IX. that the council which he had called at Rome was prevented, and his

A.D.124I. ^icsigns against the emperor not succeeding to his wish, being in
despair of obtaining his purpose, died for very anger and thought,
August 21st, A.D. 1241.
What opinion the prelates of Germany at that time had of this Gregory is to be seen by the oration (yet extant) of Everhard, archbishop of Saltzburg, which he made to the nobility of liavaria in the par- liament at Ratisbon, written by John Avcntine in his seventh book. Doubtless he not only brought great and ruinous calamities to the whole christian commonwealth and also the empire, whilst he sought thus to depress and bridle the emperor and advance his papal see and dignity, but he also brought into the church of God much horrible impiety, blasphemy, and wickedness, whereof both Blondus, Platina, Bale, and others make mention ; and, amongst others, that most detestable cantilcne ' Salve Regina !', in the which he attributeth the honour and worship only due to Jesus Christ \nito the Virgin, his mother. This is he in whose name the book of the Decretals was set out, which (to omit the opinion of divers other learned men) John Bale calleth 'the sink or puddle of foolishness and impiety.'''
A SHARP LETTER OF FREDERIC. 495
Doubtless Oarolus Molinreus (a man of singular jutlgment both in the HiHoryof civil and canon law) hath taught us what to think of that work when '^//"'^ he saith in his ' Annotations on Platina's life of Raymond Pcnna- ^'"p"''"'"- fort, the collector of the Decretals of Gregory IX.' — " Doubtless divers a.D. chapters in the same book of Decretals be mutilated and curtailed, on 1241
purpose to conceal offensive matter.*"' For as the popes, when once camius the ambitious desire of reigning like kings took them, studied nothing Sp'jJn'fh"' else but how to enlarge their dominion by weakening other kingdoms J^-^p^'g'^ and by successive encroachments on the imperial prerogatives, so they Gregory kept the same end in view in their constitutions ; examples whereof Molinreus giveth from sundry cases of French and English kings ; but many more may be gathered from the history of the emperors and of the princes and the various orders of the empire, whereof to speak more convenient place shall serve hereafter.
In the stead of this Gregory was placed Celestine IV. (Geoffry de Castiglioni, a Milanese) ; who, as Blondus declareth, by feigned promises offered a league with Frederic, and the eighteenth day after he was created pope died.
When the author of all this conspiracy was thus gone, Frederic The em- now thinking himself free from those dangers on the side of Italy, for paretu'wi fear of which he had not dared to leave Italy, with all his endeavour fig^t'^th levieth an army, and prepareth his furniture and other necessaries for the Tar- the delivery of the Christians, so mightily oppressed, as ye heard, by the Tartars. Who, hearing of the coming of the emperor and of the death of their own emperor, departed through Hungary, the w'ay which they came, and returned by the river Danube to the Crimea, and so along the shore of the sea of Azof, and across the river Don, into Asiatic Tartary. When the cardinals had now a long time delayed the creation of the pope, and would not agree upon the same, the emperor put them in remembrance of their duty, and blameth them for their disagreeing, and exhorteth them to be more careful for the christian commonwealth. Two epistles of his touching this matter are extant ; whereby appeareth, that only for the care and desire of peace he had to the christian unity and state he did the same, and for that, peradventure, the cardinals refused to make peace with him before they had created a new pope. The one, for more brevity, I have omitted, and have here inserted the other.
An Epistle invective of the Emperor unto the Cardinals, because they could not agree upon the creation of the Pope.*
This word is to you, O ye children of Ejjhraim ! who ill have bent your bows, and still worse have shot your arrows, basely turning your backs in the day of battle : this word is to you, O ye children of Belial, the so-called assessors of the great judge, but (as being without a head) more like " scattered sheep which have no shepherd !" this word is to you, O ye dissentious cardinals, whom the world doth hate ; this word, I say, is to you, whom the whole world with open mouth speaketh ill of. Doubtless, I cannot speak unto you but to your detraction, because though im-mund lam yet nnuidane; and being of the world, I must think and act with the world, as the part with its whole, which cannot write discordantly or contrarily to itself. Attend ye, therefore, to my rude and unskil-
(1) " Certum est, multa capita in iis mutila et decurtata esse ut invidiosura argumentiim lateret," &c. Carolus Molinaeus upon the Decretals of Gregory IX. [in prlncipio : Mohn. Opera, Par. 1658, torn. iv. p. 68.— Ed.]
