the liberties thereof. And now especially, if your grace, the chiuxh in some places being in great persecution, shoidd (which God forbid), show light to others to pull and take away that which was given by your forefathers to the church, what might the world say? For tiien for the like reason might the emperor deprive the church of all which was given to it by Constantine the emperor. Also other kings would do the like in their realms.
GJl-
ANSWER OK TlIK PRELATES.
French Ilitlory.
A.D. 1329.
The fourth honour- Idk the
Oath of the
French kings
God forbid that your liighncss should give such example ! And, for my pari, I would rather wish myself to be dead, than give you sucli counsel, that in so pernicious and naughty a matter you should be example to others ; especially, when the kings of France, your predecessors, were defenders always against - such as went about to fake away the liberties from the church, which is the otfice of a king. Ilieronymus saith upon Jeremy (see Causa xxiii. qu.x'st. 5. cap. " Kcgnm," et cap. "Principes") after this manner: "Let the princes of the world know and understand, how they arc bound to make an account to (iod for the church which they take upon them to keep." Note you also, and read some examples out of stories and commentaries, what regard the kings of France had in observing those things ; and see you by their example, to follow and do the like ; and then shall it be verified in your grace which is written in Ecclus. chap, xxxvii., " A wise man shall obtain honour amongst his people :" as also in chap. iii. : " He that honouretii liis mother, is like one that gathereth treasure together."
Fourthly, I say, that he indeed doth honour the king, who persuadeth him to do that whereby his conscience is not hurt. For, above all things, a christian man ought to beware how he do that thing, wliicli should be a grudge unto his conscience, because " the life is more than is meat." [Matt, vi.] And assuredly I believe, that your grace woidd not connnit that thing willingly, wherewith your conscience should be burdened, for all the world's good, and that justly ; for the more miracidously God hath called your highness to the state of a king, and hath endued you %vith his grace, so much the more care ought you to have, and take heed that you offend him not. Nor is it to be doubted, whether in doing the contrary, he will not be the more grievously displeased with you, as he was with Saul. [1 Sam. xv.] Consider, therefore, most sovereign lord, that at what time you were crowned, you sware only these things following, and no others. First, that you would defend and maintain the canonical law, privilege, and justice, granted to the bishops and the church, and, as much as in you did lie, to enlarge and amplify the same : also, that by your arbitrement all christian people, at all times, should keep the true peace of God and his church : also, that you should forbid to all nations all kind of sacrilege, spoilings, and iniqiuties : also, that in all kind of judgments, you should will and command equity and mercy : also, that througliout your whole territory and jurisdiction, you shoidd sincerely, with all your endeavour, study to exterminate, and cut off from the church the noted heretics : all which, and no other, your majestj' swore to fulfil, at the time of your coronation, under the leave and correction of the lord Peter, who affirmed you were sworn to something else. Now therefore, seeing it is a canonical privilege of the church, and in the heart of the whole incorpo- rate (Causa xi. quajst. 1. " Quicunque litem ") ; when also by custom which is canonical it came in, that the church and spirituality maj' have cognition in a number of cases, against which divers articles have been here laid in : if this amongst the laity should not be observed in the church, your grace's conscience thereby might be somewhat burdened. In like manner, if you be bound with all your whole might and power to procure, that the whole of Christendom should keep the tnie peace of God and his church, much more have you to procure the same amongst your own barons and people, who evennore were all one with the church. And as always, where any church was in honour and estimation, there were belonging to it twenty stout barons and knights, whose office, as it was to defend the church ; so was it the part of the church to pray for them, and to offer sacrifice for them luito God. And to this end it was that blessed St. Louis so nuich laboured in his time ; who, when the greatest barons of his realm had confederated to suppress these liberties of the church, and had consulted to give him, to that end, the hundredth part of their goods, woidd never condescend thereunto, but always dissuaded them therefrom ; and, finalh', by liis authority sealed and confinned these liberties of the church. Consider lu're, your majesty, how pope Innocent at that time proceeded against those barons. I dare be bold to say, that if there should be now dissension between (he prelates and barons, it would not be long before the commonalty would usurp to rule and bear domination ; as by experience it hath been seen in many places, and. likewise, by ])ractice we of late time might have seen, at what time the people ntomaching the spirituidty in the parts of Champagne and Bur- gundy, at last rose, and made in everv town a king, and therewithal caused
TO LORD PETER S ORATION. {>35
the officers who brought citations to bo well banged, and created a pope of their French own, who gave them absolution ; and not long after they made insurrection Jiiitory.
against the lords temporal, and served them with the like sauce ; until by the ~T
king's power tliey were suppressed, and many of them hanged : and all this was ," , in the days of Louis, the last king of that name. And really the nobles ouglit ^•^' not to be-grudge the church her possessions, for how few of them are there wiio Mg. Hy have not brothers or kinsfolks, who live by the goods of the church ; amongst ""^ P"' whom if they should divide their own inheritance, they would gradually reduce of tiie"^ it to little or nothing. Let the barons also consider, that there are but few church who arc not attached to the church ; and that the church is one, as it saith in "re"hren Canticles vi., " My dove is one;" wherefore they cannot without great peril of and kins- transgression advise, that such liberties of the church be taken awaj . - ■ ™'-'" °^
That therefore your majesty's conscience may remain unspotted, may it be'^mai'n-'' please your highness to confirm to the church her just and canonical privi- tained. lege; and to revoke any attempts which may have been made to the contrary by such pos- way of proclamation or otherwise ; and to maintain your mother, the church sessions of France, in her ancient franchises, liberties, and customs; that by you " in ""' '" ^^ all things God may be glorified ; to whom be honour and glory for ever and "ievJf ' ever : Amen :" (1 Pet. iv.) and He will then honour you, who saith, " Whosoever •" the shall honour me, I will crown him with " that " glory " (1 Sam. ii.), in which con- noUn our sisteth the true honour, which is granted to none who is unworthy, nay, where- faith. unto none is admitted except him who is worthy, as the blessed Austin saith ; which honour grant He unto you and us, who is blessed for ever : Amen. And Tothebill because many articles have been exhibited, whereof some infringed the whole of articles ecclesiastical jurisdiction, these we are resolved to withstand, according to ed'"''"" Ecclesiasticus iv., where it is said, " For the truth strive thou unto the death, and God shall fight for thee against thine enemies :" some others there are containing only alleged abuses, which we do not believe our people to be guilty of, but if they were, we would by no means suffer it ; and therefore, for the unburdening of our own consciences, for the king's reverence, and for the people's profit and peace, but chiefly for the honour of God, all we here assem- bled have concluded to apply such remedy, that the aforesaid abuses, if any such there be, shall cease, to the quietness of the people, and praise of God. To whom be honour and glory, world without end. Amen.
Another Sitting of the Parliament. On the Friday next but one, being December the twenty-ninth, the prelates assembled themselves again together at the king's palace in Paris, where the reverend father, the loi'd Peter Bertrand, by divine providence bishop of Autun, spake openly before the king, sitting there as usual with his coun- sellors and barons about him, taking for his theme that which is written in Genesis xviii., " O Lord be not angry that I speak yet more," &rc., which he xhe applied to this end : " That considering the majesty of the king, the prudency of bishop of his council, the insufficiency of the speaker to plead so weighty a cause, he ^"j"" trembled to speak ; yet nevertheless, relying on the king's accustomed kind- ness, he took courage, and presumed to attempt the task which had been ap- pointed him by the prelates, taking for his theme the ninetieth Psalm : " Lord, thou art our refuge," &c. This he prosecuted in extolling the king's person, declaring his attaining to the crown of France to have been a sort of miracle, and shewing how he ought to be the champion of the church ; all which he proved concisely, by many authorities and reasons.
.. He afterwards answered those propositions which were propounded by the aforesaid lord Peter de Cugnicres, and for no other cause, as he protested, but only to inform the conscience of his lord the king, and to advise his grace concerning the same ; not as going about to make any final judgment or answer, whereby either sentence, ordinance, statute, or any other process, might ensue or be grounded, or new right be acquired by any man. And first, in reply to the commencement of the discourse of the lord Peter, wherein he affiniied that the words " Render unto the emperor what is the emperor's, and unto God what is his" [Matt. xxii. and Mark xii.], signified obedience and subjection to the king, and the separation of the spiritualty from the temporalty ; whereof the first member was argued from the text in Peter (1 Pet. ii.), where it is said, " Be subject to every human creature," also from the words of Extra' "(]r Majoritate etObedientiri,"cap. "Solitoe,"and Extra "de Judiciis,"cap. "Novit," and Causa xi. qusest. 1, cap. " Sacerdotibus," with the notes on the same : while as to the separation between the two jurisdictions, the lord Peter arguod (I) ' E.vtra' refers to the Decretals of Gregory IX. — Ed.
636 AKSWEU OF THE PRELATES
French temporals to belong to temporal persons, and spirituals to spiritual, because
ifiiiury. God hatli appointed two swords, and saith (Luke xxii.) " Behold here arc two
. .. swords," and because Christ paid tribute (Matt. xvii. 27), implying thereby
vion *'^^' *''
• cap. " Si Iributum," and cap. " Magnum"); also by the law of Justinian, wherein
it is written that " God bestowed on man two great gifts, priesthood and
empire, the former to preside over divine, the latter over human aH'airs "
(Corpus Juris Civilis, Authenticae, Collatio 1, tit. 0, " Quomodo oporteat ci)isco-
pos) /'asserting, moreover, that these be the boundaries (i'rov.xxiii.) which ougl it
never to be removed (ff'.> "de termino moto." lib. 47, tit. 21); affirming also that
the king could not abdicate such his royal rights, for that they were a part of the
royal prerogative, and he had sworn at his coronation not to alienate any rights
in the realm, nay, even to restore such as had been alienated ; and finally
alleging, that the rights in question were imprescriptible, according to Distinction
10, cap. " Quis autem," and many other cliapters of the same Distinction : —
To the aforesaid reasoning it was answered thus : The right of determining civil causes (about wliich the present controversy was) belonged to the church, both by divine and human appointment. From the time of Adam to that of Christ it was by divine appointment, according to the words of Innocent in Extra " de Foro Competenti," cap. " Licet ;" from the time of Christ it was committed to Peter and his successors for ever (Matthew xvi. and Distinct. 22, cap. " Omnes patriarchse ") : and that the church in the realms of catholic princes doth and always did enjoy this right, is proved by Causa ii. quiust. 5, cap. "Si quis presbyter," Causa xi. quaest. 1, cap. " Kelatum," and Distinct. 95, cap, " Ecce." The emperors also confirmed this right to the church by the Authent. Collat. 6, tit. 15, " Ut differentes judices" ; also Causa xxiii. quaest. 8, cap. " His aquibus." The canon law also saith, that St.T'eter commanded the princes of the earth and all others to obey the bishop (Matthew xvi. ; Extra "de Majoritate et Obedientia," cap. "Omnes;" and Distinct. 96, cap. " Duo sunt "). Wherefore it is to be concluded, that the proposed separation between the two jurisdictions ought by no means to be made, so that the rights in question be taken away from the church. And albeit in the realms of tyran- nical princes this state of the church hath been impaired and even abolished, yet in this blessed realm of France it hath been always, even to the present time, duly maintained (Extra " de Judiciis," cap. "Novit,'' in parte dccisa). The laws, also, of the emperors Theodosius and Charlemagne confirmed this right to the church according to Extra " de Judiciis," cap. " Novit," and Causa xi. qucest. 1, cap. " Quicunque ;" and in cap. " Omnes " it is expressly stated, that Charle- magne, king of France and emperor, settled this right especially in France. Moreover, if we consider the subject on the score of custom which hath obtained timeout of mind, the said jurisdiction is found to have belonged to the church of France under all its christian and pious kings, and if any one .«hall go about-to vitiate this custom, it is sacrilege according to Causa xii. qua-st. 2, cap. 1 and 2. Nor let the king's majesty marvel, if in this realm of France, the noblest in the world, this prerogative belongs to the church, as hereby his own power and nobility is beautified (See Authent. Collat. 2, tit. 2, " Ut judices sine quoquo sufi'ragio fiant"). Besides, our sovereign lord the king at bis coronation swore on the holy gospels of God to preserve to the church her rights. All the barons, also, at least such as were faithful to the church, swore fidelity to her, by the which oath of fidelity they are bound to preserve to the church her rights. Since, therefore, every oath is to be kej.t which tcndeth not to the perdition of the soul, a fortiori that oath is to be kejit which is taken in favour of the church (Extra "de jure-jurando,"cap. "Si vero;" and Causa xxii. quaest. 4, cap. ult.). Besides this, Charlemagne, St. Louis, Philip of Arragon [the Bold], Philip the Fair, and his sons Louis and Charles, did con- firm these privileges, customs, and liberties to the church, and were all sworn at theircoronations, as before stated.2 Who, then, can advise the king's majesty con- trary to hii oath, CBpccially in relation to these liberties granted and so confirmed to the church, without damning of his own soul ? To him, on the contrary, belongeth great reward whosoever bestoweth any thing on the churih (See Au- thentica>, Collat. 2 " De non alienand. ac pcrniut. rebus ccclesiae," cap. 2, § " Si- nimus"). Neither maketh the allegation against us that there are two swords ; nor yet the distinction between priesthood and empire. For first, while it is true that there arc two swords, yet that was said lo the church, and the right and power of those two swords is left in the church's hands, although the
(I) 'flfrefe's tothe ' Digcstorum lihri'in the Corpu=; Juris Civilis. —Ed. (2) Suprii. p.629.— Ei
TO LORD PETIiR's OKATIOX. 637
execution -by the material sword is committed to the temporal or secular men : French
which is Christ's meaning where he saith to Peter, " Put up thy sword into its Jii»i"r!/- place." (Matt, xxvi.) Secondly, as touching the distinction betwixt priest-
A.D.
\:v2'j.
hood and empire, it is true as far as appertaineth unto the end and to the shedding of blood, but not concerning the beginning or subject, for that both the powers are and may be, nay ought to be, in the same subject ; as is before proved. To the allegation that Christ paid tribute it is answered, that he paid it not because he was bound thereto — for it is certain that a king's sons (and wiiy such was he) are not bound to pay — but to avoid offence ; nor would the clergy Christ be bound thereto (1 Esdras viii. 22): wherefore, such things are not to be drawn {Juj^^ "' into a consequence. Neither doth the allegation about the boundaries make against us, nay rather, it maketh for us, because (as hath been already stated) such things are said with peculiar reference to the church. Neither yet maketh the allegation against us, that our sovereign lord the king cannot abdicate his rights because at his coronation he specially swore thereto, for it is replied, that he may abdicate the whole of them, because he cannot be said to abdicate any thing which he giveth to God and the church ; for " the earth is the Lord's," and therefore to give in such case is nothing else but to restore to God and the church their own : else it would follow that Constantine's Dona- tion was not binding, which is false (Distinct. 9G, cap. " Constantinus"). Besides, it appeareth by ff. "de legatis," 1. apudJulianum § ult., that an empe- ror or king may alienate things of the empire : and yet the empire or kingdom is not damaged thereby, because the thing returneth to its pristine state (if. " de pactis " 1. " Si unus," § " Pact., "and Distinction 35, cap. "Ab exordio"). Further- more, that reasoning would condemn all the kings of France that ever were, especially St. Louis ; for if it were true (which God forbid), then all of them were perjured, and died in mortal sin ; which is too shocking. Lastly, neither doth it touch us, that such things are said to be imprescriptible. 'Tis true, indeed, they cannot by subjects or otherwise than by the church be prescribed ; but iu this matter subjects are out of the question. Besides, seeing they may be alienated, they may be prescribed, especially with the consent of the kings who have confirmed the same for so long a time back as excludeth all other right, fiscal and ecclesiastical.
Li conclusion, therefore, the prelates all with one consent agree in asserting the aforesaid positions to be true, and such as must be maintained; and they beseech their lord the king, both for his soul's welfare and the church's peace, to innovate nothing, but to maintain the church and preserve her liberties as his predecessors did, taking warning from the examples of others what dangers must attend him in pursuing a contrary course. They beg him to consider, also, what spiritual benefits he daily receiveth of the church, and that the church of France never yet failed him when he needed help even in temporal things. Furthermore, he beseecheth his highness to weigh how entirely tlie present lord pope loveth, and ever did love, his person and realm ; affirming that never any one placed in the chair of Peter loved this realm better than he doth, alleging the text, which saith, " Stand in the multitude of the priests, and believe them with thy heart." (Ecclus. vi. 3, 4.)
After this, in the said session, the aforesaid bishop of Autiin, pro- special locator, urged many things besides, and answered particularly to the ^""h"* articles above specified and exhibited by the lord Peter in writing to •■""'idpf the king and parliament ; which, because they touch more the subtilty iiy nJ of the law and styles of the courts, than is necessary to this our Autun."^ history, and because we would not burden the volume withal, they con- taining no great profit in them, we have here of purpose for brevity's sahe omitted, passing to the next sitting, which was the following Friday, as ensueth. On that day [January the 5th], the prelates Anntiu-r assembled at Yincennes before the king, to hear the answer ; -where ti'iV^.^'i,';" the aforesaid lord Peter de Cugnieres, being prolocutor for the king, f.''^' •''"'■ spake on this wise, taking for his theme, " I am peace unto you, do not fear,'"' &c. ; which he prosecuted, admonishing that thev shoidd not be troubled by any thing that had been spoken, for that the intent and mind of their sovereign lord tlie king was, to keep the rights of the church and prelates, which they had by law and by good and reason-
638 nrsiior of aittitn's keply.
FrfHch able custom. NVIicrc, between the first and the last conclusions, he went
""""!'■ a|)o„t to prove, that the coprnizance of civil causes ou,«,dit not to apper-
A. D. tain to the church ; for that such tilings were temporal, and ought to
^'■^'^^- pertain to the temporally, as spiritual things to the spiritualty. And
besides his other reasons', he alleged the DC Distinct, cap. "Cum ad
shsving vcrum." He asserted, also, that for this intent first the clerks' crowns
cfown.'."' were shaven, in sign that they should be free from all worklJiness, and
forsake all temporal things ; alleging to that end Causa xii. Quocst. 1.
cap. " Duo sunt genera." Furthermore, he declared, that the bishops
had cognizance in certain cases expressed by law, wherefore, these said
cases ministered a certain rule against them, alleging in juoof thereof
" Dc regul is juris,'" * cap. i., and If. " de legatis," 1. 1. " Titire tcxtores."
Also he afBrmed, that the Decretal " Novit," which they supposed to
make for them, did speak of the king of France's state, who hath no
superior ; but in other persons it was, he said, otherwise. These things
thus being proved, he concluded by saying, that, nevertheless, their
lord and king was ready to hear the information of those, who would
instruct him of any customs, and those customs which were good and
reasonable he would have observed.
To this answer, because it did not seem to please and suffice the prelates, the bishop of Autun immediately replied for them all in manner following : First, commending the good and general answer, he spake in this wise, " The prince of the people shall be praised for the prudence of his talk" (Ecclesiasticus ix. 17), commending there- withal, as touching the former good general answer of the king, his purpose and talk propounded ; but as concerning the words of the lord Peter, which engendered and brought darkness and obscurity, and might give occasion to the temporal lords to break and infringe the rights and customs of the church, his answer seemed not to the prelates full and plain. Speaking, moreover, to the said Peter, he alluded to the words of the Virgin speaking in the Scripture thus to her son, " Why hast thou thus dealt with us ?" And so he prose- cuted the same, both marvelling with himself, and yet covertly com- plaining of his answer. Afterwards, in reply to those things which the lord Peter affirmed, first, in reference to the chapter " Cum ad verum," he said that it was before answered, touching the division of the two jurisdictions, that they may be in one subject, as was before proved. Neither did that weigh which the lord Peter said, that these two jurisdictions could not be in one subject, because things that be in themselves diverse and yet be under one genus, as a man and an ass, cannot be in one subject ; but if they were under divers kinds, as whiteness and sweetness in milk, they might be well in one subject : whereunto it was answered, that this rule was not true, because justice and temperance arc two divers virtues, and under one genus, and yet be in one subject ; besides, these differing species, a man and an ass, be not compatible in one subject. Also to that which was spoken concerning the shaving of the crown, it was answered, that the crown did betoken rule and excellency ; and the shaving did signify, that they ought not to heap up store of temporal things, so as to apply their hearts thereunto ; but that the temporal things ought to be subject to them, and not they to the temporally, as is proved in the said chapter, " Duo sunt genera."" Also as concerning what was alleged " de regula," he answered, that this nuiketh for the clmrch,
■(I) I'lobably rcfeiring to tit. 41, at the end of Decretal. Creeor.— Ed.
FIXAL ANSWER TO THE I'UEI.ATKS. G39
as before was proved ; yea, also, that the custom doth make the rule F'/n^f' for the church ; also that laws in all kind of cases do always except "''"""■
the custom; and, therefore, that his reasoning made nothing against A.D. it. And as to that which the lord Peter spake about the Decretal ..^''^"^- " Novit," that the case was only one of the king's person ; yet, for all that, the same thing is expressly said in the^context of every christian man : and although in the said law it is the pope wlio speaketh, yet the same is applied lo all bishops in their diocese in the 63rd Distinct, cap. " Valentinianus." Wherefore the said bishop The concluded and beseeched the king, that it would please his grace to ^^^^'^ give unto them a more plain and comfortable answer, and that they [^^'^.^'J^';,'^ might not depart from his presence all pensive and sad, whereby answer, occasion might be given to the laity to impugn the rites and liberties of the church, and that they doubted nothing herein of the good nature and conscience of their sovereign lord and king. In the end, it was answered them in the behalf of the king, that it was not his mind and intent to impugn the customs of the church.
On the Sunday following, the bishops assembled again before the Gent'^e^ ^^ king at Vincennes, where the lord archbishop of Sens repeated their the king last supplication, with the last answer made them in the behalf of the ^^shop. king ; whereupon the lord archbishop of Bourges gave them to under- stand, how the king willed them not to fear, as they should suffer no hindrance or damage in his time ; yea, and how he w^ould defend them in their rights and customs, and that it should never be said, that he gave ensample to others to impugn the church ; the king himself assenting to his having so said. The said lord archbishop of Sens in the name of the whole prelates gave humble thanks to the king for this, and the said archbishop of Sens beseeched that such proclamations, as had been made to the prejudice of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, might be repealed and called in. Hereunto the king himself answered with his own mouth, that they were not published at his commandment, neither did he know of them, nor ratify them. Thirdly, the archbishop proposed, that those abuses which the temporalty complained of should by the prelates be so ordered and reformed, that every man should be well contented therewith. Last of all, he beseeched the king's highness, that he would of his gracious • goodness give them a more comfortable and fuller answer. Then Final answered the lord Peter in the name of the king; that if the prelates the pre-" would see reformation of those things which were to be amended, 'a'«^- whereabouts he would take respite between then and the Christmas next following, his grace would innovate nothing in the mean season : but that if in the aforesaid space they should not have corrected and reformed that which was amiss, his majesty would then apply such order and remedy, as should be acceptable both to God and his subjects. After this the prelates had leave of the king to depart, and went home.*
And thus much concerning French matters, which because they be ecclesiastical, and bearwiththem some utility to the diligent reader(such as list to search, note, and observe the acts of men, and the course of re- ligion), I thought therefore here to place and adjoin next after the other contention before proceeding between Philip the French king and pope Boniface. Albeit, as touching the perfect keeping of years and time,
(1) For the "Brief Recapitulation," Src, which in some Editions follows here, see the foot note (1) to p. 021 of this volume. — V.v.
f)U) KASH VOW OF KING KinVARD
ndwardi I am not iirnorant that this afurc^^aid parliament, thus summonod and ^ J) commenced au:ainst the French prelates, falling a.d. 132.9, uas to be 1307. referred rather to the reign of king Edward II., of -whom now remaineth (hy the grace of Christ) in order of history to prosecute, declaring first the instructions and infonnations of his father given to Death of liim at the time of his departing. In the year of our Lord 1307, and Kdward. the last vear of the king, the aforesaid king Edward, in his journey A.D.i.3or. marching towards Scotland, in the north fell sick of the flux, which in- crc-ased so fervently u])on him, that he despaired of life. Wherefore calling before him his earls and barons, he caused them to be sworn that they should crown his son l^lward in such convenient time after his deatii as thev might, and keep the land to his iise, till he were Godly les- crowncd. That done, he called before him his son Edward, informing precept's'' auil Icssouing him with wholesome precepts, and he also charged him fi'ie yoilnR ^^'''^ divers points upon his blessing : first, that he should be courteous, prince, gentle, upHght in judgment, fair spoken to all men, constant in deed and word, flimiliar with the good ; and especially to the miserable be merciful. After this, he gave him also charge not to be too hasty in taking his crown before he had revenged his father''s injuries stoutly The king against the Scots ; but that he should remain in those parts to take his "ones ^^itli him lus fathcr^s bones, being well boiled from the flesh, and so r?e!'H"'^' being enclosed in some fit vessel, should carry them with him till he the field couqucrcd all the Scots ; saying, " that so long as he had his father's the Scots, bones with him, none should overcome him." Moreover, he willed and required him to love his brothers, Thomas and Edmund ; also to Father's ciicrish and tender his mother Margaret, the queen. Over and excluding besides, he straightly charged him upon his blessing (as he would companv ^^'^^^ ^^'^ cursc) that he should in no case call to him again, or send from iiis for Peter Gaveston ; which Peter Gaveston the king before had banished the realm, for his naughty and Avicked familiarity with his son Edward, and for his seducing of him with sinister counsel ; for which cause he had both banished Peter Gaveston utterly out of the realm, and also had put the said Edward his son in prison, and therefore so straightly he charged his son in nowise to send for tliis Gaveston, or to have him in any case about him. And finally, Rash vow because he had conceived in himself a vow to return in his own Edward: pcrsou to thc Iloly Land (which for his manifold wars with the t'o'^e'^clJ- Scots, he could not perform), therefore he had prepared thirty-two "■"^•J •" thousand pounds of silver, for the sending of certain soldiers with Land, his heart unto the Holy Land. This thing he required of his son to see accomplished, so that the aforesaid money, under his ciu-se and malediction, be not employed to other uses. But these injunctions and precepts the disobedient son did not at all observe or keep after the decease of his father. Forsaking and leaving off the war with the Scots, the son, with all speed, hasted him to his corona- tion. Also contrary to the mind of his nobles, and against the precept of his flither, he sent for the aforesaid Peter Gaveston, and prodigally bestowed upon him all that treasure which his fiither had bequeathed to the IIolv Land. He was, moreover, a proud despiser of his peers and nobles ; and therefore reigned unfortunately, as by the sequel of the story here following, by the grace of Christ, shall be declared. Tluis king Edward, the first of that name, leaving
niE UEIGN OF EDWAUT) THE SECONn. 611
beliind him tlircc sons, Thomas and Etlmmul by liis third wife, and luiward Edward by liis first wife, wliom he had sufficiently thus with precepts "
instructed, departed this mortal life, a.d. IDOT, after he had reigned A.D.
nearly thirty-five years ; of whom this epitaph was written : VM7.
" Dull) viguit rex, et vahiit tuii magna potestas, Fraus latuit, pax magna fuit, regnavit honestas."
In the time and reign of this king many other things happened, which here I omit to speak of, as the long discord and strife between the prior of Canterbury, and the prior of Dover, which continued above four years, together with much wrangling and unrpiietness between them. Likewise another like contention growing up between John Romain, archbishop of York, and the archbishop of Canterbury: upon this occasion, that when John, archbishop of York, after his consecration returned from the pope, coming to Dover, contrary to the inhibition of Canterbury, he passed through the middle of Kent, with liis cross borne up, although the story reporteth that he had the king''s consent thereunto, a.d. 1286.
Item, BetAveen Thomas, bishop of Hereford, and John Pccham, arch- bishop of Canterbury, arose another wrangling matter, in the time of this king ; which bishop of Hereford, appealing from the archbishop to the pope, went up to Rome, and on his journey died. Who with less cost might have tanied at home, a.d. 1282.
EDWARD THE SECOND.^
Edward II., son of Edward I., who was born (as is aforesaid) at A.D. Caeniarvon in Wales, after the departure of his father entered upon 1^'*'- the government of the land a.d. 1307, but was crowned not before [Feb.2:)tii. the year next following, by reason of the absence of Robert Winchelsey, ^yn;[.f i'"*' who was banished by king Edward I. ; whereupon the king, this pre- sent year, writeth to the pope for the restitution of the said arch- [r>ec. bishop, for that by an ancient law of the realm the coronation of the A.n.'isor, king could not otherwise proceed without the archbishop of Canterbury, i^y™'^''.! Which Edward, as he was personable in body and outward shape, so in conditions and evil disposition much deformed — as, unsteadfast of word, and liglit to disclose secrets of great counsel ; also, refusing the company of his lords and men of honour, he much haunted among villains and vile personages ; given, moreover, to overmuch drinking, and such vices as thereupon be wont to ensue. And as of his own nature he was to the said vices disposed, so was he much worse by the counsel and familiarity of certain evil-disposed persons ; as first, of Edward Peter or Piers Gaveston beforementioned ; then, after him, of the '.^fciled two Spensers and other ; whose wanton counsel he following, gave counsel, himself to the appetite and pleasure of tlie body, nothing ordering his commonweal by sadness, discretion, and justice ; which thing caused first great variance between him and his nobles, so that shortly he became to them odible, and in the end was deprived of his kingdom. In the first year he took to wife Isabel, daughter of Pliih']) king of France ; with whom, the year after, he was crowned at
(1) Edition 1563, p. 74. Ed. 15S3, p. SGC. Ed. 1596, p. 336. Ed. 1684, vol. i p. IIG.— Ec. VOL. II. T T
642 KFN'o F.nwARn's ixordikate affection to gavestov.
Kdward Westminster by the bishop of Winchester, for that Robert Winchel- ^'' gpy^ archbishop of Canterbury, was yet in exile, not returned home. A.U. Notwithstanding:, tlie barons and lords made first their request to the ^■^^7- king to put Peter Gavcston from him, or else they would not consent to ivter Jiis coronation ; whereupon he was enforced to promise that they should a wicked' havc their requests accomplished, at the next parliament, and so was atoutthe crowned. In the mean season the aforesaid Peter or Piers, bear- k'ng- iriir himself of the king's favour bold, continued triumphing and settini; at light all other states and nobles of the realm, so that he ruled both the king and the realm, and all things went as he would ; neither had the king any delight else or kept company with any but with him ; with him only he brake all his mind, and conferred all liis counsels. This, as it seemed strange unto the lords and earls, so it inflamed their indignation so much against this Peter, that through the exciting of the nobles the bishops of the land did proceed in excom- munication against the said Gavcston, unless he departed the land. Upon the occasion whereof the king, the same first year of his reign, being grieved with the bishops, writeth to the pope, complaining that they had proceeded to excommunication of the said Peter unless he departed the realm witiiin a time certain. What answer the king's letter had from the pope, I find not set down in story. Over and besides, it befel in the said first year of the king that the bishopric of York being vacant, the king gave the office of the treasure to one of his own clerks;^ whereof the pope liaving intelligence writeth to the king, commanding him to call back the same gift ; and withal citeth up to Rome the said clerk, there to answer the matter to a nephew of one of his cardinals, upon whom he had bestowed the said dignity : whcreunto the king maketh answer, " That if such citations and the execution of the same should proceed, to the impeachment of our kingly jurisdiction, and to the prejudice of our lawful inheritance, and the honour of our crown (especially if the deciding of such matters ■which principally concern our estate should be prosecuted in any other place than within this our realm, by any manner of ways, &c.), ccrtes, although we ourselves should wink thereat, or through sufferance permit matters so to pass our hands ; yet the states and nobles of our king- dom, who upon allegiance are obliged and sworn to the protection and defence of the dignity of the crown of England, vill in no wise suffer our right and the laws of the land so to be violated.'" [Dpc. Besides this, the aforesaid pope wrote to the king, complaining
A.D.'iaor. that by certain counsellors of king Edward his father, lying sick Rymer.] ^J^^\ utterly iguoraut thereof, a certain restraint was given out, charging his nuncios and legates, whom he had sent for the gathering of the first-fruits of the benefices vacant within the realm, not hereafter to intermeddle therewith, &c. Whcreunto the king maketh answer, —
Most lioly father, it hath been given yo\i to understand otherwise tlian the truth of the matter is. For most true it is, indeed, that the aforesaid inhi- bition was ratified by good act of parliament holden at Carlisle, upon certain causes concerning the execution of such collections, the said our father not only being not ignorant, but also witting, willing, and of his own mere knowledge agreeing to the same, in the presence not onlj' of his own earls, barons, and states, and commons of the realm, but also your legates and liegcrs being called thereunto.
(1) See Appendix respecting an error in the foregoing statement. — Ed.
PETEU GAVESTOn's BANISHMENT INTO IRELAND. 643
Item, upon otlier letters brought from the pope to the king, for Edward tlie installing of one Peter, a Savoyard, his kinsman, into the bishop- ' ric of Worcester, being then vacant; and withal requiring that if A.D. the said Peter would not accept thereof, the election should be ^^^^- referred to the prior and convent of the same place : — the king [Jan. therewith grieved, maketh answer by his letters to the pope, and a.d.'isos. sundry his cardinals : " That forsonmch as elections of prelates to be ^'^y^^f-J placed in cathedral churches within his kingdom are not to beattcnipted without his license first had and obtained, &c. ;" therefore he could not abide that any such strange and unaccustomed reservations should or could take place in his realm without manifest prejudice of his kingly estate ; requiring further that he would not cause any such novelties to be brought into his kingdom, contrary to that which his ancestors before him had been accustomed to do.
Thus tlic time proceeded, and at length the parliament appointed came, a.d. 13 10, which was the fourth of this king's reign. The arti- cles were drawn by the nobles to be exhibited to the king, which articles were the same as those contained in ' Magna Charta'' and in ' Cliarta de Foresta,' above specified, with such other articles as his father had charged him with before — to wit, that he should remove from him and his court all aliens and perverse counsellors, and that all the matters of the commonwealth should be debated by common counsel of the lords both temporal and spiritual ; and that he should stir no war out of England in any otlier foreign realm, without the common assent of the same, &c. The king perceiving their intent to be (as it was indeed) to sunder Peter Gaveston from his company, and seeing no other remedy but that he needs must yield and grant his consent, Rymen] ' agreed that the said Gaveston should be banished into Ireland. And so the parliament breaking up, the lords returned to their own, well appeased : although of the other articles they could not speed, yet, that they had driven Peter Gaveston out of the realm at this time, it did suffice them.
This Peter Gaveston was a certain gentleman's son of Gascon y ; whom, being young, king Edward I. foi the good service his father had done him in his wars received to his court, and placed him with his son Edward now reigning. Who, in process of time growing up with him, incensed and provoked him to much outrage and wanton- ness ; by whose occasion first he began in his father's days to break the park of Walter, bp. of Chester,^ then lord treasurer of England, and after executor to the king ; for the which so doing the king (as is partly touched before) imprisoned his son, and condemned this Peter to perpetual banishment. Notwithstanding, the young king after the death of his father (as ye have heard) sent for this Gaveston again ; and withal so persecuted this aforesaid bishop, that he clapped him in the tower and seized upon all his goods ; moreover, caused most strict inquisition to be made upon him for guiding his office, wherein if the least crime might have been found, it would have cost him his life. And thus much of Peter Gaveston, and of his origin. Now to the matter.
The king thus separated from his old compeer, that is, from the company of Peter Gaveston now exiled into Ireland, continued iu
(1) See p. .•M3, note (^).— Ed.
644i TK.MVi.Ans nt'nxF.D at taris.
Bdttnrd great mniirniriG: and pcnsivcncss, seeking by nil means possible how to " call liim home a A.D. the same; who did insinuate to the kinp:, that forsomuch as the eail ^^^Q- of Gloucester was a man well loved and favoured in all the realm, if a marriat,'e might be wrought betwixt his sister and Peter Gaveston, it mi kuv^ to have his desire. To make short, Peter Gaveston in all haste was sent for, and the marriage through the king's procuring pro- ceeded between the earFs sister and the aforesaid Peter, albeit, sore Tho pride agaiiist the earFs mind. Gaveston, thus restored and dignified, was Bioii'!"'' so surprised in pride and exaltation more than ever before, that he disdained and derided all other : whose rule and power more and more increased, insomuch that he, having the guiding of all the king's jewels and treasure, conveyed out of the king's jewel-house at ^Vest- iii' spoil- minster a table and a pair of tressels of gold unto certain mer- kin^-r chants beyond the sea, Avith other jewels more, to his behoof; to the treasure-, g^^jj^ impoverishing both of the king and queen and of the land ; and over all that brought the king by mean of his wanton conditions to manifold vices, as adultery and such other like. AVhcrefore the lords, seeing the mischief that daily increased by occasion of this un- happy man, took their counsel together at Lincoln, and there con- Gaveston cludcd to void him again out of England, so that sliortly after he was banished cxilcd again, and went into Flanders; for in France or his own uic^iand. country he durst not appear, for fear of Philip the French king, to queen wliom the qiiecu of England, his daughter, had sent over great eom- et'iiTu'i'i'ie plaints of the said Gaveston, who had so impoverished her and tlic kiflTiIer ^^''"jI^^ eourt, that she had not wherewith to maintain her state. Upon nuiier, of which comi)laint, the French king throurrh all his dominions laid Gaveston. Strait watch to apprehend the said Gaveston ; but he, not unwarned thereof, secretly coasted into Flanders, from whence it was not long but he was fet again by the king, as in further process followeth ; so miich was the king's heart infatuated by this wicked person. Crouched About this year, or the next before, came in first the Crouched Friars. Ffjars ; and also began first the knights of the order of St. John kniphtsof Baptist, otherwise called the knights of Rhodes, for that they by ori o'r ' manly knighthood put out the Turks from the isle of Rhodes. Uhodes. jj^ |.jj^ history of king Edward, this king's father, before precedent, mention was made of pope Clement V., who succeeded after Benedict; also of putting down of the Templars, which in this year happened by Templars tlic mcaus of the French king ; who, as he caused to be burned in the a't'paHs; c'ty of Paris this year fifty-four Templars, with the great master of bWorX" ^^^^ same order, so, by his procurement, the aforesaid pope Clement put down, called a council at Vienne, where the whole order and sect of Tem- plars being condemned, was shortly after, by the consent of all Christian kings, deposed all in one day. After which, the French king thought to make his son king of Jerusalem, and to convert to him all the lands of the said Templars. But Clement, the pope, would thereto not agree, transferring all their lands to the order of Hospitallers, for the great sum of money given for the same.' The cause why these impious Templars were put down was so abominable
(1) Amaud de Pontac [" Chroiio?Taphia a Christo nalo usque ad" MDLXVI.' fol. Paris, 1507, 12mo. Luvaii. VjT'I, sub anno 1310.] — £d.
nunK AXD TYRANNY OF POI'E CLEMENT V. G45
and filthy, tliat for reverence of chaste ears it were better not told, if Edward it be true that some write. Another matter worthy to be noted of like ^'' abomination I thought here to insert, touching a certain nunnery in A. I). France calknl Provines, within which, at the cleansing and casting of ^'^^'*- a fish-pond, were found many bones of young children, and the bodies B„nes of also of some infants as yet wholly unconsumed : upon occasion ^'''i^'fL;" wliereol divers ot the nuns ot the said nunnery, to the number of the lisii- twenty-seven, were had to Paris, and there imprisoned : what became numieV-' of them afterwards I find not in mine author.'