(2) Revised and corrected from Pet. de Vineis Epist. Frederici II., lib. i. ep. 18.— Ed.
496 RELEASE OF THE CAliDlNAI.S.
Hisioryof fill cpistlc, Wanting tlic dignity of an exordium. For my provoked tongue, ac Frederic cclcrated by its own velocity, brasteth forili into words, before my conceiving spirit Emperor. ^^^'^ commissioned t!ie same, and so, not waiting for the command of its superior,
hastenetli to express tilings not fully conceived or premeditate ; for a troubled
A. D. mind oftentimes doth beget unordered and unseasonable talk. This, therefore,
1243. is the common opinion in men's minds, and the conmion topic of their discourse,
that not the Mediator between (iod and man, Jesus Christ, wiio came from the
highest heaven to make peace upon the earth, the Master and Lord of the apostles
— not he. but Satan, is in the midst of you, ministering to you; that blustering
prince, who is divicied against himself; that persuader of discord, that murderer,
that father of lies, and spirit of darkness ; who hath divided your tongues,
and rent asunder your unity. You do not consult for your own good, nor yet
the good of the world, which is brought by you into so perilous a state ; and the
Peter's poor ship of Peter, which is tossed upon the sea by the vehement winds, wiih-
ship, by out oars or rowers, you no longer regard ; which ship, though it doth not indeed
sens'ion ^°^ itself fear foundering, yet suffereth it many perilous tempests and ship-
of the wrecks of her company. Doubtless, if ye diligently considered liow the nations
cardinals, j,„(j people whom ye are wont to judge, in scorn shake their heads at you, every
a/l'licted. one of you would turn pale. Nor could any argument be found sufficient to
screen you from universal execration and opprobrium ; for whilst every one of
you aspireth to the chair, no one consenteth to his fellow ; and whilst not one
of you can consent to another, none is promoted ; and whilst none is promoted,
the dignity of the see vanisheth. And thus by your discord the concord of
the church is confounded, and the perfection of the faith, wherein is your life,
perisheth. And surely, through your lack of a head it cometh to pass, that
whereas nature hath given you senses, yet you are reputed as a sort of monster
Peter's with deformed limbs, and defective in all your senses. And no marvel, for
shrill yom- vision seems obscured, your hearing is impaired, and that sound of your
turned moutli which shrilly was heard to tJie ends of the earth, is utterly dumb, or
into a become a self- mocking echo. For why? the thunderings of Peter and Paul
echo""^ are now no more heard, the preachers are become dumb dogs, and are enjoined
silence. Perliaps jou have hands ready to receive, but there be no gifts ; for
why? ihose that were wont to come from Saba, bringing gold with them, now
come no more, for they cannot find the Lord in the manger, the celestial star
refusing to be their guide. Moreover, ye want feet to walk withal, for until
a gift forceth you, you will not move six paces for any man's entreaty. Fie,
shameless people ! the least reptile may learn you wisdom, for the birds have
their captain, and ihe silly bees their king; but you toss about on the waves
without a pilot to steer you, exposing motlier church to the rude chance of
whatever may fortune.