In the same council also, it was decreed by the said Clement, that all cistcrci.m religious orders exempted should be subject to the common law as ueem"^''*" others Avere ; but the Cistercian monks, with money and OTcat gifts, "'"'■".ex-
1 ii- ••! 1 -fi 1111 eniptions.
redeemed their privileges and exemptions ot the pope, and so had them granted.^ These Cistercians sped better herein, than did the Mi- The i\ri- norites of the Franciscan order in their suit, of whom, Avlien certain decehl-d qf them had offered unto the said pope Clement forty thousand florins |l^g^j"^',';t of gold, besides other silver, that the pope would dispense with them to have lands and possessions against their rule, the pope asked one thief them. Where was that money .'*'' They answered. In the merchant- anou'er.'' men's hands. So the space of three days being given them to bring forth these merchants ; the pope absolved the merchants of their bond made to the friars, and commanded that all that money should be employed and should revert to his use ; declaring to the friars that he would not infringe nor violate the rule of St. Francis lately canon- ized, neither ought to do it for any money. And thus the beggarly rich friars lost both their money and their indulgence."*
Concerning this pope Clement V. Sabellicus* writeth, that he ex- clement communicated the Venetians for aiding and preferring of Azo, marquis n^,^°[J?at. d"'Este, unto the estate of Ferrara ;* and wrote his letters throughout all eth the Europe, condemning them as enemies of the church, and giving their for maic- goods as a lawful prey unto all men ; which caused them to sustain Jju^e great harm. But Francis Dandolo, a nobleman of Venice, being ambassador from the Venetians to the said Clement, for the obtain- ing of their absolution and the safeguard of their city and country, and for pacifying the pope's fury towards them, was fain so to humble himself before this proud tpannical prelate, that he suffered a chain pHde of iron to be tied about his neck, and to lie down flat before ranny of liis table, and so to catch the bones and fi-agments that fell from his clement. table, as it had been a dog, till the pope's fury towards them was Francis assuaged ; so that after that, in reproach, because he so himibled f^^n\\t°i\\ himself for the behalf and helping of his country, he was of some ''imseir. called a dog. But the city of Venice showed themselves not unkind Picty of in return to Dandolo for his gentle good-will declared to his to^ws"'" country ;^ for, as he had abased himself before, in the vile and ^^'^"jjj,',^^ ignominious condition ofadog, for his country's sake, so they extolled him with as much glory again Avhen he returned home, decking and adorning him after the best array, with the chief princely ornaments of the city, to make him amends for his former reproach received.^
Concerning the constitutions of this pope Clement, and his decretals
(1) Parker's Antiquitates Britannicae, anno 1310. Sec Appendix.— Ed.
(2) ExChron. Thonu-eWalsin-ham. (:f) U.id. (4) Ibid. (5) Sabel. Eiinead. 9, lib. 7. (6) See supra, p. 485.— Ed.
(7) Out of HMliollicii.s, and is allejjcd in the book named tlie " Iina^'e of Tyranny.
646 U- A I, I Kit, UISIIOI' OF COVKNTItY, EX( OM M UNICATED.
Edward and Clementines, and liow Henry the emperor, in his davs, was
'. — poisoned in reeeivintr tlie saerament, ye have heard before.' About
A. D. this time I{ol)ert \Vinelielsey, arelibisliop of Canterljurv, vliom tliis '•^^'- kini^'s father liad banished before, was released, and returned home from Home,
These things thus declared, let us proceed, by the Lord's grace, to the next year (a.d. 1311), and the fifth of this king's reign. The In tliat year, counting the year from Michaelmas to the same feast ^"he"^ agjiin, as then the usage of the realm was, Peter Gavcston, who had in^idT"' wandered the countries about, and could find no safe resting-place »'"'«•• (notwithstanding that, upon forfeiture of life and goods, lie Avas chaciinas. Utterly bauislicd out of the realm, yet trusting to the kinif's favour, and the good will of the carl of Gloucester, whose sister he hacl married), secretly returning into England with a certain company of strangers, presented himself to the king's sight. On beholding him, the king for joy ran to him, and embracing liim, did not only retain him, but also for his sake undid all such acts as liad been, in the par- liament before enacted.^ The queen and the whole court seeing this doating of the king, made a heavy Christmas. After this return of Gaveston was noised among the commons, tlic peers and nobles of the realm were not a little stirred, casting with tlicmsclvcs Avhat way it were best to take. If he were still suffered, they saw not only themselves rejected, but also that the queen could not enjoy the love of the king, neither could there be any quietness in the realm. Again, to stir up war in the land, it were not the best ; to vex or disquiet the king also they were afraid. But forasmuch as they could not abide that all the nobility should be so thrust out and vilipended for the love of one stranger, and also that the realm should be so spoiled and impoverished by the same, this way they took : namely, that Thomas, earl of Lancaster, should be elected among them as the chieftain, and chief doer in that business; to whom all other earls, and barons, and i)relates also, did concordly condescend and consent, except only ^Valter, bishop of Coventry, whom Robert the archbishop,
The arch- on that account, afterwards did excommunicate. This Thomas of Lan- b,Hi.opof cagter^ ijy ti^c p^i^iig jjggg^j. ^f ^^^ j.^g^^ gpj^^ ^^ ^j^^ j.j^^ ^^j^^^ j^.^^^
r'o,»mu." ^^ ^'^'■''^^ humble petitions in the name, as well of the whole nobility nicateth US of tlic comuions, dcsiriug his gi-ace to give the aforesaid Gaveston bishop of unto them; or else, according to the ordinance of the realm, that the Coventry. Jand miglit bc voldcd of him. But the tyrannous king, who set more by the love of one stranger than by Ins whole realm besides, neither would hearken to their counsel, nor give place to their sup- plications ; but in all hasty fury removed from York to Newcastle, where he remained almost tdl INIidsummer.
' In the meantime, the barons had gathered an host of sufficient and able soldiers, coming toward Newcastle; not intending any molestation against the king, but only the execution of the laws upon the wieked CJaveston. The king, not having wherewith to resist their power, removeth in all speedy manner to Tynemouth, where the queen was; and, hearing thcrcthat Newcastle was taken, he taketh shipping, and saileth from thence, notwithstanding the queen there, being great with child, with wecjung tears, and all instance, desireth
> > ■ Page 608.-ED. 2; Ex Chron. Tho. WalMnehain.
PETEIl GAVESTOX HEHr.ADEO. (i47
liim to tarry with lier, as safely as lie iinght ; but Lo, notliimr Edward relenting to her, took Peter, his compeer, with him, and coasted over "' to the castle of Scarborough ; where, leaving Peter Gaveston to the -^J^- safe keeping of his men, he himself journeyed toward the coast .llliii. beside Warwick. The lords, hearing where Peter was, bend thither Peter all their power ; so that, at length, Gaveston seeing no remedy, but t^ken^lT that he must needs come into their hands, yieldcth and subniitteth '1'^"°" himself; requiring only this one condition, that he might talk a few words with the king in his presence. Thus Gaveston being appre- hended, the king hearing thereof, sent unto the lords, requiring his life to be spared ; and that he might be brought to speak to him, The king and promised that on their so doing, he would satisfy their minds etll^ur' and requests in all things whatsoever. About this, advisement was ^™- taken : but the earl of Pembroke, hearing the king''s promise, per- suaded the barons to yield to his petition ; promising himself, upon pain of losing all his lands, to take the charge upon him of bringing Gaveston to a conference with the king, and so to recommit him to them again: which when he had obtained, he taketh Peter Gaveston with him, to bring him where the king lay ; and so coming to Dedington, not flir from Warwick, he leaveth him in the keeping of his soldiers, while he that night went to his wife, being not far off from thence. The same night it chanced that Guy, earl of Warwick, came Gaveston to the same place where Gaveston was left ; who, taking him out of f,P{',jfgj the hands of his keepers, carrieth him to the castle of Warwick, ^v Avhere incontinent they would have put him to death ; but doubt- ing and fearing the king''s displeasure, they staid a little. At that time one of the company (a man of sage and wise counsel, as mine author writeth) standing up among them, with his gi-ave oration declareth the nature of the man, the wickedness of his own condition, the realm by him so greatly endamaged, the nobles despised and re- jected, the pride and ambition of the man intolerable, the ruin of things like to ensue by him, and the great charges and expenses they had been at, in so long pursuing and getting him ; and now, being gotten and in their hands, he exhorteth them to use and take the occasion now present; as hereafter, being out of their hands, they might seek, and should not find it.
Briefly, in such sort, he so persuaded the hearers, that forthwith Gaveston he was brought out, and by common agi-eement beheaded in a place ed!'^^** called Blakelow ; which place in other stories 1 find to be called Gavcs- head ; but that name, as I think, was derived upon this occasion, after- ward. And thus he that before had called the earl of AV^arwick the black dog of Arden, was thus by the said dog worried, as ye have heard. His carcase the Dominic friars of Oxford had in their monastery interred for the sjjace of two years ; but, after that, the king caused the said His carcase to be taken up and bm-ied within his own manor of Langloy. 5^^'j ;„ After this, great disturbance bcmn to arise between the kinij: ^in'l thekinsi's
' O o o manor oi
the lords ; who having their power lying about Dunstable, sent stout LanKiey. message xmto the king at London, to have their former acts con- firmed. Gilbert, earl of Gloucester, the king's nephew (who neither did hold against the king, nor yet against the nobles), with the bishops and prelates of the realm, went between both parties with great diligence to make unity. At this time, also, came two cardinals
f)l8 mnrii oi kint, F.nwARn in.
Jdu-.trj from Rome, with letters sent unto tlicm fVoiii the pojie. The
'. — nol)h-s answered to the luessjxge of tlie cardinals, lying then at St.
A- n. Alhan'.s ; that, as touching themselves, they should be at all times
• welcome to them ; but as touching their letters, forasmuch as they
were men unlettered, and only brought up in war and feats of arms,
The thereh)re they cared not to sec the same. Then message was sent
'"'tiera ag:iin, that they would at least grant but to speak with the pope's
nn.i It- leirates, who j)ur|)osely came for the intent to establish quiet and
^J'ltes, not "^ . . , ' ' •' f,,, , . 1
iiii..«..i umty in tlie leann. 1 hey answered again, that they had bislio])s imili.'sof both godly and learned, by whose counsel only thev would be led; Knyiiimi. .jjj,j ^^^^ ],y jjj^y straugcrs, who knew not the true cause of their com- motion. And, therefore, they said precisely, that they would have no foreigners or aliens to be doers in their business and affairs per- taining to the realm. Yet, notwithstanding, through the mediation of the archbishop and of the earl of Gloucester, the matter at length Avas so taken up, that the barons should restore to the king, or to his attorney of St. Alban's, all the treasure, horses, and jewels of the aforesaid Gaveston taken at Newcastle ; and so their requests should be granted. And so was the matter at that time composed.
Shortly after, Isabel the queen was delivered of a fair child at Nov'i'sth; ^Vi"^lsor, whom Louis, the French king's son, (the queen's brother, A. i). 1.112. with other Frenchmen there present) would have to be called bv the name of the French king ; but the English lords were contrary, willing him to be called by the name of Edward, his father. At the birth of this Edward there was great rejoicing throughout the land, and especially the king his father so nuich joyed thereat, that he begim daily more and more to forget the sorrow and remembrance of Gavestou's death, and was, after that, more agreeable to the will of his nobles.
Thus peace and concord between them began to be in a good Tiickin- towardness; which more and more might have been confirmed in foreil'.I^ ]irocess of time, had not Satan, the author and sower of discord, counsel, ^tirrcd up his instruments (certain Frenchmen, titivillcrs, and make- baits about the king), who ceased not, in carping and depraving the nobles, to inflame the king's hatred and grudge against them ; by the exciting of whom the old quarrels being renewed afresh, the king, in his parliament called upon the same, began to charge the aforesaid barons and nobles with sedition and rebellion, and for slaying Peter Gaveston. Neither were the nobles less stout again in defending their cause, declaring that they in so doing had deserved rather thanks and favour with the king than any displea,sure, in vancjuishing such a jjublic enemy of the realm ; who not only had spoiled and wasted the king's substance, but also had raised much disturbance in the realm ; and, forasmuch as they had begun with the matter to their so great labour and expense, they would proceed further, they said, not ceasing till they saw an end thereof. To be short : great threats there were on both parts, and a foul matter had like to have followed; tVohtor ^"^ •'i^rain, through the diligent mediation of the queen, the prelates, jKracf. and the aforesaid earl of Gloucester, the matter was taken up and ^«!.if-'"^ '>'"0"ght to reconcilement upon these conditions, that the lords and diVj'«ith barons ojienly in Westminster Hall should humble themselves before liolus. the king, and ask pardon there of tlu ir doings, and that every man
A GUKAT FAMINE IN ENGLAND. 649
there should receive a letter of the king's pardon, for their indemnity iC'hr.ird
and assurance. And so passed over that year, within wliicli died '.
Robert Wincliclscy, archbishop of Canterbury; in whose room Thomas A. D. Cobham was elected by the king and church of Canterbury to sue- ^''^^^- ceed ; but the pope frustrating the election, placed Walter Reinold, bishop of AVorcester.
In the mean time, the Scots hearing this civil discord in the rcahn, a.d.isis. began to be busy, and to rebel anew through the means of Robert p^IfliJlJ'," Bruce, who being chased out of Scotland by king Edward I., as is in a com- above premised, into Norway, was now returned again into Scotland, wealth. where he demeaned himself in such sort to the lords there, that in ^^11^"°^^ short process he was again made king of the realm, and warred so aRainst strongly upon those that took the king's part, that he won from them ^"^land. many castles and strong holds, and invaded the borders of England. The king, hearing this, assembleth a great power, and by water en- tereth the realm of Scotland ; against whom encountered Robert Bruce with his Scots at Estrivelin', where was fought a strong battle, Engiish- in the end whereof the Englishmen Avere discomfited, and so eag-erly Zme^^' pursued by the Scots, that many of the noblemen were slain, as the ^^^,;'^l;''j-^|; earl of Gloucester, Sir Robert Clifford, Sir Ednmnd Maule, with a. d." other lords to the nimiber of forty-two, and knights and barons two ^^'*'-' hundred and twenty-seven, besides men of name, Avho were taken prisoners ; of common soldiers ten thousand, or, after the Scottish story, fifty thousand slain. After that, Sir Robert Bruce reigned as king of Scotland. About that time, and in that year, died pope pope cie- Clement, who, keeping in the realm of France, never came to the see "/^Jg'^ ^^i of Rome ; after whose death the papacy stood void two years. |^'^ Ji'^^^^ee
The Scots, after this, exalted with pride and fierceness, invaded a.d.isu. the realm of England so sorely, killing and destroying man, woman, and child, that they came winning and wasting the north parts as fiir as to York. Besides this, such dearth of victuals and penury of all Mise- tliings oppressed the whole land, such murrain of sheep and oxen, dearui that men were fain to eat horse-flesh, dogs, eats, mice, and what else ^^^IJ^- tliey could get. JNIoreover, such a price of corn followed withal, that the king hardly had bread for the sustentation of his own household. Moreover, some there were that did steal chikh-en and eat them, and many, for lack of victual, died. And yet all this amended not the king of his evil living.
The cause and origin of this gi-eat dearth, was partly the wars and itsoii- dissension between them and the Scots, whereby a great part of the ^"'' land was wasted. But the chiefest cause was the intemperate season of the year, which, contrary to the eonnnon course, Avas so moist with abundance of rain, that the grain laid in the earth could have no ripening by heat of the sun, nor grow to any nourishment ; so that they who had to eat, could not be satisfied with fulncss,_but cflsoons were as hungi-y again. They that had nothing were driven to steal and rob ; the rich were constrained to avoid and diminish their households ; the poor for fiimine died. 2 And not so much the want of victuals which could not be gotten, as the unwholesomencss of the same when it was taken, so consumed the people, that the quick were not sufficient to bury the dead ; for the cf)rrui)tion of the meats,
(1) " Estrivelin," Stirling.-Ec. (2) Ex Chron. Tho. Wals. in Vita EdwarUi U.
6o0 'III I. WIIITK fiATTLE.
KdiKird hy reason of tlic unscasonublcncss of the ^ouiul, was so infectious
" that many iliecl of the flux, many of hot fevers, divers of the pesti-
A. I), lencc. And not only the bodies of men tliereby were infected, but -liilL. also the beasts, by the putrefaction of the herbs and grass, fell into as ajeat a murrain, so far forth as that the eating of flesh was suspected and thought contagious. A quarter of corn and salt, from the month of .Iiuie to Sei)tembcr, rose from thirty shillings to forty shillings. 'I'he flesh of horses was then jirccious to the poor. Many were driven to steal fat dogs, and to eat them. Some were said, in secret corners, to cat their own children. Some would steal other men's children to kill them and eat them privily. The prisoners and thieves that were in bonds, for hunger fell upon such as were newly l)r()ught in unto them, and, tearing them in pieces, did eat them half alive, liriefly, this extreme penury had extinguished and consumed (as it Avas thought) the greatest part of the people of the land, had not the hing, by the statute of the Londoners, given forth command- ment through all his land, that no corn should at that time be turned to the making of drink. Such a Lord is God, thus able to do, where lie is disposed to strike. And yet we miserable creatures, in our wealth and abundance, will not cease daily to provoke his terrible Majesty.
lint let us return again to the order of our story. After the Scots
had thus plagued miserably, as ye have heard, the realm of England,
they also invaded Ireland, where they ke])t up and continued war the
srots space of four years. But in fine, the Lishmen (by aid sent to them
ouVof ^^'om England) did quit themselves so well, that they vanquished the
Ireland. Scots, aud slcw Edwaixl Brucc, and many of the nobles of Scotland,
with many others, and drove the residue out of the country.