The em- The cmperor yet after tins, at the request of Baldwin the emperor reielseth of Constantinople, who came to Frederic at Parma, released the nah7ro''ra Cardinals out of prison, thinking not only to gratify the emperor Bald- prison, win, but also thinking that thereby things would the better grow to public tranquillity on every side. When the cardinals were all assembled at Anagni, they made Siiiibald, a Genoese, pope, whom by a contrary name (for that he had determined, as I suppose, to be A.D.1243. hurtful to the commonwealth) they called Innocent IV. Of which election when Frederic understood, he was well pleased therewith ; and for that he had in all this troublous time been his friend, the emperor well hoped that the christian commonwealth should by him liave been brought to much peace and concord. Wherefore he sent Rejoiceth both liis ambassadors and letters gratulatory unlo him, letting him to pop,?s understand how well it contented and pleased him that he was made election. j)ope ; and what peace and quietness thereby he promiseth (as it were) to himself, he maketh full relation thereof; offering again unto him observance, helj) and aid in all things, and commending to his fatherly protection both himself and his empire.
lie also wrote his letters to Otho, duke of Bavaria, who a little
THE pope's subtle DISSIMULATION. 497
before was reconciled to the emperor, that he who was elected pope ntstoryof was a good man, a lover of peace, and studious as well for tlie "//''"■ tranquillity of the christian commonwealth, as of the empire. Emperor.
The ambassadors of Frederic, also, with the furtherance of Baldwin, a. D. laboured very diligently with the pope for peace ; and all men were 1243. most fully expecting the pacification of Christendom. But far otherwise fell the matter out and contrary to all their expectations, for the pope, set on and encouraged by the cardinals and other against Frederic, secretly, and amongst themselves, wrought con- trary to that they openly pretended, and not a little disappointed both Frederic and others of their expectation and good opinion they xiie pope had of the pope's holiness. For, whilst the emperor's ambassadors ylil^^^ awaited his answer to their proposals of peace, Rainerus, the cardinal, ^^i^'ie the went secretly to Viterbo with a certain number of soldiers and took hopedT.r the town, which before was on the emperor's part. p*'"^^'
The emperor having understanding hereof, mustereth his bands, and with a sufficient power entereth the pope's dition, again to recover Viterbo : but yet (taking this war so in hand, as not thinking thereby to expel all chance of peace) at the request of certain of the cardinals he was contented to leave Viterbo, and, having fortified the town of Falari and furnished it with necessaries, came to Acqua- pendente. From thence he sent again other ambassadors to Rome, and with them also the emperor of Constantinople, with the earl of Toulouse, who he thought were able to do much with the pope in the prosecuting of peace. But although at the time of Easter the Dissimn- raatter seemed to have been got through, and peace concluded, {he°"btie for that the emperor's ambassadors had sworn by his command and in p^p** I"- his name that he would submit himself to the pope, and for that, on the iv. other hand, the cardinals and others commonly called and named him ' Frederic, the christian Prince,' yet all this was no more but for a fetch, not that they meant indeed to conclude any peace with him, or to go through therewithal, but that through this dissimulation and like- lihood of peace, which they understood the emperor much desired, he should set free and open the passages, which he straitly kept, that no man could pass and come to Rome, whither a great multitude had been wont daily to resort for religion's sake. But when all came to all, and that the ambassadors perceived that no conclusion of peace was simply purposed on their behalf, they began to despair of the matter, letting the emperor so to understand. The emperor, yet notwith- standing, doubted not, but if he might himself speak with the pope, he upon reasonable conditions should well enough accord with him ; wherefore he by his ambassadors and letters desired him to appoint a time and place when and where the emperor might resort to him. The pope seemed to be contented here withal, and appointed a day at Cas- tellana when they should talk together, and promised that he would be there before him, and await the emperor's coming. But the pope The pope in this while had made a confederacy with the French king against {hre^mpl- Frederic ; and, having previously arranged with the Genoese that ror, ami some galleys should be waiting in readiness for him at Civita-Vecchia, Lyons, secretly in the night, with his company, hastening thither in post proscri- * speed, he took ship, and first came to Genoa, and from thence to bethinm. Lyons in France ; where he, calling a council, with a loud voice
VOL. II. K K
-i:9fi THE EMPKROR DEPRIVED OF HIS IMPERIAL DIGNITY.
Hui'.ryof summoned Frederic, and, appointing him a day, commanded him
"iH" there personally to plead his cause. ^'"P^""- And yet, although he understood that the sudden departing of the A.D. pope out of Italy made plain demonstration of no conclusion or 1245. meaning of a peace ; and although it was plain that a council so called bv the pope, in which he Avas to be both plaintiff and judge, and which was to be packed with his own creatures, could only be meant for the emperor's destruction — notwithstanding these and other such evident demonstrations of the pope's hateful heart towards him, yet the most modest emperor, relying on the innocency and up- rightness of his cause, and as one most desirous of peace and christian concord, sent the patriarch of Antioch, who lately was come out of Syria, the archbishop of Palermo, and Thaddeus of Suessa, the president of his court, a most skilful and prudent civilian, to the council at Lyons ; Avho signified unto them that the emperor would be there for the defence of his own cause ; but as the day was very short, he required a time more convenient for him thither to repair. The em- The cmperoi", also, being onward on his way, and come as far as Turin, Cometh to scut bcfore other ambassadors,- as the master of the Teutonic order make his ^^^ Peter dc Vineis, to give them understanding of his coming, and
appear- " o o ^ ^ o" _
ance be- to cutrcat that they would prorogue the day of hearing, till he might pope. conveniently travel thither. But for any thing that could be either said or done, or upon how just cause soever required, the pope would not give so much as three days'" space, in the which time the ambas- sadors assured them of the emperor's presence ; as though there had been no common proviso for every man, in that case, by the law to liave used upon any reasonable let ! When the day by them ap- pointed was come, the pope with his confederates (whose support he had secured by money and promises) — against God's law, against christian doctrine, against the prescript of the law both of nature and of reason, against the rule of equity, against the order of law appointed, against the constitutions of emperors and also the decrees of the em- pire, without any observation of the law, or granting dilatory days, without probation of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded unto or heard what might be answered therein — the pope, taking upon him to be both adversary and judge, condemned the emperor being absent, and in his full heat of fury and malice denounced him accursed, and moreover deprived him of his imperial dignity, charging him with the heinous crimes of perjury and sacrilege, writing also letters and libels of defamation to all kings, princes, and poten- tates. AVhat more wicked sentence was ever pronounced ? What more crueller flict, considering the person, might be committed ? Or what thing more brutish and beastly could have been imagined or devised ? And yet hercat were these bishops nothing ashamed ; but, meaning to leave their doings in WTiting, as an impudent testimony to their posterity, established the same for a law to continue. anc"e^faii- ^^^ uiark what vengeance God took upon this wicked judge. The ethonthe liistoriaus of the time record, that when Frederic, the emperor, and ^°^^' Conrad his son, the Caesar, were both dead, the pope gaping for the inheritance of Naples and Sicily, and thinking by force to subdue the same, came to Naples with a great host of men ; where was heard in the pope's court manifestly pronounced this voice, " Veni miser
ins I.ETIKR TO THE FRENCH K I N'G IN CONSEQUENCK, 499
.1(1 judicium Dei." " Thou wretch, come to receive thy judifnicnt."'''f''^"'/'r^ And the next day after, the pope was fountl dead in his bed, all "/. "^ black and blue, as thougli he had been beaten with bats ; as here- ^"'p"'"*- after, in our history of bishop Grosthead, is declared,' A. D.
When the emperor had understanding of this cruel and tyrannical ti^45. sentence of the pope passed and pronounced against him, considering his furious purpose and mind therein, he thought good by his letters to let all christian princes and potentates understand, as well what injuries and manifold displeasures he had sustained by all the four popes in their times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this pope in pronouncing the sentence of judgment and condemnation against him, passing the bounds both of justice, equity, and reason ; which letter, as he wrote the same, hereunder followeth to be seen.