A n.i.iiu. 'J'he king, about the twelfth year of his reign, assembled a new
host, and went into Scotland, where he laid siege to Berwick. But
in the mean time, the Scots, by another Avay, invaded the marches
of Yorkshire, robbing and harassing the countrv, and thev slew
much people. AVherefore the archbishop of York, and others, tlie
abbots, priors, clerks, Avitli husbandmen, assembled a great company,
t|;jp'- and gave them battle at a place called Mitton, where the Englislimen
were discomfited, and many of them slain ; but the archbishop and
The the abbot of Selby, and divers others there, escaped. So many
ija'ttic of spiritual men were slain there, that it was called the White Battle ;
jn.'ii'hr' ^"^ reason whereof, the king on hearing of it, and partly because
York- winter did aiiiu-oach, was constrained to raise the sicffc : and so re-
shire. * i ^ '^i ^ ^ i °
turned, not without gi-eat danger.
The two At this time the two Speusers (sir Hugh Spenser the father, and pensers. jj„g], Spcuscr the soii) wcrc of great power in England, and by the favour of the king practised such cruelty, and bore themselves so liaughtily and proudly, that no lord of this land might gainsay them in anv thing that they thought sjood ; whercbv they were in Lneat iiatred and indignation both with the nobles and the commons, no
J^l^^ less than Peter Gaveston was before.
it-Kates Soon u])i>ii tliis caiue two legates from Rome, sent by mmc
spoiled of J ,,,,.' , o ' "^ T-. '
their ill- .loim AAIJ., under pretence to settle an agreement between Eng-
tfcMure. '''"^^ ^'"' Scotland ; who, for their charges and expenses, recjuired of
every spiritual person four-j^cnce in every mark. But all their labour
CLERGY RKFUSE TO CONTRIBUTE TO THE LEGATES. Gol
nothing availed ; for the legates, as they were in the north parts Edward
(about Darlington) with their whole family and train, were robbed ' —
and despoiled of their horses, treasure, apparel, and what else they ^; '•*• had, and with an evil favoured handling, retired back again to — - — '— Diu-hani, where they staid awhile, waiting for an answer from the Scots. But when neither the popc''s legacy, nor his curse, would The take any place with the Scots, they returned again to London, where J^}.'^^ they first excommunicated and cursed as black as soot all those arro- tuntemn- gant and presumptuous robbers of Northumberland. Secondly, for Scots, supplying of the losses received, they exacted of the clergy, to be given and paid unto them, eight-pence in every mark. But the clergy cierpy of thereunto would not agree, seeing it was their own covetousncss (as J^"ui'""^ they said) that made them venture further than they needed. Still tocon- they Avcre contented to relieve them as iar as four-pence in a mark, Diepopi's as they promised before; further tlicy would not grant: whereof ''^'''"'^''*' the king being advertised, and taking part Avith his clergy, directed his letters to the said legates in form us folloAveth : ' —
Letter of the Kin"' to the Leratcs.
O o
The king to Master Rigaud of Asserio, canon of Orleans, greeting : Ave have A prolii- takeu notice of tlie clamours and lamentable petitions of the subjects of our bition realm, perceiving by the same that you practise many and sundry inconve- strange niencies very strange, never heretofore accustomed, nor heard of in this our taxes and realm, as well against the clergy and ecclesiastical persons, as against the laity, ["oJJ!!^'" even to the utter oppression and impoverishing of many of our liege people ; which if it should be winked at, as God forbid, may, in process of time, be occasion of greater jierils to ensue ; Avhereat we are (not without cause) moved, and not a little grieved. We forbid you, therefore, that from henceforth you practise not, nor presume in any case to attempt any thing within this our realm, either against our clergy or laity, that may in any manner of way tend to the prejudice of our royal person, or of our crown and dignity regal. Witness the king at Windsor the sixth day of February, in the 11th year of his reign.
Per concilium.
Likewise in the same year the said king writeth to the same effect to the archbishop of Canterbury, as followeth : ^ —
Letter of the King to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
The king to the reverend father in God, W. by the same grace archbisliop of Canterbury, primate of England, greeting : We are credibly informed by many of our subjects, that certain sh-ange impositions, never heard of before within any of our dominions, upon lands and tenements, goods and chattels, concerning the testaments and cases of matrimony, are brought into our realm to be executed upon our subjects by you or some others; which, if it should proceed to execution, would manifestly tend to the disherison and impeach- ment of our crown and dignity regal, and the intolerable damage of the sub- jects of our realm, to the due preservation of the which you are bound by solemn oath of allegiance. We therefore command and straitly charge you, that you proceed not in any case to the execution of any such letters, either in your own person, or by any other, nor yet presume, by coknir of tlie same, to attempt any thing that may be prejudicial or hurtful to our crown or dignity regal. And if you, or any other in your name, have done or attempted any thing by colour of the same, that ye call back and revoke the same forthwith without delay. Witness the king at Shcne, the I7th of February, the eleventh year of his reign. Per ipsum regem.
(1) Rex Magistro Rigando de Asserio, canonico Aurelian salutctn. f^c.
(2) Rex voiieiabili in Christo patri, W. eadem gra. Hrchiepiscopo Cant., &n
Ct^Q, A TIIOiniMTION AGAINST IKTEU-PKNCE.
K^u-ord The like letters in effect were directe.l to tlic arclibisliop of York,
__!-_ and to every other bishop tlirou-^diout England ; by ibrce of which
A- 1>. letters the greedy legates being restrained of their ravening purpose,
i^^S- taking what they could get, and settling a peace, such as it was,
between the king and the earl of Lancaster, were fain to pack.
Besides the restraint above mentioned for strange impositions, there followed, moreover, the same year, the king's prohibition for the gathering of Peter-pence, directed to the aforesaid legate the tenor whereof fblloweth. A Prohibition against extortion in gathering the Pope's Pcter-pcncc.'
The king to Master Rigaiid of Asserio, canon of Orleans, greeting : We are given to understand that you do demand and pin-])ose to le\'y the Petcr-penp.y within our realm, otlierwise than the said Peter-penny hath been hcretofoi e accustouied to be leued in the time of any our progenitors, exercising herein grievous censures ecclesiastical, to the great annoyance and daumifying of tlie subjects of our realm ; for present remedy whereof our loving subjects ha\ e made their humble supplication unto us. And forasmuch as the said Peter- penny hath been hitherto accustomed to be gathered and levied upon lands and tenements within our realm after a due manner and form, we, not willing that any such unaccustomed impositions shall in any wise be made upon the lands and tenements of any of our subjects within our domini(ms, prohibit you, upon grievous pain, straitly charging that in no wise you presume to exact, gather, or levy the said Peter-penny in any other fonn or manner than hath been heretofore accustomed to be gathered and levied in the time of our proge- nitors, or since the beginning of our reign, until further order be taken in our high court of parliament by the advice of the nobles and peers of our reahn, such as may well be taken without prejudice of our crown and damage of subjects. Witness the king at Westminster the first day of March.
Per ipsum regem et concilium.
Letters to the same effect were directed to the archbishops, deans, archdeacons, and the rest of the clergy.
Touching the first original of this Peter-pence, though mention be
made before in the life of king Offli and others, yet to make a brief
rccapitnlation of the same, according to the rolls as they come to our
hands. ^ It is found recorded in ancient chronicles touching the
Peter-pence of St.Pcter(A.D.793),thatOffiv, king of Mercia, travelled
Kiadbc- up to Rome in the time of pope Adrian L to obtain the canonizing
Hves".*''^ of St. Alban ; and having performed his vo^v, visiting the college of
kingoiTa, English students which then flourished in Rome, he did give to the
Ktiiei-"'' maintenance of the scholars of England, students in Rome, one penny
out of every tenement within this realm, that had land belonging to
it amounting to the yearly value of thirty pence. And for this his
munificence he obtained of pope Adrian, that no person within his
dominion public, repenting him for not performing enjoined penance,
should therefore be banished.'
(1) " Hex Mapistro Rifjando." (2) De denariis boati Petri sic scriptam, &"c.
(3) A.D. 857. "" AdewulfilS rex Westsaxonum. tempore Lconis papae quarli, Roniam singulis aiinis 300 niancusas porlari pra-cipit, taliter dividendas ibidcin : viz. 100 iiiancusas in honorem scilicet Petri, spccialiter ad eincndum oleum, quo implerentur omnia luminaria ecclesiiE aposlolicne in vespura Pasclie ct in palli cantu; et 100 niancusas in honorem scilicet Pauli oisdem de causis ; 100 preterea mancusas pracipit cxhiheri universali Papcc ad suas elcemosynas ampliandas. Kt BCiendum, (juod secundum antiquorum Anplorum interjirelationem dilferuiit mancusa et manca, (|uia mancusa idem erat apud ei>s quod marca argentea : manca vcro erat moneta aurca quadra, et valchat communiter 30 dcnarios arijenteos.
or this Peter-pence is found a transcript of the original rescript apostolical, the tenor whfreof is this: " Gregorius episcopus, servus scrvorum l3ei, vencralSilibns fratribus Cantuar. et Ebor. archicpiscopis et eorum sulTraganeis, et dilectis filiis abbalibus, prioribus, arcliidia- coiils, curumquc ollicialibus per reguum Angli;e constitutis, ad quos litera; istx pervcutrint,
wolf
TWENTY-TWO OF THE NOIill.ITY PUT TO DEATH. Co3
Concerning this Pctcr-]>cncc, it is touclied in the laws of king Evhimrd Edward tlic Martyr, cliap. 10, wlicn, Avlicre, of whom, and under ''' what pain, this Pctcr-pcncc must be gathered ; being but the king's ■^•,';^- mere alms, as is aforesaid. And thus much touching Pctcr-pcnce. ^' ""• Now for other letters written by the king to the pope, the same year, for other matters, as craving the pope's help in compounding flic variance betwixt the two archbishops of Canterbury and York, for bearing the cross from the one province to the other, thus it fol- loweth : that the king grievously complaineth, that such luu-ly-burly and uproar arose thereof, that they could not meet together in one place through the great multitude of armed men, assistants on both parts in the very bearing of the cross, to the great disturbance of the people.
Now after this long digression, to tm-n to our English matters again, mention was made before of the variance between the king and the earl of Lancaster, and of a peace conchuled between them. But this peace did not long endure, which the king by his own default did break, sending to the Scots a privy messenger (who was taken in the Avay), to have the aforesaid earl of Lancaster, by their means made away with.
In the mean time the lords and nobles of England, detesting the Pride or outrageous pride of the Spensers, whereby they wrought daily both sers.^'"^'" great dishonour to the king, and hinderance to the commouAveal, in such wise conspired against them, that gathering their power together, they made a request to the king, that he should remove the Spensers from his person. For this there was a parliament called at London, rJ"'*' and the barons came together with a great company ; at which parlia- a. d*. mcnt both the Spensers were banished the land for the term ot their '^^'■•' lives, and they took shipping at Dover, and so voided the land. But not long after, the king (contrary to the ordinance made in the parliament) sent for the Spensers again, and set them in high authority ; and they ruled all things after their sensual appetites, nothing regarding justice or the commonwealth. The barons, there- fore, intending again to reform this mischief, assembled their powers ; but the king (making such hasty s])eed, and gathering his people so soon) was stronger than they, and pursued them so in divers places, that the barons, not fully joined together (some flying, and some departing to the king, some shiin by the w^ay), in the end were chased so eagerly, that in short space the aforesaid Thomas, earl of Lancaster, was taken, A.D.1322. and put to death with the rest of the nobility, to the number of tAvo T^cnty- and twenty 01 the greatest men, and chieiest captams 01 this realm ; tcrtiitost of Avhom only Thomas, earl of Lancaster,^ for the nobility of his "r tue'^ blood, was beheaded, all the other lords and barons being hanged, {q''',',"!„'J"' drawn, and quartered, &c. This bloody unmercifulness of the king i)y the toward his natural subjects, not only procured to him great dishonour '"''■
salutem et apostoHcam benedictioncm. Qualiter denarii beati Petri, qui debentur camera: nostrae, colligantur in Anglia et in quibus episcopatibus ct dioces. debeantur, ne super hoc dubitari contingat, et prfesentibus fecimus annotari, sicut in registro sedis aposfolica; continetur. De Cantuar. dioces 11. 18«. sterlingorum. De London, dioces. 16/. 10s. De Roffens. dioces. 51. 12s. Ue Norwiccns. dioces. 2U. 10*. De Elienuni. 5/. De Lincoln. 42/. De Cistrens. 8/. De VVinton. 17/. 6s. Srf. De Exon. 9/. 5s. De Wigorne. 10/. 5s. De Hereford. 6/. De Hathon. dioces. 12/. 5«. De Sarisbur. 17/. De Coventre. 10/. 5s. De Eborac. lU. 10s. Datum apud urticm vetereni. JU Kal. Mail Pontiticatus nostri anno secundo. Summa, 30 '300] niarca2 et dimidi." (1) Thomas, earl of Lancaster, came of Edmund, youuijer son of king Henry 111.
Goi TIIK KIN'O DISTRESSED IN' SCOTLAXD.
EJu„rd witliin the real in, but also turiutl aftorwanls to his much greater "■ hann and hinilcrance, in his ibreign wars against the Scots ; and, A.I), finally, wrought his utter confusion, and the overthrow of his seat 1.323. royal, as in the sequel of his end appeared, and worthily. His cruel After the ruin of these noble personages, the king, as though he rejoicing, jjj^j (rotten a great concjucst (who then indeed began first to be over- come and concjuered himself, when he so oppressed and cut off the streiiLTth and sinews of his chivalry), began to triumph not a little with the Spcnsers; and, to count himself sure as though he were in heaven, to exercise more sharp severity upon his subjects, trusting and committing all to the counsel only of the aforesaid Spensers, inso- much that both the queen and the residue of the nobles covdd little be regarded ; who, as they grew ever in more contempt with the king, so they increased more in hatred against the Spensers ; but strength and ability lacked to work their will. * n 1323. 'I'he next year the king, being at York, after he had made Sir Hugh Spenser an carl, and Sir John Baldock (a man of evil fame) to be chancellor of England, raised a mighty liost against the Scots ; but for lack of skilful guiding, expert captains, and for want especially The king of duc provision of victuals necessary for such an army, the great elTalain multitude, to thc uumbcr reckoned of a hundred thousand (wan- in Scot- derinff throuffh Scotland, from Avhence the Scots had conveyed all their goods and cattle into mountains and marshes), were so pinched and starved with famine, that a gi-cat part of the army, presently perished ; and they that returned home, as soon as they tasted of meats, escaped not. The king not having resistance of his enemies, and seeing such a destruction of his subjects, was forced, without any act done, to retire, lint in his retiring, Sir .James Douglas and the Scots having knowledge thereof, pursued him in such wise, that they slew many Englishmen, and had well nigh taken the king himself. After this distress, the king, thus beaten and wearied with the Scots, would fain have joined in truce with the Scots ; but because they stood excommunicated by the pope, he standing in fear thereof, desired license to treat with them of peace, notwithstanding the said excommunication : which license being obtained, a treaty was appointed by commissioners on both parts at Newcastle, at the feast [M-iy of St. Nicholas next ensuing ; and so truce was taken for thirteen A. n. years. Whereupon this is to be noted by the way, gentle reader, not J323.] unworthy of observation, that whereas in former times, and especially in those of the late king Edward I., so long as the Scots were under the pope"'s blessing, and we in displeasure with his holiness for dealing with them, so long we prevailed mightily against them, even to the utter subversion in a manner of their whole estate. But now so soon as thc pope took our part, and the Scots were under his curse and oxcomnumication, then gat they greater victories against us than at any time either before or since ; insomuch as that being before not able to defend themselves against us, they now pursued us into the bowels of our own country.
The king puqiosing to erect a house of friars Augustine, within thc town of Boston in Lincolnsliire, first prayed the pope's license in that behalf
Polydore Virgil, among other histories of our English nation
PRINCE EDWAIID IMADE DUKE OF AUUITATNK, ScC. 655
wliich lie intermccldletli with, prosecuting also the acts and life of ^dwara
this present king, and coming to write of the queen's going over '- —
into France, inferreth much variety and diversity of authors and A.D. story-^\Titers concerning the cause thereof. Otherwise, he giveth ^"^^ • lumself no true certainty of that matter, neither yet toucheth he that v°'>;f,°™^ svhich was the real cause ; by reason partly, that he being an Italian Italian, and a foreigner, could not understand our English tongue, and ])artly oJt EnV again, being but one man, neither could he alone come to the sight ^^-^l^*^" of all our Latin authors. One I am sure came not to his perusing, an old ancient Latin history fairly written in parchment, but without name, belonging to the library of William Cary, citizen of London. In that story, the truth of this matter, Avithout any ambiguity, is fully and with all circumstances expressed, as here briefly is in- serted.
The king of England had been divers and sundry times cited up A.D.1324. to the court of France, to do homage to the French king, for the dukedom of Aquitaine, and other lands which the king then held of France ; which homage because the king of England refused to tender, the French king began to enter all such possessions as the king then did hold in France : wliere\ipon gi-eat contention and conflicts there were, on both sides. At length, in this year now present, a parliament was called at London, where, after much alter- cation, at last it was determined, that certain should be sent over, to wit, the bishops of Winchester and Norwich, and the earl of Rich- mond, to make agreement betwixt the two kings ; for the better help and fortification of which agreement, it was thought good afterwardj?, that queen Isabel, sister to Chai-les, then the French king, should be sent over. Here is to be noted, first, that the queen's lands and possessions and castles a little before, upon the breach between the French king and the king of England, were seized into the king's hands, and the queen put to her pension, &c. Thus the queen Ti.e
T^i ^ ^ 1 ics'TT queen put
being sent over with a few to attend upon her, only feir J onn to iicr Cromwel, baron, and four knights, took their passage to France ; by g^."'7o'' whose mediation it was there concluded, that the king of England, France, if he would not himself come to do his homage, should give to his son Edward the dukedom of Aquitaine and the earldom of Pontigny: Prince and so he to come to make his homage to the king, and to possess njaje"" the same. This being in France concluded, was sent over by ^J^jaLe message to the king of England, with the king's letters patent aj."j\j'"^i adjoined for the safe conduct of him or of his son. Upon this, u^ny!' deliberation was taken in the council of England; but the two Spensei-s fearing to take the seas with the king, or, without the king, to remain behind, for fear of the nobles, so appointed, that prince Edward, the lung's son, was sent, which happened afterwards to their utter desolation, as it followed: for all things being quieted and ordered according to the agi'eement in France, king Edward of England, soon after Michaehnas, sendeth for his wife and his son again out of France. But she, sending home most part of her family, xue refuseth herself to rctum ; for what cause it is not fidly certain, 'J,\j'",",e whether for indignation that her possessions and knds were seized to i.;;^'^^/^^ the king, as is before premised ; or whether for fear and hatred of the «^;'^'"|^''^'^' Spensers, as is likely ; or else for love and iamiliarity of Sir Roger "^ "" *
G.'jf) THK Urr-KK ASM) nUNCF. PROCLAIMED TUAITOKS.