The Letter of the Emperor to the French King and other Princes, in consequence of the Sentence given against him in the Council of Lyons by the Pope and Cardinals.^
Althoiigli we suppose not tlie contrary, but that information of the real merits of our cause hath reached your serene highness by common rumour and the testimony of many true witnesses ; yet for that
" Segniixs irritant animos demissa per aures, Quam qu£e sunt ocuhs subjecta fidelibus" —
that is, " more credit is commonly given to what the ej'e seeth, than to what the ear receiveth," — we thought good to lay before you the simple and naked truth, to wit, the processes which sundry popes have carried on against us. For the full and attentive perusal whereof, I beseech your gentleness, out of the much time and the many days devoted to your own affairs, to indulge us with some fit and convenient time. And if you will condescend to attend to our royal counsel, consider, I pray you, carefully the following points : — Whether our predecessors have been destitute or not of zeal for righteousness : whether we may not lawfully I'ight ourselves in regard to so many and great injui-ies as have been wrought against us : whether Christ's vicar hath performed Christ's will ; and whether Peter's successors have imitated Peter's example. Consider, also, what right that pi-ocess, which hath been caiTied on against us, hath to be deemed a valid process, and by what term it is to be called ; and whether that may be said to be a sentence, which is delivered by an incompe- tent judge. For although we acknowledge widiout reserve, that the Lord hath given plenary power in spiritual things to the bishop of the holy Roman church, so that, however great a sinner he may be (which God forbid), yet what- soever he bindeth upon earth is bound in heaven, and whatsoever he looseth is loosed ; still, we nowhere read of power being given him, either by divine or human law, to translate empire at his pleasure, or that he may give judgment to punish kings and princes temporally, by depriving them of their kingdoms. For although our consecration belongeth unto liim by ancient right and custom, yet our deposition and deprival doth no more belong to him than to any other prelates of other realms, who do customably consecrate and anoint their respective sovereigns. Or be it so (barring any prejudice to ourselves), that he hath such power ; is it that by the mere plenitude of that power, without observing any order of law, he may inflict a sentence on any persons whom he may assert to be subject to his jurisdiction? For he hath proceeded of late against us (as we have said), but not by the order of accusation, forsomuch as neither any sufficient accuser did appear, neither went there any bill of indict- ment previously ; neither did he proceed by way of denunciation, forsomuch as there wanted a lawful denouncer ; neither yet by the way of inquisition, for that there went before no formal impeachment by a clerk of arraigns, and for that no copy of articles of inquiry was furnished us, whereas some such are wont to be publicly adduced by the judge in such case, as preliminary to an inqui-
0) See infra, pp. 532, 533.— Ed.
(2) Pet. de Vineis EpUt. Fred. II., lib. i. ep. 3, whence the above translation is revised. — Eo
K K 2
500 GERMANY A PHEY TO CIVIL DISSENSIONS.
Historyof sition. He asscrtcth, indeed, that all the things which he layeth against us were Frederic notorious ; but that wo flatly deny, neither have they been proved to be noto- rious by the lepal number of witnesses. In this way any judge, by merely affirming what he listeth to ])e notorious, setting aside all order of law, may of himself condemn whom he listeth. 'Tis true, there arose against us in the council certain false witnesses, though not many, of whom the bishop of Carinola was one ; who, on account of his brother and nephew having been by us lawfully condemned for treason to be hanged, may reasonably be supposed to have u grudge against us, and therefore may well be rejected as a witness in the
cause.
to such-like effect prosecuting tlie rest of liis epistle, which for brevity's sake I omit.
After this, Frederic had retired for a little repose to Grosseto, a
town on the coast near Sienna ; where he discovered a conspiracy
against his life, -which he defeated by putting to death the chief persons
engaged in it : they confessed at their death that they had been set
on by the pope. The pope then contrived to form a considerable
party against him in Germany : Henry, landgrave of Thuringia, he
persuaded that his brother had been treacherously slain by Frederic
at Brundusium,' and he consented to be named Ccesar : but he died
William, the next year. The pope then induced the rebels to take up William,
Holland ^^'"^ °^ Hollaud, who was accordingly named Caesar in opposition to
made Conrad.
the Ro- This policy the pope used, to vex and disturb both the country of the'pope. Germany and the whole empire ; and not so only, but also utterly to destroy and subvert the same, by the ruinous decay whereof, the pope and his prelates thought to make up their mouths. And thus, whilst Germany that Germany was now newly again divided, some taking part with fn'mr/iy" Frederic the emperor, and his son Conrad the Caesar, and other nobles fhrou h ^^^ princes of the empire ; some, with those who should, by the pope's the pope's procurement, be the electors of the new emperor ; other some, with md^icious jipjjjjgj. Qf both, as men not minding nor tending the public utility, but to serve their own purposes, armed themselves ; and thus was the public peace and quiet broken and disturbed, and altogether in tumult and hurly-burly. For whilst the one part laboured by all force to retain the dominion by public and common consent first to him com- mitted, the other part in like sort endeavoured themselves, with all their force and power, to use and occupy the same, according to the decree of the bishop of Rome, and to take it from Frederic. And thus great conflicts grew on all parts, spoiiedby By thcsc civil wars, Germany suffered no little calamity ; in every seniion pl'icc was manslaughter and murder, the country spoiled, the towns through _ and villages set on fire and burnt, the churches and temples practices wlierciu the husbandmen had put their goods and substance, violated fhe'empe- ^^^ robbcd : houses were pulled down, the goods divided, and every man's cattle driven away. To conclude, in this turmoil and con- tention of deposing one and choosing another emperor, this quarrel of princes, this license of a state of warfare of hurting and sinning with impunity, the impudent boldness of divers private soldiers, and especially of the horsemen (then comited the better sort of soldiers), was so great, and their unbridled and unsatiable desire in robbing, spoiling, and taking of booties, catching and snatching all that came to hand, was such, that nothing could be sure and in
(1) Seesupri, p. 4G7, note (3).— Eb.
ror
OTHO EXCOMMUNICATED FOR SIDING WITH THE EMPEROR. 501
safety that any good man enjoyed. Wherefore, a little before the nhtoryoj death of William, king of the Romans (a.d. 1256), threescore cities ^''"j"'" and towns joined themselves in a league with Louis, palatine of the ^"'p""'-- Rhine and duke of Bavaria (Otho's son), and other princes, of whose A.D. names Aventine in the seventh book of his " Annales Boiorum"'' 1246. maketh mention, for the expelling of these rebels, and repressing of Robbers their so great injurious rapine and slaughter of men ; of which army chlLed'^''' the said Louis being captain, he chased and drave the whole rout of^^tof them to the uttermost parts of Germany, and pulled down and over- "^^^^^' threw their castles and fortresses, and every other place where they bad intrenched themselves.
Meantime Otho, duke of Bavaria, most constantly keepeth his Fidelity promise and faith made before to the emperor Frederic and Conrad, "he^cm '- his son ; whereupon Philip, archbishop of Saltzburg, Albert, bishop wr. of Ratisbon, Conrad, bishop of Frisingcn, and their confederates, calling a council at Meldorf by the pope's commandment sent for Otho unto them, unto whom they opened the pope's pleasure and commandment. To all which Otho answered : " I cannot His an- marvel at some of you enough, that whereas heretofore you per- tiTeL-" suaded me to leave and forsake the part I took with the bishop e^'*^^- of Rome, whom you yourselves affirmed to be Antichrist, and that I should take part with the emperor and his son, now you yourselves will not keep your fidelity and promise made unto those good princes:" and he said that he perceived in them a great inconstancy and levity in their thoughts, words, and deeds, who now call that wicked, unjust, and violent wrong, that but lately they thought equal, just, and right. He said further, that they were overcome with pleasures, corrupted with superfluity, won with bribes, gaping for honour and estimation ; and that they neither regarded honesty, godliness, nor their duty and office, but studied how to make dissension and com- motions, and longed after war and bloody battle. He said further, that for his part he would obey God and his prince, to whom he had sworn fidelity ; and that he nought regarded the pretended curses of the pontiffs. He said he believed in Christ, and would trust in his mercy ; and that he believed how those whom they cursed and gave to the devil, were in greatest favour with God. Howbeit, and notwithstanding those prelates seemed to take in good part this Excom- expostulation of Otho, and to bear no malice or grudge for what he Tedfcr^" had said, but to be desirous of peace and unity ; yet, not long after, ["J/^ "L Otho was cursed as black as all the rest, and counted as bad as was pope to the best ^^^^ ""^