Kiiirard MortiiTior. VoT \\CTC 13 to bc notccl, that the said Sir Udf^cr Mor-
. /': timer, with divers others of the barons"' part, who had broken prison
A. D. in England, were fled before into France, and now resorted unto the _K limitetli a certain day to the queen and his son to return ; or else to be proclaimed traitors to the king and to the realm. Notwithstanding, the queen persisting in her purpose, denieth to return, unless the other nobles who were fled might bc ])ermitted safely also to return rnxiaim- wth her ; whereupon the king immediately caused them both to be ron"in proclaimed traitors, and all them that took "their parts. England. Hcrc thcu began great hatred between king and king, between the king and the queen, much preparation of war, great spoiling on the sea, much sending between the pope and them ; but that would not The king serve. Then the king, by the counsel of the Spensers, sendeth priviw^''^ privily to procure! the death of the qiieen and of his son, which the death sliould bc wrouglit by the execution of the earl of Richmond, the queen quccu's familiar; but as the Lord would, that imagination was ]u-c- ui's'son. vented and utterly frustrated. Albeit, the queen, yet notwithstanding (whether misdoubting what corruption of money might do in the court of France ; or whether the French kmg, being threatened by the king of England and by the pope, durst not detain her), removed from thence, and was received with Edward her son, joyously and A.D.1325. honourably in the court or country of the carl of Heinault. There. Prince by nicans of such as were about her, a marriage was concluded betrothed bctwecu tlic Said Edward her son, being of the age of fourteen years, oar?of ^^fl Philippa, the aforesaid carPs daughter. When this was noised a!i*it"8 ^" England, divers men of honour and name came over to the queen ; daughter, and, soou after, the carl of Heinault prepared a crew of five hundred men of arms to set over the young prince with his mother into England. Of this the fame sprang shoitly through the realm ; where- fore the king in all defensible ways made pro\ision to have the havens and ports of his land svu-ely kept, to resist the landing of his enemies. On the contrary side, the queen, with no less preparation, provideth all things to her expedition necessary ; who, when she saw her time, speeding herself to the sea-coast with prince Edward her son, lord Ednumd earl of Kent the king's brother. Sir Roger Mortimer, the lord Wygmorc, and other exiles of England, accompanied also by the aforesaid Heinaiddcrs, of Avhom Sir .Tohn of Heinault, the carFs brother, was captain, having with her of Englishmen and strangers the number of two thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven soldiers ; she took shipping in those parts, and had the wind so favourable, that The tlicy landed in England at a port called Orwcl, beside Hanvich in turning, Suffolk, in the dominion of the earl marshal, in the month of i^Eng- ^("ptcmber ; to whom, after her landing, resorted earl marshal the lAnd. earl of Leicester, with other barons, knights, and bishops also ; namely of Lincoln, Hereford, Durham, and Ely. The archbishop of Canterbury, though he came not himself, yet sent his aid and money. A.D.1.126. Thus the queen, well furnished with plenty both of men and victuals, The king ^^^^^^^^ forward toward London ; so that the further she came, the destitute" more her number daily increased, and the king's power contrarily and^soi- decreased ; in '•'"*• all the realm could be hired with any wages to fight on the king s behalf
THE queen's letter TO THE LOXDONEUS. G~U
against the queen, ncitlier did tlic queen"'s army hurt any man or cliikl, Eiiwnrd cither in goods or any other thing, by the way. '
At the arriving oi' the queen, the king was in London, who first A.l). would not believe it to be true. Afterwards, seeing and perceiving ^'^-^^- how it was, he a.skcth help of the Ijondoners, who, after mature advisement, rendered this answer to the king again : that as touching Answer the king, tlic queen, and their son, the lawful heir of the kingdom, i.ondon- they were ready, with all duty and service, to honour and obey. As Jj'-J,,'°"'^ for strangers and traitors to the realm, tliey would receive none such within their city gates. Furthennore, to go out of the city to fight, that, they said, they would not, unless it were so, that according to the liberties of their city, they might return home again before sun- Liberties set. The king hearing this answer (which liked him not well), "fi'omion fortifieth the Tower of London with men and victuals, committing |j] ^°'^'" the custody thereof to John Ealtham, his younger son, and to the wife of Hugh Spenser, his niece ; and leaving Walter Stapleton, bishop of Exeter, behind him, to have the rule of the city of London, he himself, hearing daily the great recourse of the people that drew to the queen, for more safeguard to himself, fled with a small com- pany westwai'd, towards Wales. But, before his departing from Tiie London, he caused a proclamation to be made, wherein all and singular procia- ])ersons were charged, upon forfeit of life and goods, every man with '"^"''='- all his power to rise and invade the rebels and destroy them all, only the lives of the queen, his son, and his brother, reserved. Also that no man, upon pain pretaxate, should help, rescue, or relieve the said rebels, with goods, victuals, or otherwise. Item, it was also pro- claimed, that whosoever would bring to the king the head and body of Sir Roger Mortimer, either dead or alive, should have out of the king's coffers a thousand pounds.
In contrariwise, the queen setteth forth another proclamation. The wherein it was forbidden to take or spoil violently the value of any pj^ij^a-* man's goods against the will of the owner, under pain of losing his nation, finger, if it were three-pence; of his hand, if it were sixpence; of his head, if it wTre twelve-pence. Moreover, whosoever would bring to the queen the head of Hugh Spenser the younger, chopped off from his body, should receive of the queen for so doing, two thousand pounds. This done, the queen sendeth her letters to the city of London for aid and succour to subdue the oppressor of the realm, to which letters at first no answer was made. Again^, she wrote the second letter, which was then tacked upon the cross in Cheap, which was then called the new cross ; the copy and tenor of which letter was this :
Copy of a Letter that the Queen sent unto the Mayor and Citizens
of London.
Isabel, by the gi-ace of God, queen of England, lady of Ireland, and countess of I'ountif. And we Edward, the first son of the king of England, duke of Guienne, earl of Chester, of Poiuitif, and of Mounstvell, to the mayor and all the com- monalty of London, send greeting. Forasmuch as we have before fliis time sent to you by our letters, and how we come into this land in good array, and good manner, for the prolit of holy church, and of our right dear lord and king, and all the realm, with all our niight and strength to keep and maintain the realm, as all good people ought for to do ; njion that, we ])ray you and desire you that ye would be helping to us for the heallli and profit of tbe realm ; and
VOL. II. U U
658 TIIK SPENSERS, FATHER AND SON, EXECUTED.
Edward we havc liad none answer of you, nor know not youi- will in that part : wherc-
'^- fore we send to yon again, and pray you, and charge you, tliat je hear you so
. jj against us, that yc have no nor make cause us to grieve, but tliat ye be to
y.U-7 us helping in alf the ways that you may. And wete ye well in certain, that
'■ we, and also those that cometh with us into this realm, iiotliing for to done,
but that shall be pleasing to God, and common prolit to all the realm ; not else, hut lor to destroy the Spensers, enemies to the realm, as ye well know. Wherefore we pray and charge you, in the faith that ye owe to our lord the king, to the crown, and tons, and upon all that ye may forfeit, that if Hugh Spenser, both the father and the son, our enemies, come within your power, that ye do them hastily to he taken, and safely kept, till we have ordained for them our will, as ye desire profit and honour of us, and of the realm. Understand- ing well, if it be so, that ye do our desire and prayer, we shall the more be beholden to you. And also we shall do you profit and worsliip if that ye send us luistily word again of your will.
Given at Baldocke, the sixth day of October.
Bishop of These aforesaid letters being published and perascd, the bishop of ^'ifcadcd Exeter,' to whom, as ye heard, was committed the nile of the city, standard ^^"^ ^^ ^^^ Hiayor for the keys of the gates, using such sharp words in Cheap, in the king''s name, that variance began to kindle between him and the citizens ; so much so that the commons in their rage took the bishop and beheaded him and two of his household at the Stan- dard in Cheap. Then the king went to Bristol, and ordained Sir Hugh Spenser the father, to keep the castle and town there ; and the king, with Hugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock, the chan- cellor, and the earl of Arundel, went into Wales. The quecn''s forces so pursued them, that they first took the town, yielded up to Hugh her ; then they took Sir Hugh Spenser the flither, whom, being drawn ufe^'fl"' '^""^l torn, they at last hanged up at Bristol, in chains of iron. As ther, tlie Iciiur was thus flvino:, the queen caused to be proclaimed through- ciiains. out hcr armv, that the king should come and appear, and so receive his kingdom again, if he would be comfortable to his liege subjects: who when he did not appear, prince Edward, his son, was proclaimed high keeper of the realm. The king In the mean time Henry earl of Lancaster, and brother to the good waL"g.'" earl Thomas, avIio before was beheaded, also lord William Souch, and Master Uphowel, were sent by the queen into Wales to pursue the king, and there they took him, and sent him to the castle of Kenil- Avorth ; and took Hugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock the chancellor, and Sir John, earl of Arundel, and brought them all to the }iuKh town of Hereford. Soon after, Hugh Spenser the son, Avas drawn, the 8M? ^^^^ hanged on a gallows fifty feet high, and afterwards beheaded executed, and quartered, whose quarters were sent into the four quarters of the realm. Sir .Tohn of Arundel was beheaded, and Sir Robert Baldock was put in Newgate at London, where, shortly after, he rjan.7th, pjncd awav and died among the thieves. This done, a parliament 1327.] Avas assembled at London, from whence message was sent to the king, that if he would resign up his croAvn, his son should have it after him ; if not, another should take it, to whom the lot would give it : where- upon tlic king, being constrained to yield up his crown to his son, was kept in prison, and after had to Barkley ; where he is said to have taken great repentance. After this message being sent, and the king half
(1) This bishop of Exeter builded in Oxford two colleges, Exeter College, and Hart Hall; his name was Gualter Stapleton.
KING F.DWARD II. IMI'UISONEl) AXD DEPOSED. 659
condescending tlicrcunto (the parliament notwithstanding prosecuting Edward
and going forward), there was a bill exhibited and put up, containing : —
certain articles against the said king, then in i)rison in the castle of A. D. Barkley, touching his misbehaviour and imprudent governmg of the *'
realm ; which bill openly before the lords and commons, by the ^^{jUJj,^^ speaker of the parliament house, was read. After long consultation in ti.e thereupon amongst themselves touching those articles, and also for m'-ut' the better and more circumspect government of the realm from that f,';g'^'j^[g time forth, it was consulted and agreed u])on by the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons there assembled, that the said Ed- ward was a man not meet to be their king, nor from that time forth any more to bear the crown royal, or title of a king; but that Edward The king his eldest son, who there in the same court of high parliament was by'tlie present, as he was rightful heir and inheritor thereunto, so should he !;i'J,',\%„,j be crowned king thereof in his father"'s stead, with these conditions ti's s n thereunto annexed : that he should take wise, sage, and true coun- ciiosen sellors unto him, that the realm might be better and more circum- ^"'° speetly governed, than before in the time of Edward his father it Avas; and that the old king, his father, should be honourably provided for and kept, so long as he lived, according as unto his estate it apper- tained, &c. These and other things thus finished and ended, the parliament breaketh up, and all things necessary, and to the corona- tion of a prince appertaining, were in speedy wise prepared, whereof more hereafter (Christ Avilling) shall be specified.
In the mean time as touching the king, who was yet in prison, it is thought by some writers, that the next year following, by the means f^"^-'^*' of Sir Roger Mortimer, he was miserably slain, by a spit, as it is said, i32r.] being thrust up into his body, and was buried at Gloucester, after he had reigned nineteen years.
In the time and reign of this king, the college of Cambridge, called iMichaci
o c>~ ^ o ^ /--, House
Michael House, was founded and buildcd by Sir Henry Stanton, ;„ canU knight, to the use and increase of learning, a thing in a common- l"^^^^^ wealth very profitable and necessary to be had ; the want and need ''> J^||"'^'^[y whereof, many sundry times, is sooner felt in this realm of ours and other realms abroad, than is the discommodity thereof of most men commonly understood.
About the same time also was Nicolaus de Lyra, who wrote the ordinary Gloss of the Bible : also Gulielmus Ocham, a worthy divine, and of a right sincere judgment, as the times then would either give or suffer.
In the tractation of this king's history, it was declared before what grudge did kindle in the hearts of the barons against the king, for revoking such acts and customs as had been before in the parliament established, both for Peter Gaveston, and for the two Spensers. Also, what severe punishment the king did execute upon them for the same, in such cruel and rigorous sort, that as he spared none of those whom he could there find, so he never ceased all his life after to inq\iire out and to be revenged of all such as had been in any part or consenting to that matter. ' For this his extreme and implacable tyranny, he was Ty.rj>"jY^ in such hatred of all the people, that, as he said, he could not find ";,'"p,!o-" one of all the commons to take his part, when need required. Among p'*-"- others who were for that matter troubled, was one Adam, bishop of
u u 2
6G0 THK BISHOr CI- IIKltKl-OIU) fONDlOMXKD BY TIIK KIN'G,
Edward Hereford, who beini^ iinpcaclicd of treason with others bcsiiles, was at
''' length arrested in the ])arlianient to appear and answer to that wliich
A. I), shoukl be to him objected. Many things were there laid against him,
^^~7. foj, taking part with them that rose against the king, with more matters,
and heiiKtus rebukes, &c. ; Avhercunto the bishop for a great wliile
answeretl nothing.'
Form of At length the bishop, claiming the liberties and privileges of the
whe'ra elaireli, answered the king in this form ■.'■^ — " The due reverence of your
bishop princely majesty ever saved, I, an humble minister and meml)er of the
leifResthe lioly churcli of God, and a bishop consecrated (albeit unworthy), can-
Sf'uilf^''' "ot, neither ought, to answer to these so high matters without authority
church „{• tijp archbishop of Canterbury, my direct judge next under the high
secular " l)ishop of Komc, whosc suffi-agau also I am, and the consent likewise of
^"^^'^' the other my fellow-bishops."''' After these words by him pronounced,
the archbishop and other bishops with him were ready to make humble
•Hie intercession for him to the king, and did. But when the king would
rescued '^^t be wou uor tm-ned with any supplication, the said bishop,
by the together with the archbishop and the clergy, coming with their crosses,
took him away, challenging him for the church, without any more
answer-making ; charging moreover, under the censures of the church
and exconnnunication, none to presume to lay any further hands upon
Tiie king him. The king, moved with this boldness and stoutness of the
et™7ii clergy, commandeth, notwithstanding, to proceed in judgment, and
iglfnst"' the jury of twelve men to go upon the inquiry of his cause ; who
•V^, finding and pronouneinir the bishop to be guiltv, the king caused
iinmetliately all his goods and possessions to be confiscated unto
himself : moreover, he made his plate and all his household provision
to be thrown out of his house into the street ; but yet he remained
still under the protection and defence of the archbishop, &c.
This archbishop was Walter Reynold ; after whom succeeded Simon Mepham. in the same see of Canterbury, a.d. 1328.*
After pope Clement V., by whose decease the Romish see stood vacant, as ye have heard, two years and three montlis, next was elected pope JohaXXII.,'*a Cistercian monk, who sat in that papacy eighteen A new- years. He was stout and inflexible, and given so much to the heap- ["Jre^x to iiig up of riches, that he proclaimed them heretics who taught that afrist"' Christ and his apostles had no possessions of their own in this world, and the At tliis time was emperor Louis of Bavaria, a worthy man, who, with had^n" this popc, and others that followed him, had no less contention than had pos^el- Frederic before mentioned, in the tinie of king Henry HI. ; inso- gions much that this contention and variance continued the space of four and twenty years. The cause and first origin of this tragical conflict, arose upon the constitution of Clement V., the predecessor to this pope ; by whom it was ordained, as is before mentioned, that emperors, by the Ger- man princes elected, might be called kings of the Romans, but might not enjoy the title or right of the empire to be nominated empe- rors, without their confii-niation given by the pope. Wherefore, this emperor, because he used the imperial dignity in Italy, before he was
(1) Ex Tho. Walsing.
(2) " Ego sanctiE ecclesiae Dei minister liuniilis, menil>rum ejus, et episcopua consecratus, licet indignu pontitin-ni niei directi judicis, cujus etiam sum suffraganeus, autoritate, et alioruni parium meo- run) episropnrum consensu."
(.1) Ex Tho. Wal-singham. (I) A.D. 1314, c;ilk-d .Toh;i XXI. Ed.
STiiiKi'; liirrwKKx tiik vopk and tiik kmpf.uor. 661
authorised by the ])ope, the said pope therefore excommunicated him. Edward
And notwithstanding" the emperor oftentimes did proffer himself to _
make entreaty of peace and concord ; yet the pope, inflcxibk% would A. 0. not bend, i'lie -writings on both parts be yet extant, wliciein tlic ^'^'^''"' said bishop doth make liis vaunt, that he had full power to create and strife be- deposc kings and emperors at his pleasure. In the same time were pope'anu' divers learned men, who seeing the matter, did greatly disalloAv the ''^^J^/"" doings of the bishops of Rome ; among whom was William Ocham, whose traciations were afterwards condemned by the pope, for writing against the temporal jurisdiction of their see ; as did another, named Marsilius Patavinus, who wrote the book entitled ' Defensor Pacis,'' which was given into the hands of the said emperor ; wherein the controversy of the pope's unlawful jurisdiction in things tem- poral is largely disputed, and the usurped authority of that see set forth to the uttermost. It is found in some Aviiters, that a gi-cat cause of this variance first beg-an, for that one of the emperor's secretaries, unknown to the emperor, in certain of his letters had likened the papal see to the beast rising out of the sea, in the Apo- calypse. At length, when the emperor, after much suit made to the -jhe pope at Avignon, could not obtain his coronation, coming to Rome, crowned he was there received with great honour ; where he, with his wife, j^^^'^",' ^j were both crowned, by the full consent of all the lords and cardinals the pope, present ; and moreover, another pope was there set up, called Ni- coals V. After these things done, the pope, not long after, departed at Avignon in France ; after whom succeeded Benedict XII.,' a monk of the Benedict order, and reigned seven years ; Avho, by the counsel of Philip, the French king, confirmed and prosecuted the censures and cursings that John, his predecessor, had published against Louis, the emperor : moreover, he deprived him of his imperial crown, and also is dcpii- of his dukedom of Bavaria. The emperor upon this cometh to ^enosel Germany, and assembling the princes electors, dukes, bishops, nobles, and the learned, in a council at Frankfort, tliere declared before them, a council out of the ancient laws and customs of the empire, how it standeth J^rl!""''' only in the princes electors, and in no others to elect the kings or '^^'c the emperors of the Romans (for in both these names there was no piotesta- difference), so that the same electors, in choosing the king of the '""'■ Romans, did also elect and choose the emperor ; which emperor, so by them constituted, had lawful right, without any information of the apostolical see, to exercise the administration of the empire. And if he were lawfully elect, he ought to be anointed by the Roman bishop ; which if he do refuse, then might he be anointed and declared emperor and Augustus by any other catholic bishop thereunto ap- pointed, as by the old manner and custom hath been ; especially seeing these injunctions are only certain solemnities added and invented by the bishops, for a token of unity between the cluu-ch and empire, to govern and defend the faith togcthei-. Wherefore, in that the emperor sweareth to the bishop of Rome, in that is to be under- stood no homage or fealty made to the bishop, but only that it is a sacrament and a promise given to defend the faith ;^ which oath or sacrament so given, giveth no majority to the pope in any temporal rule, but only bindcth the emperor to be prompt and ready to defend
(1) A. D. 1335.— Ed (2) Ei Hicron. Mario.; et ex Craul.'.io
662 THE TROUBLES OF LOUIS THE EMPEROR.
F.,iu„ni the faith and cluiroli of Clirist, -svhcn need shall require obedience. " Wherefore, whereas the pope leaneth only to the electors' authority A. I), to make the king of Romans, and taketh upon himself alone power Ji!li- to make the emperor ; that, as it is newly brought in and devised of late by pojie Clement V., so is it contrary both to all ancient order, and also derogatory to the liberty and majesty of the sacred empire. A'^aiu, neither is that also less absurd and contrary to all right and reason, that the pope, in time of the imperial seat being vacant, taketh upon him to have the whole and hdl doings of the empire, as lawful emperor for the time ; which prerogative and function, by ancient orders of our ancestors, should properly and only appertain to the Palatine of the Rhine ; the constitution Clementine of the afore- said ])ope Clement to the contrary notwithstanding. Then, in the end, for his own excuse, he, in the presence of them all, reciteth the public confession of his foith, to answer and purge himself of those objections laid to him by the pope. This did the meek emperor Louis in that council. Yet, all this notwithstanding, the said em- peror remained still excommunicate, till the time that variance liappened between this pope Benedict and Philip, the French king. Wherefore, to make his party good, at least to have some friends to flee to, he began to pretend ftivour and absolution, ratJier for necessity than for any good will to the emperor. But, not long after, this pope died ; of whom this epitaph was made : —
" Hie situs est Nero, laicis mors, vipcra clero, Devius a vero, cupa repleta niero."
Trouble After Benedict followed pope Clement VI.,' a man most furious thc'emi^- and cruel ;^ who renewing the excommunications of his predecessors, ^"^- caused his letters to be set upon church-doors, wherein he threatened and denounced most terrible thunderbolts against the said Louis, the emperor, unless within three days he should satisfy to God and the church, and renounce the imperial possession of the crown. The emperor upon this cometh to Frankfort, and there, ready to stand in all things to the ordinance of the pope, sendeth his orators to the court of Rome, to entreat the pope's favour and good will towards him : to which messengers the pope answered again, that he would never pardon the emperor, before he gave over and confessed his errors and heresies, and, resigning up his empire to his hands, would submit himself, his children, and all his goods, to the will and plea- sure of the bishop ; promising that he should not receive again any part of the same, but upon his good grace, as his will should be to restore them. Heresy of The hcrcsy hcrc mentioned, which was to this emperor objected InakinR'" ^V ^he popc, was this ; because (as is above touched upon) he used a't^nst'' ^^^ executed the imperial dignity after his election, before he was the em- by tlic pope Confirmed. Over and besides, the pope sendeth to the ''^™'" emperor, by the said orators, a certain form of a bill contained in writing with certain conditions, which he commanded to be given into the hands of the emperor. Here, if the emperor Louis had had as much mind to set upon the pope with dint of sword, as he lacked
(IJA.D. li«2— Lo. (2) Ex Chron. de sex nuiiidi cetatibus, cui tit. ' Rudimcntum Novitiorum.'
ACCUSED BY TIIK POPE A3 A HERETIC, 663
neither occasion nor power so to do, Avhat blood might have been Edward spilt ! But the good emperor, sparing the effusion of blood, re- ^'' ceiveth gently the bill ; and not only with his seal doth confirm it, A. n. but also swcareth to observe all the conditions thereof; which the ^'^'^^- pope hearing of, doth greatly marvel. But yet all this would nothing Proud help to mollify the modest heart of this Pharaoh. \IV14^.
The princes and electors, seeing the bill of the articles and condi- tions, whereof some sounded to the malicious defacing and destruc- tion of the empire, and abhorring the wickedness tliercof, desired the emperor to stand to the defence of the imperial dominion, as he had begun, promising that their assistance and aid to the uttermost thereunto should not lack. Upon that other orators were sent to pope Clement from the princes, desiring him to abstain from such manner of ^•'^- ''■"^• articles conceived against the state and majesty of the empire. The The em- pope, surmising all this to spring from Louis the emperor, to the cused by' utter subversion of him and all his posterity, on Maundy-Tliursday for i"*^® blustereth out most black curses against him ; also he renewcth all heretic. the former processes of his predecessor against him, as against both a heretic and a schismatic : commanding, moreover, the jninccs electors to proceed in choosing a new emperor. The archbishop of Faithful Mentz, seeing the innocency of the emperor, would not consent to shop of the violating of his majesty ; wherefore he was deprived by the pope ^^^\. of all his dignities. The other bishops electors, as the archbishop corrupted
of Cologne, who took eight thousand marks, with the duke of Saxony,
who took two thousand marks, being con'upted with money by John, king of Bohemia, elected Charles, the son of the said John ; whom pope Clement eftsoons in his consistory did approve. Who seeth The pope, not here what matter of war and bloodshed was ministered by the of^ducora pope between these two emperors, if the patience of Louis had not been more prudent to quench the fire, than the pope was to kindle it ? Charles then, the new emperor elect, sped him to Aix-la-Chapelle, according to the custom, there to be cro^^^led ; but by the citizens there and the empress (the wife of Louis keeping thereabout) he Avas repelled. All this happened in the time and reign of Edward IIL, king of England ; against whom the said Charles, with the French king, and the king of Bohemia, set on by the pope, encountered in Apin war ; where the king of England had against them a noble victory, up^vars. and slew a great number of the Frenchmen and Alniains, and put Charles, the new emperor, to flight. In the mean time, among the charies, princes and citizens of Genuany what sorrow and what complaints emperw were against pope Clement and those electors, cannot be expressed ; }j"y°^ for as they were all together at Spires congregated in a general the Eng- assembly, so there was none among them all, that allowed the elcc- '*™^"* tion of Charles, or that cared for the pope's process ; promising all to adhere and continue faithful subjects to Louis, their lawful emperor. But Louis, remembering his oath made before to the pope"'s bill, Louis, voluntarily and willingly gave over his imperial dignity, and went to empcvor Furstenfeld; where, shortly after, through the procured practice of f,^j'|JJ,^. pope Clement (as Hicronymus Marius doth write), poison was given P'ro- him to drink ; after which being drunk, when he would have vomited u poi- out and could not, he took his horse and went to hunt the bear, *■"'"■'' ' thereby, through the chafing and heat of his body, to expel the
with money.
and
blood.
664 Tin; kmi-kuou an'd his succr.ssou klect poisonkd.
i:d,rard vcuoiu. Aiul tliorc the jjootl and jxcntlc emperor, wickedly \nn-so-
. iL' cutcd and murdered of the pope, fell down dead,' whom 1 may well
A.D. account amon^s^ tlic innocent and blessed martyrs of Christ; for if
^•'^50. the cause being righteous doth make a martyr, what papist can justly
L"uu, disprove his cause or faith P If persecution joined thereunto causeth
nnlf^™^ martvrdom, what martyr could be more persecuted than lie, who,
martyr. ]mvi,',jr three popes like three ban-dogs upon him, at length was
devoured bv the same ? The princes hearing of his death, assembled
themselves to a new election, who, refusing Charles aforesaid, elected
Giintcrus another for emperor, named Gunterus de Monte Nigro, who, shortly
"ni *o°""^ '^*^^'^" iiilli^g ^i'-'l^ ^^ Frankfort, was likewise poisoned through his
cnipiror. pliy.sician"'s scrvaut, whom the aforesaid Charles had hired with money
i.H poi- to work that feat. Gunterus tasting of the poison, altliough he did
soiled, partly cast it up again, yet so much remained within him, as made
liim unable afterwards to serve that place ; wherefore, for concord's
sake, being counselled thereto by the Germans, he gave over his
eiii]Mre to Charles, for else, great bloodshed was likely to ensue.
This Charles thus ambitiously aspiring to the imperial seat contrary
to the minds of the states and peers of the empire, as he did wickedly
and unlawfully come by it, so was he by his ambitious guiding, the
Kiiin of first and principal mean of the utter ruin of that monarcliy ; for that
iini^em- ^e, to have his son set up emperor after him, convented and granted
the'^lim'^ to the princes electors of Germany all the public taxes and tributes
cause of the empire. This covenant, being once made between the einj^eror
and them, they afterwards held so fast, that tliey caused the em])eror
to swear never to revoke or call back again the same : by reason
whereof, the tribute of the countries of Germany, which then belonged
only to the emperor for the sustcntation of his wars, ever since to
this day is dispersed diversely into tlie hands of the princes, and to
the free cities within the said monarchy ; so that botli the empire being
disfurnishcd and left desolate, and the emperors weal
they have neither been able suflficiently since to defend themselves,
nor yet to resist the Turk, or otlier foreign enemies. Of this a great
part, as ye have heard, may be imputed unto the popes, &c.^
The year Tliis popc Clcmcnt first rcduccd the year of jubilee to every fiftieth
reduced^ year, whicli before was kept but in the hundj-edth year ; and so he
limerii ^^i"o absent at Avignon (which lie then purchased with his money
year. to the scc of Rome), caused it to be celebrated at Rome, a.d. 1350.
I'iiijrims In that year were numbered, of peregrines going in and coming out
year.'" cvcry day at Rome, to the estimation of five thousand. The bull
of pope Clement, given out for this present year of jubilee, proceedcth
in these words : —
Abomi- ^^'llat person or persons soever, for devotion sake, shall take their percgrina- }'?''''', ^'"' ^'"" ""'" ''*'' ''"'y mousbuJl '"^ '"".^ ciioosc unto him what confessor or confessors either in the way or oi pope where else he listeth : unto the which confessors we grant, by our authority, Clement, plenary power to absolve all cases papal, as fully as if we were in our proper person there present. Item, we grant that whosoever being truly confessed coin-'^''^ sliall chance by the way to die, he shall be quit and absolved of all his sins- iiiandeth Moreover, we command the angels of paradise to take his soul out of his body, geu!'"' '^'•"'"S •'absolved, and to carry it "into the glory of paradise, &c.
(I) Louis of liavaria died a.d. 1317. — Ed. (2) Hieronyiiius Marius.
BLASl'ilEMV OV POPE CLKMENT THE SIXTH. 665
And in anotlicr bull lie saitli, — , Edward
We will, that no pain of hell shall touch him : granting, moreover, to all and a t\ singular person and persons signed with the holy cross, power and authority to vj'or'
deliver and release three or four souls, whom they list themselves, out of the '—
pains of purgatory, &c. oiblas-
tlie i)ope !
This Clement, as mine author affirmeth, took upon him so pro- digally in his popedom, that he gave to his cardinals of Rome bishoprics and benefices Avhich then were vacant in England, and began to give them new titles for the same livings he gave them in England ; wherewith the king, as good cause he had, was offended, and undid all the provisions of the pope within his realm;' com- The king manding, under pain of imprisonment and life, no man to be so [hepopc. luirdy, as to induce and bring in any such provisions of the pope, any more within his land. And under the same punishment he charged the two cardinals to void the realm, (a.d. 1343). In the same Tenths of year all the tenths, as well of the Templars as of other spiritual men, goodf' wxre given and paid to the king through the whole realm. And p^cb to thus much concerning good Louis, emperor and martyr, and pope "^ "'^' Clement VI., his enemy ; wdierein, because we have a little exceeded the course of years whereat we left off, let us return somewhat back again, and take such things in order as belong to the church of Eng- land and Scotland, setting forth the reign of king Edward III., and the doings of the church which in his time have happened, as the grace of Clirist our Lord w'ill assist and enable us thereto.
This aforesaid king Edw^ard II. in his time builded two houses oriei-coi- in Oxford for good letters, to wdt, Oriel-College, and St. Mary- If^jfary-
Hall. Hall in
Here I omit also by the way the fm-ious outrage and conflict which buiwed happened in the time of this king, a little before his death, a.d. 1326, Edw.u. between the townsmen and the abbey of Bury; wherein the towns- {Jo™^e°- men gathering themselves together in a great multitude (for what tweenthe cause or old grudge between them, the register doth not declare), abbey ^Jr invaded and sacked the monastery. And after they had imprisoned ^^^' the monks, they rifled the goods and treasure of the whole house, spoiling and carrying away their plate, money, copes, vestments, censers, crosses, chalices, basons, jewels, cups, masers, books, with other ornaments and implements of the house, to a value unesti- mable:^ in that conflict, certain also on both sides were slain. Such was the madness then of that people, that when they had gathered unto them a great concourse of servants and light persons of that country to the number of twenty thousand, to whom they promised liberty and freedom ; by virtue of such writs as they had out of that house, first they got into their hands all their evidences, copies, and instruments, that they could find ; then they took off the lead ; that done, setting fire to the abbey-gates, they burned up nearly the whole house. After that they proceeded to the farms and granges belonging to the same abbey, whereof they wasted, spoiled, and burned to the nmnber of two and twenty manor-places in one week ; trans- porting away the corn, horses, cattle, and other moveables belonging to the same, the price whereof is registered to come to 922/. 4*\ lie?.
(1) Ex Chron. Wals. in Vit. Edw. III. ',21 Ex Latino quodani registro.
C)C)C) Tin: AUBOT OF KUUY ROBBED, AND CARRIED AWAY.
EHwnrd bcsiclcs tlic valuatinn of other riches and treasures within the abbey,
i(.
whicli cannot be estimated.
again
A. D. The abbot was all this space at London, in the parliament, by ^^-7. whose procurement ut length such rescue was sent down, that twenty- four of the chief of the town (submitting themselves) were committed to ward ; tliirtv carts-full of the townsmen were carried to Norwich, of whom nineteen wore there hanged, and divers convicted were put to prison. The whole township was condemned in seven-score thou- sanil ])ound.s, to be paid for damages of the house. John Berton, alderman, and W. Hcrling, with thirty-two priests, thirteen women, and one hundred and thirtv-eight others of the said town were out- lawed ; of whom divers, after grudging at the abbot for breaking promise with them at London, did confederate themselves together ; and privily, in the night, coming to the manor of Chcnington, where the abbot did lie, burst open the gates, and entering in, first bound The abbot all liis family. After they had robbed him of all his plate, jewels and a°,d'"'''' money, they took the abbot and shaved him, and secretly conveyed awi'^"to ^'"^ away with them to London ; where they, removing him from Brabant, strcct to strcct uuknown, from thence had him over the Thames into Kent : at length over the sea they ferried to Dist in Brabant, where they a sufficient time kept liim in much penury, misery, and thraldom; till, at length, the matter being searched out, they M-ere all excom- municated, first by the archbishop of Canterbury, then by the pope. H^fi'n^*^'^ At last it being known where he was, he was delivered and rescued by his friends out of the thieves' hands, and finally brought home with procession, and restored to his house again : and thus was that abbey with the abbot of the same, for what demerits I know not. vexed and afflicted about this time, as more largely I have seen in their Latin register. But thus much briefly; the rest I omit here,' passing over to the reign of the next king.
EDWARD THE THIRD.^
A. 1). CoxcERNiXG the acts and story of king Edward IL, his deposi- I3L'7. tion, and his cruel death, wrought by the false and counterfeit letter of Sir Roger Mortimer, sent in the king's name to the keepers, for the which he was afterwards charged, drawn, and quartered, I have written sufficiently before, and more, peradventure, than the profession of this ecclesiastical history will well admit. Notwithstanding, for certain respects and causes, I thought somewhat to extend my limits herein the more ; whereby both kings, and such as climb to be about them, may take the better example by the same ; the one to have the love of his subjects, the other to learn to flee ambition, and not bear themselves to brag of their fortune and state, how high soever it be : considering with themselves nothing to be in this world so firm and sure, that may promise itself any certain continuance, and that is not in perpetual danger of mutation, unless it be fastened by God's protection.
(1) About the latter end of this Edward II oeaseth the history of Nic. Trivet, and of Flor. Hist.
(2) Edition 1563. p. 7». Ed. 1583. p. 374. Ed. 1696. p. 344. Ed. 1684. vol. i. p. 428.— Ed.
I'DWAKU THE THIRD CROWNED. 667
After the suppression of tliis king, as is above expressed, Edward Edward his son was crowned king of England, being about the age of fifteen, ^^^' who reigned the space of fifty years, and was a prince of much and A.D. great temperance, in feats of arms very expert, and no less fortunate ^•^^^- and lucky in all his wars, than his father was unfortunate before him. For liberality, also, and clemency, he was worthily commended ; briefly, in all princely virtues, famous and excellent. Concerning the memorable acts of this prince, done both in war and peace, as hoAv he subdued the Scots, had great victories by the sea, conquered France, a. d. 1332, won Calais, a.d. 1348, and translated the staple thither, took the French king prisoner, and how the French arms first by him were brought in, and conjoined with the English arms ; also how the order of the garter first by the said king Avas invented and ordained, a.d. 1356, also, a.d. 1357, how the king, in his parlia- ment at Nottingham decreed, that all such, in Flanders or elsewhere, as had skill in making cloth, should peaceably inhabit the land, and be welcome (for three years before that, it was enacted, that no wool should be transported over the sea ; which was, to bridle the pride of the Flemings, who then loved better the sacks of avooI, than the nation of Englishmen) : all these things, with other noble acts of this worthy prince, although in other chronicles they be fully treated of, yet, according to that order Avhich I have begun (saying some- what of each king''s reign, although not pertinent to our ecclesiastical history), I have here inserted the same ; making haste to other mat- ters, shortly and compendiously abridging them out of divers and sundry authors together compacted, mentioned in this wise.
The coronation and solemnity of king Ed^vard III., and all the pomp thereof, was no sooner ended, but Robert Bruce, king of Scotland, understanding the state and government of the realm to be, as it was indeed, in the queen, the young king, the earl of Kent, and Sir Roger Mortimer ; and that the lords and barons, as he was informed, did scarcely well agree amongst themselves, although he grew now in age, and was troubled Avith the falling disease, yet thought he this a meet time for his purpose, to make invasion : hoping for as good success and like victory noAv, as but lately before he had at the castle of Eustrivelin.^ Whereupon, about the feast of Easter, Defiance he sent his ambassadors with heralds and letters of defiance to the ^-n^of young king Edward III., the queen, and the council ; declaring, that sooFs. his purpose was, with fire and sword to enter and invade the realm of England, &c. The king, queen, and council, hearing this bold defiance, commanded in all speedy preparation musters to be made throughout all the realm ; appointing to every band captains conve- nient, and at the city of York, by a day assigned them, commanding every man to be, with all their necessary furniture, ready and thoroughly provided. They directed their letters also with all speed to Sir John of Heinault, requiring him, Avith such soldiers and men- at-arms as he might conveniently provide in Flanders, Heinault, and Brabant, to meet the king and queen, upon the Ascension-day next ensuing, at their city of York.
The king and queen made speedy preparation for this expedition ; the noblemen provided themselves Avith all things necessary there- unto ; the English captains and soldiers, their bands thoroughly
(1) stilling.— Ed.
GCS
INVASION OF KNGLAND BY THE SCOTS,
Edtrard III.
A.D. 1327.