mc ucsl. emperors
But the aforesaid Albert, bishop of Ratisbon, not only played p*"' rex amongst the citizens, but also bethought him of a mischievous device against Conrad the Csesar, the emperor's son. When by fraud and subtilty he had apprehended many of the rich burgesses and citizens of Ratisbon who bare the emperor good will, and had sent them prisoners to Stadt-am-Hof,' Conrad, joining with other noble- men of the empire, after he had spoiled and wasted much of his lands and those of his companions, drave him so near, that upon certain conditions he released the aforesaid citizens. Soon after, Conrad, going with an army to Ratisbon, and having been according
(1) " Staffum" (Cisner), most likely Stadt-am-Hof, a town separated from Ratisbon only by a bridge over the Danube, where probably there was a prison. Buschicg's Geography.— Ec.
tliese tu- nuills.
602" MARTIAL AFFAIIIS OF FREDERIC THE EMPEROR.
Hhtoryof to aiicicnt custom received as a guest at the monastery of St. Emeran,
Frederic j^]]^f,j.^^ y.■^^\^ certain of his confederates, by the help of Ulric, the abbot,
E'xperor. cauic In tlic dcad time of the night into the chamber, wlicre he
A. I), hnew tliat the Ccxsar with a few servants were lodged, and falling upon
1216. them, some they took and other some they slew ; and finding no other
c.T»ar in pcrson in the chamber, they thought that the Caesar had been slain
ilbor" "^ amongst the rest. But he, hearing the noise, had left his bed and
hidden himself under a bench, and so escaped their hands. The next
day he outlawed or proscribed the bishop and his mates, and also the
abbot, for treason, and seized upon all the goods of the house.
But, at the suit of the guiltless monks, he released all to them again,
taking by way of fine one hundred pounds. Ulric lost his office, and
AiLcrt, by Albert, for punishment, was forced to take upon him the habit of
punish ^ monk. One Conrad of Hochcnfcls, who was the murderer of
ment, tlicsc uicn, altliough he escaped the punishment of man's hand, yet
thf order the vcngcance of God for the fact he escaped not. For as he rode in
of^moiik- ^|j^ ^^y ^-j^g abroad, he was suddenly stricken with a thunderbolt
and died.
During all this busy and contentious time, it may well be gathered that Frederic, the emperor, lay not still, but had his hands full : who. Therm- notwithstanding, by God's help overcoming and suppressing these or preslcui'' the greater part of these rebellious popish tumults, and having done strait execution on those especially who had conspired against his person, called a council, and setting in some stay the troublesome affairs of his kingdom, and having committed a certain number of troops to his son, prince Frederic of Antioch, governor of Etruria,' Richard, earl of Umbria and governor of Flaminia, and Encio, king of Sardinia, his lieutenant in Lombardy, retired to Cremona. Thither he assembled round him the wisest, most virtuous, and best learned men that there were, sending for them out of every part, thinking with them to have gone himself to Lyons to the pope, and there to have with him com- munication, as well concerning the sentence definitive, as also about the conclusion of any peace, if by any means he might. And when all things were prepared and ready, he took the journey in hand, and came to Turin, having with him both a great army of soldiers, and also a great company of legates and ambassadors. From thence sending his carriages before, within three days' journey of Lyons he was certified that a band of refugees in the pope's interest, from Breschia and Tk""" Piacenza and other Ghibelline cities, had, with the assistance of the kept by pope''s Icgatc, seized Parma. Which when he understood and that the wpJiT"^^ pope herein was the only and chief doer, he saw manifestly it should wends*^" little prevail to attempt any further the thing he went about ; and of his. then, at length, when he saw none other remedy, putting from him all hope of peace, he determined himself to the wars with all his force and might. Thus altering his purpose and journey, he took the The em- straiglitcst way into Lombardy, and, with an army of sixty thousand ferethliis "icu, bcsicgcd Pamia. And to the intent he might more aptly and I'ro'mL^ near the town plant his siege and battery without disturbance, first oMsto lie intrenched his camp, and fortified the same about with bulwarks ''™*' and other defensible munition. After that, he caused divers victual- ling-houses and taverns in his camp to be slightly builded of timber ;
fll The correct desipnation of this prince was, " Frederic of Antioch, count of Albano, Ce'iano, and Lorctto." See Struvius's Germanic Hiitorv. -Ed.