The king uiid queen at York, with an army of sixty tliousand men, to meet the kini; of Scots.
Great fray in York.
Carlisle and New- castle, then the keys of England, kept with garrisons.
The Scots pass the Tyne, burning and spoil- ing the countir.
The kinjf's army and the Scots KO near, that they see each other.
fiimislicd, wcro ready at their appointed time and place. Sir John oflleinault, lord Beaumont mustcrinir his men as fast, vas ready to take shi])i)ini,', where, at W'ysant, in English bottoms there lying for him readv. he went abo;mI, and with a merry wind landed at Dover, travelling from thence by small journeys daily, till he came, within thret> (lavs atler the feast of Pentecost, to the city of York, where the king and queen, with a gi-eat power of sixty thousand men, within and about the city of York, expected his coming; before whom, in courteous wise he presented himself, and mustered his troop, wherein he had to the number of five hundred good men-at-arms well ajipointed and mounted. His coming and furniture were well liked both by the king and queen ; and he was, by the harbinger, appointed to be lodged, with his household retinue, in the abbey of white monks. To be brief, such grudge and variance arose between some of the king^s soldiers and his, within the suburbs of the town being together lodged, that from the little to more, Avhilst the king and queen, with divers other of the nobles (strangers and others), were at dinner, the said fray so greatly increased, that the whole amiy, as many as were in the town then lodged, stood to their defence ; so that there were slain of the English archers, in a short space, by the strangers, to the number of three hundred men. Whereupon, after the fray was, with much difficulty both of the king and queen, ended, such heart-burning grew between the parties, that the number of six thousand conspired together against them, thinking to have burned them in their lodgings, had they not been, by the great grace of God and discreet handling, otherwise prevented and let. Whereupon the Heinaulders were fain to take and keep the field, using as diligent watch and ward as though they had been among their hostile enemies. After this, the king set forward his army towards Durham, and encamped himself near about the same ; who also sent the lord Ufford and the lord Mowbray to Carlisle with a sufficient company to keep that entrance ; and also the lord marshal of England to keep the town of Newcastle, with a sufficient company to dct'ond the same, and the country adjoining. For well knew the king, that by one of these two entries the Scots must pass into England, standing both of them upon the river Tvne, twenty-four miles distant.
But the Scots privily with their army passed the river betwixt the two to^^^)s into England, few understanding thereof, till the great fires which the Scots had kindled and made in England, bewrayed them ; who came burning and destroying the country all about as Hir as Stanho])e park. This thing being declared to the king, he com- mandcth his host with all speed to march towards them ; who so long travelled, that they came in sight each of other. The king also commanded the passages of the river to be so straitly and narroMly guard(.'d, that by no means the Scots could retire and escape back again into Scotland, without battle given them of the king. But the Scots, understanding the great power of the king, kept always the advantage of the hills, retiring in the nights from one to another ; so that, without great odds and advantage on the one side, and hazard to the other, the king could not set upon them.
'I'hus, in the day time, the Scots, keeping the advantage of the hills, and in the night time retiring to the advantage of other similar
THE SCOTS RKTIllE WITHOUT GIVINT, BATTLE. 669
ones, came near against tliat river where tliey first passed over, where Eiiirar
they made a show to offer battle to the king upon the morrow. '—
Hereupon the king being busied in putting his men and battles in :^-_^^- readiness to fight the next morning, being almost wearied out in — 1_L pursuing the Scots from place to place, the Scots, in the mean ^^^ season, got over the river, and escaped the danger of the king. As eth.] this tiling could not be done without great treason of some near about the king ; so Sir Roger Mortimer was grievously suspected thereof, and, afterwards, it was laid to his charge. But to be short, by this TheScots,
, ^ . •^ t through
means the Scots escaped the river ; after whom it should have availed treason, the king very little to have made pursuit, as the wily Scots knew full ou^of well. For joy thereof, the lord William Douglas, one of the Scottish ^„^',^",\'t generals, with two hundred horse, gave alarm in the king''s camp ; and came so near, that he cut certain of the lines of the king''s tent in sunder with his sword, and retired to his company without great loss of any of his men. Then, on the morrow, the king, perceiving Provision the Scots to be gone, came to the place where over-night they lodged, srat'tisii'^ where were found five hundred great oxen and kine ready killed ; five '^^'"i'- hundred cauldrons made of beasts' skins foil of flesh, over the fire seething ; a thousand spits full of flesh ready to be roasted; and more than ten thousand shoes of raw leather (the hair still upon the same), which the Scots had left behind ; and five poor English prisoners tied to trees, and their legs broken. All which the king seeing, he left The king any further pursuing the Scots, and returned with his army to [o lo"- * Dm-ham, where he dismissed his anny, and came again to London ; '• sending with Sir John of Heinault two hundred men at arms for their better safeguard against the English archers (with wJiom at York, as you have heard, they frayed) till they had taken shipping ; and so they returned home.
The king, then being at London, confirmed the liberties of the citizens, and ordained that the mayor should sit in all places as chief justice within the liberties of the same ; and that what alderman soever had been mayor before, should be a justice of peace within his own ward.
Then the king, the queen, and the council, sent over to the earl of Heinault certain ambassadors, touching the solemnization of the man-iage between the king and the lady Philippa, his daughter; who m such sort sped their message, that she was soon after conveyed over to England very honourably, and at Dover arrived. And from His mar- thence she came to London (some chronicles affinn to York), where, ""'^'■' upon the day of the conversion of St. Paul, the year above specified, tlie marriage and coronation of the queen were with much triumph, during the space of three weeks, solemnized.
After this coronation and marriage, the king summoned his parlia- Parlia- ment to be kept at Northampton ; whereat, by the means of Sir Nortii" Roger Mortimer and the old queen, a peace was purchased for the ampton. Scots (who had for that purpose sent their ambassadors) to continue for four years. Also the king (then being within age) granted to release the Scots of all their homage and fealtv unto the realm ofTi.en.-.p-
111" 1 ij. man noil
England, which by their charter ensealed they were l)ountl to ; as delivered also their indenture, which was called the Ragman Roll,' wherein were 'g",^};*;
(1) " Ragman Roll" was Uie original deed which contained the acknowledgment by JuUn Baliol and the Scotch nobility of homage to the king of England. See p. 579.— Ed.
CtO THE Ul'KEN MOTIIKK IMPRISONED.
EJward spccificil tlic al'orcsaitl homage and fealty to the king and crown of ^'^ England, l)v the said king of Scots, nobles, and prelates, to be made ; A. D. having all their seals annexed to the same. Also there was then .^330. (i^.iiver^-d unto them the black cross of Scotland, which king Edward The black before, for a rich jewel and relic, had conquered and brought from Scotland. Scoiic abl)ev ; with all such rights and titles as any of the barons else barons had cnjovcd in the said realm of Scotland, with many other things •>?*'? "P more, to the great prejudice both of the realm, and discontent of all titles in the nobles and barons for the most part, more than the old queen, Scotland. ^.^ Roger Mortimer and the bishop of Ely, who in such sort ruled the roast, that all the rest of the nobles and barons cast with them- selves lioAv best they might redress and remedy the great inconve- niences, that unto the realm, by means of them, grew and happened. Pariia- Hcreupou tlic king and queen, and Sir Roger Mortimer, caused s!uis "' another parliament to be called at Salisbury, where the said Sir Roger bury. Mortimer was made carl of March, against all the barons"' wills, to Earl prevent and disappoint the aforesaid purpose of them ; but the earl refti's'^th Henry of Lancaster, with others, would not be at the same : where- to come fore it was laid unto their charges, that they went about to conspire the kmgs death.
And further, because the king was under the government of the
carl of Kent, his uncle, as well as under that of the queen his mother
and the earl of March ; and because they could not do in all things as
they listed on account of the said earl the king's imcle, who loved
the king and the realm, envy began to arise between the earl Mortimer
and him ; and, by Isabel the queen's practice, he found the means to
persuade the king, that the earl of Kent (to enjoy the crown, as next
The earl heir unto the king) went about to poison him. To this the king
put'^to"' giving easy credit, caused his said uncle to be apprehended ; and,
''^?''; without making answer to his accusation and accusers, to be beheaded
at Winchester, the third of October, in the third year of his reign.
l-Jut the just judgment of God not permitting such odious crimes in
him to be unpunished or undetected, so in fine it fell out, that Isabel
the old queen, the king's mother, Avas found and understood to be
with child by the said Mortimer. Complaint hereof was made to the
king, as also of the killing of king Edward, his father, and of the
conspiracy of Mortimer against the earl of Kent, the king's uncle, put
Sir Roger to death before. Hereupon, divers other articles being laid against
mcr, carl him, and manifestly read in the court, he was arraigned and indicted,
condcinn- ^^^^^ ^J ^crdict fouud guilty, having his judgment as in cases of high
cd, and treason, and suffered death accordingly at London ; where, upon
deaih. Louflon bridge, next unto Spenser's, his head obtained a place. The
Tiie queen also, the king's mother, by good advice of the council, was
puu" restrained of her liberty, and within a certain castle not permitted
prison, oncc to comc abroad : unto whom the king her son once or twice a
Tiic i>irti. year would resort, and visit her.
of ))riiicc •' _,. . . ^ .
Edward 1 lus year prince Edward was born at Woodstock ; Avho m process June ' of time and years grew to be a most valiant prince, and was, before i5ti..] juj ^\\^^]^ accounted throughout the world the flower of chivalry, timiof After this the king prepared another army into Scotland in the
IntTscot- y^^^ prefixed. But first he summoned king David of Scotland, who, land. in the last truce (four years to continue a.s you heard), his fiither then
SCOTLAND INVADED AND WASTED BY KING EDWARD. 671
living, had married the lady Jane, sister to this king Edward Edward (termed Jane Makepeace), to do him homage ; but that he refused. , "^' . Whereupon, not forgetting therewithal the scoffing rhymes, which A. D. daily from that time of truce tlie Scots had in their mouths, he did ^''^'^^- so much, that with an army well furnished he entered Scotland by the river Tweed ; for the Scots had then the possession of the town of Berwick. The Scottish gigs and rhvmcs were these : —
" Longbeards heartless, painted hoods witless ; Gay coats graceless, make England thriftless."
To be short, the king wasted the land ; burned, destroyed, and took wasteth towns and castles with small resistance or none ; and, for the space of stroj^tu six months together, did in Uiat land what he listed, without any battle "le realm offered to him : for the king of Scots was but a child, and not above the age of fifteen years, and wanted good captains that should have defended the realm ; insomuch that they were all, saving those that kept in holds for their defence, fain to take the forest of Godworth ; and there kept themselves as long as the king remained in Scotland. At length, when he had sufficiently wasted, and spoiled, and burned the same, he returned towards Berwick, about which he bent his siege, vowing not to discontinue the same, till he had gotten the town.
The Scots wlxo kept the same, after a certain time and many Berwick assaults made, were contented, upon certain conditions, to have andyfew- delivered up the towai ; but that the king refused, unless, all condi- ^ "* "le tions set apart, they would, with bag and baggage, depart. Hereupon they condescended to the king, that if by a certain time they were not by the king of Scots rescued, they would render up the town, and with bag and baggage depart ; and so, the time having expired, frustrate of all hope and rescue, at the day appointed they did. The The king king then entered the town, and tan-ied there the space of tweJve ^h^town days ; who, after he had appointed Sir Edward Baliol captain over [J^^y the town, and leaving also behind him other knights, squires, and a. d. soldiers, as well to keep the same as other holds the king had con- '^'^■•' quered in Scotland and on the {rontiers thereof, he returned with his people towards London, permitting every man to depart and go what way he liked.
Then Sir Robert d'Artois, a nobleman of France, and descended sirRoiwrt of the blood royal, being in England with the king, ceased not often- a nobu- times to advertise the king, and put him in memory of his good and praucJ. right title to the inheritance of the crown of France. This Sir inciteth Robert, for a certain displeasure that Philip, the French king, took to prose- against him for a certain plea which by him was moved before the l^^l j,,'" king, was fain, for the safeguard of his life, to flee the realm of France, franco. and so come to the king's court. King Edward was not unwilling at all to hear thereof, but took delight oftentimes to reason and debate that matter with him concerning his right, title, and inheritance to the crown of France. But yet, notwithstanding, he thought it not good to make any attempt thereunto without advised and circumspect counsel ; for that it contained matter of no small, but most dilficult, importance : neither yet he took it to deserve the fame cither of wisdom or prowess to let so good a title die, or so fit opportunity to
G72 KI\(; KDWAUU'S FIRST VlACil I > TO FRANCE.
Kritrard pfiss. \\'licrcfore lie, calling together certain of his council, used ^" their deliberate advices touching the seriousness of this matter. In A. I), fine, it was by them thought good, that the king should send certain ^^^^- ambassadors "over to the carl of Ileinault, whose daughter he had The king married, as well to hear his advice and counsel herein ; as also what rates'""" friends and aid, by him and his means, in this so great an expedition n.uncii? to ^^' begun in the empire, to him might be procured. The king concern- licreunto couilesccndcd, and appointeth for this embassage the bishop t'iueof of Lincoln with two other baronets, and two doctors; who in such A™bl! speedy wise made their voyage, that in short space they returned ladors again to the king with this answer, that not only the carFs counsel tiieeiriofand advice should be herein pressed to the king of England their clncTrn-' "1-istcr, but also the whole country of Heinault. And further, '','B''- lor that to such an expedition as appertained, the province of retSn an Ilcinault was but a small matter to malce account of — he said ^^li" he would procure for the king greater aid and friendship in the 'h^T"!- ^'"pi''C ; as the duke of Brabant his cousin-german and a puissant prince, the duke of Gueldres, the archbishop of Cologne, the marquis of Juliers, &:c., who arc all good men of Avar, and able to make ten Kins thousand fighting mcii, saith he. This answer well pleased the king, France" and made him joyous thereof; but this counsel of the king, as secret lite k/il^n."! ''^^ it Mas, came to Philip the French king's ears; whereupon he purpose, stayed the voyage of the cross which he then had in hand, sending e"hhis^' forth countermands to stay the same, till he knew further the purpose rhrcfoi' of tlic king of England.
The king hereupon himself taketh shipping, accompanied as to a [ '"ly king appertained ; and when he had consulted with all the aforesaid A.D.'isw. lords of the empire in this matter, and understood their fidelity, he iivMicrj jy,ji(jg }^jg repair to the emperor, at whose hands he was well enter- King tained, and honourably received ; whom the emperor appointed to be jussTgn'^Bd Jiis lieutenant-general, having thereby more authority both to will and nrjit^ge- command such as for this his expedition he sted unto, and had made neraiof couvcntion Avith. Philip, hearing this, prepared his army, and rigged pire. his navy, that as soon as the king should enter into tlic dominion of [August.] Prjjj-ipj^.^ w^^y j^]gQ niight enter into England, requiting like for like. First The king of England next year, after tiie feast of St. John
ni'to*^ Baptist, according to his purpose, prepared all things ready to such an irance. expedition, conducting his army, and gathering a greater strength in the empire, as before to him Avas promised, using the emperor's authority therein, as his lieutenant-general ; howbeit at the chargt altogether of the king of England. The French king, as soon as king Edward had landed his army at INIachclcn^ in Flanders, hearing of the defiance Avliich the king and other noblemen of the empire had sent unto him, sent certain ships lying ready thereunto, and Avaiting South- for such opportunity upon the coast of England ; Avho, upon a i'lumedby Suuday, Avlulst the toAvnsmen Avere at the church little looking for any I'rcnrh. ^^'^^^^ matter, entered the haven of Southampton, took the town and •(• spoiled the same, connnitted most revolting excesses, burned, killed, took ca])tivcs, and carried aAvay rich spoils and great booties to their shi])s ; and so again departed into France. Further, as the king of iMiglaiid had allied himself Avith the noblemen of the empire, and had the friendly favour of the emperor also thereunto, so the French
(1) Antwvrp —Ed..
KING EDWARD CHALLENGETH THE TITLE OF FRANCE. 678
king made the like league and alliance with David, king of Scots Edward (whom the king had so hardly dealt with in Scotland, as partly before —^^ — you heard, keeping the most part of Scotland under his subjection), ^z^-
binding the said David, as well by writing as by oath and pledge, —
that without his consent he should make no peace, nor conclude any truce with the king of England. The French king again assured him The of aid, and rescue, and help, and promised to recover his kingdom and starred dominion to his use ; and forthwith sent certain garrisons and bands against into Scotland to keep play with the Englishmen, and there to fortify b "thJ" divers places till further opportunity served. He also fortified with IZ^^^' men, money, victuals, and munition, the town of Cambray, which he suspected would be besieged, lying so near upon the empire, as indeed it came to pass ; for king Edward, departing from Machelen, set forward his host towards Heinault, and by the way assembled sucli power as in the empire he looked for, marching forward still till that they came to Cambray, and besieged it with forty thousand men, while another company, the Flemings, Brabanters, and Hollanders, went to St. Quintin. But in effect, neither there, nor at Cambray, nor elsewhere, any thing notorious was achieved, but the summer being well spent, and little prevailing in the siege of Cambray, being of situation strong and well defenced therewithal with men and muni- tion, he broke up the siege, and marched further into the heart of France toAvards Mutterel. The French king having understanding of this, prepared himself to give battle to the king of England, who, with another great army, came to Vironfosse, where days were appointed to meet in battle ; but in the end, nothing was done or attempted between the princes, and the king of England (without any battle either given or taken) returned with his army from thence to Ghent. Concerning the cause of the sudden removing of the king niepope, out of France, it seemeth most especially to arise from the pope ; of the"*^ who at the same time sent down his legates, for the order of a peace '^'"s> l^- to be made between the kings. At Ghent were gathered in council out of together, by the king's appointment, all the nobles as well of England, ^""'^*^- as of the empire, to consider what was best to be done ; where this plain answer Avas made to the king of England : That unless he would take upon him the claim and title of France, as his lawful a.d.is-io. inheritance, and as king thereof prosecute his wars, it Avould not be lawful for them any further to aid the king of England, or to fight with him against the French king ; for that the pope had bound them in two millions of florins of gold, and imder pain of excom- munication, that they should not fight against the lawful king of France. Whereupon, the king thought good, therefore, presently to make open challenge to the realm and crowTi of France ; and further, to quarter and intermingle the arms of France with the arms of 23d"]' FiUgland in one escutcheon ; Avhereupon king Edward immediately made ansAver to the pope again, directing unto him his letters, Avherein he declareth at larije his riffht and title to the croAvn of France, The king
• of Fn*'-
purging thereby himself and his cause unto the bishop. The copy land tak- and tenor of his letter is too long to express, but it is to be tiWof found in the story of Thomas Walsingham, remaining in the library France, of J. Stephenson, citizen of London, Avhoso hath list or leisure to peruse the same. Besides this letter to the pope, he, remaining
VOL. II. X X
674 EDWARl/s I.KTTKU TO TIIF. XOBLES AND COMMONS OF FTlANrK.
Edmr.i yet at Glicnt, directed another to tlie peers and prelates of France ^^^' in tenor as foUowetli. A.D.
^3t0. 'j^],p Ijcttcr of Kino: Edward to the Nobles and Commons of
France.
Edward, by the grace of God, king of France and England, lord of Ireland : unto all ])rolates and ecclesiastical persons, to the peers, dukes, earls, barons, and to the commons of France, greeting. The high Lord and King above, to whom althoiiixh his will be in his own jiower, yet would he that power should be sulnect unto law ; commanding every thing to be given unto him which is liis, doclarin'T thereby that justice and judgment ought to be the preparation of the kini^'s seat. Wherefore seeing the kingdom of France, through the providence of Clod, by the death of Charles, the last king of France of famous memory, brothcr-german to our lady mother, is fallen unto us by plain and manifest llie title law; and forasmuch as lord Philip de Valois, being the son of the uncle of the ofFrance, af,„-(.said king, and so being far from the crown by a further degree of consan- came to guinity, through force and usuqiation hath intruded himself into the aforesaid king Ed- kingdom, whilst we were yet in our minority, and so, contrarj' both to God ^'^"'^'*' and to justice, doth detain and occupy the same ; and lest we should seem to neglect our own right and the gift given us of God, or not to submit our will to God's ordinance: we have thought good to acknowledge the title of France, and by supportation of the Almight}- King have taken upon us the defence and regiment of the said kingdom ; firmly pxn-posing with oiu"selves, as every good man ought to do, graciously to minister justice to every one, according to the rites and laudable custom of the aforesaid kingdom. Also to renew the good laws and customs which have been in the time of Louis our progenitor; adding, moreover, that which shall seem expedient according to the condition and quality of the time. As to any change of coin, or any other inordinate exactions, we intend not to seek our proms by your detriments, when (the Almighty be praised for it) we abound and have enough. And as concerning the affairs of the rcaliu, oiu" purpose is not to proceed rashly, or by our oAvn will, but by the discreet advice and counsel of the peers, prelates, nobles, and other our faithful subjects of the kingdon^., so far fortJi as shall make for the honour of God, the defence and advancement of the church (which in all fidness of devotion wc do reverence), and to the profit both public and private of all the subjects thereof, with ftdl execution of justice by the grace of God to be executed upon all and singular persons, being earnestly carelid for the honour, profit and trancpiiUity of you all. For, as the Lord knoweth nothing shall be more grateftil to us, than that by our careful solicitude peace may be engendered, especially betwixt us, and universally among all christian men ; so that by our concord the force and strength of all christian princes may be joined together Note the for the recovery of the Holy Land, which our Saviour and Redeemer hath ^"tr's^^^ dedicated with his own proper blood, whereunto we will endeavour ourselves, time, through the gi-ace of the Holy Ghost. And forasmuch as we have oflered to when the \\^q aforesaid lord Philip divers friendly and reasonable conditions of peace, Christ was whereunto he would neither condescend, nor agree to any conformation ; yea, thouKht rather moveth against us unjust war, to the utter subversion of our state, dedicated ^^^ ^^^ forced of necessity, to the uttermost of our power, for the defence both to the of us, and recovery of our rights, to defend ourselves by force of battle ; not Holy seeking any slaughter of good and humble subjects, but desiring their safe- guard and profit.
For the which cause, all and singular such subjects of the kingdom ofFrance, who shidl submit themselves to us as the true king of France, within the feast of Easter next ensuing; professing unto \is their fealty, and doing to us as to the king of France by duty appertaineth, so as oiu' beloved subjects of Flanders have done already, or be ready to offer themselves so to do : all such wc willingly admit and receive to our peace and grace, under our protection to be defended, them to maintain as is convenient from all molestation and unqiiietncss whatsoever in person or goods, hereafter to be enforced either by us, or by our otlicers, tipon whatsoever occasion of rebellion before passed. And, forasmuch as the premises cannot easily be intimated to all and singular persons, we have provided the same te be fixed upon church doors, and other
A FIGHT AT SKA RETWKEN THE ENGLISH AND FKENCH. 676
public places, whereby the manifest notice thereof may come to all men, to Edward the comfort of you that be to us devout, and to the true infonnation of those J^^-
who through sinister surmises of our enemies are otherwise informed of us.
Given at Client the eighth day of February, in the year of our reign over V^.:}!'
France, the first; over England, the fourteenth. i-ylO.
This done, for that tlic winter tlicn drew on, neither Avas there any hope, as the time served, of farther doing good, the king thought best for a season to return again to England Avith his company, giving over the wars until the next spring ; and so he did, taking shipping, and arrived at Dover. When he came to London, it was declared list".'] unto him, of the gTcat spoil the Frenchmen had made at South- ampton ; who answered again, '' That within one year he doubted not but the same should be well paid for and recompensed." And according to the same purpose of his he lingered no time, but calling a parliament at Westminster, with much grudge and evil-will of his mh.]^ subjects there was for the maintenance of his w^ars granted to him a gi-eat subsidy, which was the fifth of every man's goods, and also the customs of his wools, two years beforehand, and the ninth sheaf of every man's com. At the spring the king again prepared his army, and rigged his navy, purposing to land in Flanders. But the arch- counsel bishop of Canterbury, then lord clianccHor, having understandino- of !J^'"' the French power upon the sea, lying for the king, gave him adver- '"si'oi' '° tisement there, willing him to go more strongly,'' or else not to """ *"""■ venture. But the king, not crediting the archbishop, and being angi-y with him therc-for, said, " That he would go forward ;" whereupon the bishop resigned the chancellorship, and removed himself from his council. Then the king, consulting thereupon further with the lord Morley his admiral, and others, hearing also the same of them, flirnished himself with stronger power, and committed him to his ship, and did so much, that a few days before Midsummer, he was upon the sea with a great fleet. Before the town ofSluys the French Baitie king, to stop his passage, had got ready a great navy, well nigh to the sJirbe''^ number of twenty score sail, and had made the Christopher of^"";"i,j. England, which before the Frenchmen took at Southampton, their "*'■'»■•<> a"*! admiral. Betwixt the two navies was a long and terrible fight, but, Frtnch. in the end, the victory, by God's grace, fell to the king of England, ^^""^ in which fight he himself was personally ; so that of the number The of thirty thousand Frenchmen, few or none Avere left and escaped lUi^'^ alive, and two hundred sail of ships were taken, in one of Avhich were found four hundred dead bodies.
After this great slaughter of the Frenclunen, of whom many for fear of the sword leaped into the sea, when no man durst bring tidings thereof to the French king, they who were next about the king did suborn his fool, to insinuate the understanding thereof by subtlety of covert words ; which was thus. As the fool, being in the king's presence, Avas talking of many things, among other talk he suddenly burst out (being prompted by others) into a vehement railing against the Englishmen, calling them coAvards and dastards, Avitli many such opprobrious Avords tending to that effect. The king, not knoAving Avhereunto the AVords of the fool did appertain, asked the fool, AA'hy he called the Englishmen such AA'caklings and coAvards, &e. " WhA'," saith the fool, " because the fearfiil and coAvai-dlv
XX 2
676 THE king's letter to the ENGLISH BISHOPS.
juiuard Englislimcn liad iint the hearts to leap into the sea so lustily as oiu
'"' Noniians ami goiitU-mcn of France had." By this the French king
A. D. began to understand the victory on his part to be lost, and the
^■^^Q- Englishmen to be victors.
Words of This victorv achieved, the fame thereof spreading abroad in Eng-
to'lhe**'' land, at first was not believed, till letters thereof came from the king,
vllT^ prince Edward his son being then at AValtham, directed to the
l)ishops and ])rclates of the realm : the effect of wliich letters here
fi)lloweth under written.
The Letter of King Edward to the Bishops of England.
The bountiftil benignity of God's great clemency poured upon us of late, for your tnic certification and rejoicing, we thought good to intimate unto you. It is not imknown (we suppose) to you, and to others our faitliful subjects, wlio also have been partakers with us of the same, with what storms of boisterous wars of hate we have been tossed and shaken, as in the great ocean. But althougli the rising surges of the sea be marvellous, yet more nlar^•ellous is tlie Lord above, wlio, turning the tempest into calm, in so great dangers, so uicrcifully hath respected us. For whereas we of late did ordain our passage upon urgent causes into F'landers, the lord Philip de Valois our bitter enemy understanding thereof, laid against us a miglity na\y of ships, intending there- by either to take us, or at least to stop our voyage; which voyage if it had been staid, it liad been the cutting off of all the great entei-prises by us intended and l.ikcn in liand, and, moreover, we ourselves had been brought to a great con- fusion. But the God of mercies, seeing us so distressed in such perils and dangers, hath graciously, and beyond nifin's expectation, sent to us great succour and strength of fighting soldiers, and a prosperous wind after our own desires, bj' tlie means and help whereof we set out of the haven into the seas, where we eftsoons perceived our enemies well appointed and prepared with a main multitude to set upon us, upon Midsmnmer day last past ; against whom, notwithstanding, Christ our Lord and Saviour hath rendered to us the victor3% through a strong and vehement conflict, in the whicli conflict, a mighty number of our enemies were destroyed, and well nigh all their whole navy was taken, with some loss also on our part, but nothing like in comparison to theirs ; by reason whereof we doubt Hot but our passage by the seas hereafter shall be more quiet and safe for our subjects, and also many other commodities shall ensue thereof, as \\c have good cause to hope well of the same. For which cause we, devoutl)^ considering the heavenly grace so mercifully wrought upon us, do render most humble thanks and praise to Christ our Lord and Saviour ; beseeching him, that as he hath been, and always is, ready to prevent our necessities in time of opportimity, so he will continue his helping hand ever towards us, and so direct us here temporally, that we may reign and joy with him in heaven eternally. And, in like sort, we require your charity, that you also with us rising up to the praise of God alone, wiio hath begmi so favourably to work with us to our goodness, in your prayers and divine service do instantly recommend us unto the Lord, travelling here in these foreign countries, and studying to recover not only our right here in France, but also to advance the whole catholic church of Christ, and to nde our people in justice ; and that also ye call upon the clergj' and people, every one tlu'ough his diocese to do the same, invocating the name of our Saviour, that of his mercy he will give to us his humble servant a docible heart, so to judge and nde hereupon rightly, doing that which he hath commanded, that at length we may attain to that which he hath promised, &c.
This letter Avas written to the bishops a.d. 1340.
After this aforesaid victory on the sea, and that news thereof, with due thanks to our Saviour, had been sent into England : the king striking into J-'landers, came to Ghent in Brabant, where he had left the queen who joyfully received him, being a little before purified or churched, as we term it, of her fourth son, whose name was John, and commonly
Ills I-KTTEIl TO PlIILir JJK V ALOIS. 677
called John of Gaunt, and was earl of Richmond, and duke of EUunrd
liancasLtr. At Vilvorde the king assembled his council, whereat '.
the noblemen of Flanders, Brabant, and Heinault conjoined together A.D. in most firm league, the one to help and defend the other with _l'li^_ the king of England, against the French king, purposing and deter- council at mining from thence to march toward Tournay, and it to besiege, vorde. But the French king, understanding their counsel, fortified and ^^.^'J,^^"' victualled the same before their coming thither. Furthermore the and iiein- French king at the same time, to stop the siege of king Edward, part\v?tir sent with king David of Scotland a great power, to the intent to J^va'rd.'^'' make invasion in England, thereby the sooner to cause the king to remove his siege. In tlie mean time king Edward ■wrote his letters to Philip de Valois, making unto him certain requests, as in the same his letters here following is to be seen ; Avho, for that he wrote not unto him as king of France, but by the name of Philip de Valois, refused to answer him touching the same, as by their letters here placed may be seen.
The Letter of the King of England to Philip de Valois, the French King, going to the Siege of Tournay.
Philip of Valois, we have long laboured with you by embassages and all other reasonable wa3s, to the end you should restore unto us our rightful inheritance of France, which this long while you have with great injury and guilt usurped: and forsomuch as we well perceive that you intend to perse- vere in the same injurious usurpation, without returning any satisfactory answer to our just demand, we have entered the land of Flanders, as sove- reign lord thereof, and are now passing through the country. And we hereby signify unto you, that with the help of our Lord Jesus Christ and our own right, with the forces of the said country, and with our subjects and allies, we purpose to vmdicate the right which we have to that inheritance, which you by your injurious violence detahi from us; and that we are now approaching toward you, to make a quick decision of this our rightful challenge, if you will do the like. And forasmuch as so great a power of assembled hosts as we bring with us on our part, and as we may well suppose you also bring on your part, cannot long remain assembled together without doing great damage both to the people and the country, which thing every Christian ought to eschew (and especially the princes and others who have the government of the same), we much desire, as the shortest way, and to pixvent the waste of Christian life, and as the quarrel plainly lieth between you and me, that the controversy be- tween us shoidd be decided by our own persons, body to body ; to which thing we offer ourselves for the reasons aforesaid, content if only we may see the great prowess of your person, your good sense, and your discretion. And in case you do not choose this way, then let us end the dispute by the battle of one hundred of the most able persons of your part, and as many of mine, which each of us shall bring into the field. But if you will not admit either the one way or the other, then do you assign unto us a certain day before the city of Tournay, within ten days next after the date of this our letter, wherein to combat both of us, power against power. And we would have all the world to know, that it is not of any pride or presumption on our part that we offer unto your choice the above-specified conditions, but for the causes aforesaid, and to the intent that the will of our Lord Jesus Christ being declared between us two, peace may gi-ow more and more among Christians, the power of God's enemies may be abated, and Christianity advanced. Be pleased to write by the bearer of these our letters and signify to us which of our aforesaid offers you will accept, sending us quick and speedy answer. — Given under our great seal, atChyn upon the Skell, in the fields near Tournay, the 27th day of July, a.d. 1340.*
(1) The above translation, and the following one, are revised from the originals in Avesbury. — Ed.
GTS THE SCOTS INVADE EKGLANC.
r.ihrnrd
^"' The Answer of the Lord Philip de Valois unto the Letter aforesaid.
A 1)
1310. Philip, by the grace of God king of France, to Edwai-d, king of England.
— Wo have seen your letters brought to our court, and sent on your part to om-
Philip (le ^'al()is ; wherein are contained certain requests, whicii you make to the said Pliilip de Valois. And iiecausc the said letters did not come to us, and the said requests were not made to us, as by the tenor of the said letters clearly ai)peareth, we do not return you any answer to the premises. Never- theless, forsomuch as we have learned by the said letters and by other ways that you have entered into our realm of France, doing great damage to us and to our realm and people, more through presumption than reason, and dis- regarding the duty which a liege-man oweth unto his lord — (for you formerly entered our liege-homage, when you acknowledged us, as reason is, for king of France, and promised obedience such as men ought to promise to their liege- lords; as more clearly appearcth by your letters patent from you to us which we have in our possession sealed with your great seal, and of which you ought to have the counter|)ait from us to you) — it is our intent then, as shall seem best to ourselves, to drive you out of our realm, to the honour both of us and of our kingdom, and to the commodity of our people. And tliis we have a firm hope of accomplishing through Jesus Christ, from whom we derive all our power. For by your unreasonable demand, proceeding more from presum^ition than reason, hath been hindered the holy expedition beyond the sea, and great numbers of Christian people have perished, the worship of Ciod hath been dimi- nished, and Holy Church less reverenced. And as touching that which j'ou write, that you look to be assisted by the Flemings, we hope and believe surely, that tlie good people and connnons of that country will so behave towards our cousin the carl of Flanders their immediate lord, and us their sovereign lord, as that thej' shall keep their honour and their loyalt}' unsullied. And as for what they have hitherto done otherwise than well, that hath been occasioned by the evil advice of persons, who ncitlier have regard to the public weal, nor to the honour of their country, but only to their own private advantage. — •Given in the fields near to the priory of St. Andrew Ics Aire, under our privy seal, in the absence of our great seal, the 30th day of July, in the year of grace 1340.
Th.- Scots Mention Avas made a little before of David, king of Scots, "whom iingiand. tl^^' French king had supported and stirred up against the king and realm of England ; which David, Avith the aid of the Scots and Frenchmen, did so much prevail, that they recovered again almost all Scotland, "which before he had lost, ■when he "was constrained to live in the forest of Gcdworth many years before. Then invaded they England, and came with their army, wasting and burning the country before them, till they came as far as Durham ; and then returned again into Scotland, where they recovered all their holds again, saving the town of Berwick. Edinburgh they took by a stratagem or subtle device practised by Douglas and certain others, who, apparelling themselves in poor men's habits, as victuallers with corn and provender and other things, demanded the porter earlv in the morning, what need they had thereof; who, nothing mistrusting, "^"Vd^"' '^P*^"^'^ ^'^^ outward gate, where they should tarry till the captain burgh, rose ; and perceiving the porter to Iiave the keys of the inward gate, they threw down their sacks in the outward gate, that it might not be shut again, and slew the porter, taking from liim the keys of the town. Then they blew their horn as a warning to their bands, w Inch ])rivily they had laid not far off; Mho, in haste coming, and finding the gates ready opened, entered upon a sudden, and killed as many as resisted them, and so obtained again the city of Edinburgh.
The Scots being thus busy in England, the French king, in the
TOUUNAY RESIEOKD. ARTICLES OF TRUCE. 679*
meoD season, gatlicrcd together a puissant power, purposing to remove EJirard
tlic siege from Touriiay ;"and among others sent for the king of Scots, _
who came to him with great force, besides divers other noblemen of A. D. France ; insomucli that the French king had a great army, and J212.'_ thought himself able enough to raise the siege, and thither bent liis Lost. But the French king, for all this his aforesaid huge power and force, durst not yet approacli the king so near, as either to give him battle, or remove his siege, but kept himself with his army aloof, in a sure place for his better defence. And notwithstanding the king of England wasted, burned, spoiled, and destroyed the covmtry for twenty miles round about Tournay, and took divers and sundry strong towns Tom-nay and holds, as Ortois, Urses, Greney, Orchies, Odint, St. Amand, and '''''*"■■''''''*• the toAvn of Lille, where he slew above three hundred men at arms, and, about St. Omer, he slew and killed of noblemen, the lord of Duskuue, of Maurisleou, of Rely, of Chastillion, of Melly, of Fenis, of Hamelar, Mountfaucon, and other barons, to the number of four- teen ; and also slew and killed above one hundred andtwenty knights, being all men of great possessions and prowess, and took other small cities and towns, to the number of three hundi-ed : yet, for all this, Philip dc Valois, the French king, durst neither rescue his towns, nor relieve his own men ; but of his gi-eat army he lost (which is to be marvelled at, being in the midst of his own country), by famine and other inconveniences, and for want of water, more than twenty thousand men, without any battle by him given. Whereupon, at the entreaty of the said Philip, by his ambassadors sent to the king, ^nd by the mediation of the lady Jane, sister to the said Philip, and mother to the earl of Heinault, whose daughter king Edward, as you heard, had married, a truce, containing the number of fourteen articles, for one year, was concluded, the king of England being very unwilling and loath thereimto. Yet, notwithstanding, partly by the instance of the aforesaid lady, but especially for that the king was greatly disap- pointed, through the negligence of his officers in England, who sent him not over such money as he needed for the continuance of his wars and pa3'ment of his soldiers'" Avages, the articles being somewhat reasonable, he agreeth to the truce ; the conditions of which, as there concluded, here follow under--svTitten.
Articles of Trace.