HIS DISCOMFITURE BEFORE PARMA. 503
he also marked out certain spots for public markets, •\vliitlicr buyers ntsioryoj and sellers might resort ; and embclli»licd the place with handsome '//'^"^ dwelling-houses and a^ temple ; and altogether it had more the -^"'p'''""'"- appearance of a wooden city than a camp. All which things when A.l). he had finished, which Avas not long in doing, for a happy omen ^247. and in confidence of a prosperous issue he named it Victoria, and fondly hoped that the same would take the place of the city of Parma, which when taken, he purposed to level with the ground. And at first, both there and elsewhere, all things pros- pered well with Frederic, and had good success ; for he sharply attacked and hard pressed those who defended the city of Parma ; and further, Robert de Castiglioni, who was the emperor's lieutenant in Picenum, near unto Osimo discomfited the pope's iiie army, and slew of them more than four thousand, and took many !,'r,^,y^(ii,. such as were of the confederate cities prisoners. Also, when the [j""'"^'-''^ factions of the Ghibellines and Guelphs in Florence were at contro- emperors versy, and the emperor's son Frederic, prefect of Etruria, came to nant! the relief of the Ghibellines (who had sent to him for aid), the Guelphs therewith dismayed fled from thence to Bologna, whose goods and substance came all to the emperor's coffers, and Florence also itself to the emperor's obedience. But this good success and prosperous fortune lasted not long, for as once on a time Frederic, to recreate himself (who seldom had his health), rode about the fields with certain of his horsemen to hawk and hunt, the greater part of his soldiers, thinking of nothing less than of any enterprize Negii- to be attempted of the poor starvelings within the town Parma, fite^or-*^ wandered and ranged unarmed out of their city Victoria about ^f ""'' the fields. The soldiers in Parma, having this occasion oiFered, occasion with all force and speed possible entered the emperor's camp or town Victoria, at a part which was less strongly fortified than the rest, and where one of the gates chanced to be left open. The sudden strangeness of the matter much abashed the soldiers, and they rang out their larum-bell. Against the first assault, however, the mar- quis of Malaspina made a brave stand ; whom when the emperor, returning in all haste, found to be hard beset, he had thought to have rescued him ; but when that was perceived of the enemy, they bent all tlieir force together on that side, insomuch that the emperor was forced to take to the trench, lest he should have been of the enemy Discomfi environed. And from thence he retired into the city or camp, where emperor'" he had thought to have gathered further aid ; but the enemy, not giving at yic- him sufficient time there-for, with all force entered the city Victoria. The emperor, seeing them in the very heart of his city, fled and came to St. Domino: the enemy, when they had killed and slain a great number of the emperor's soldiers, and had burnt and destroyed the said city of Victoria, returned to Parma. The emperor then sus- pecting this thing to be wrought by treason, whereby the enemy had understanding as well of the emperor's absence as also of the negli- gence of his soldiers, imprisoned certain of the chicfcst about him, imprison- amongst whom also was Petrus de Vineis. Yet, whilst he was at St. of'',,'|s^"^ Domino, endeavouring to rally the remains of his broken army, Encio captains, getteth a great victory of the Mantuans, who coming to the rescue of Parma lost fifty of their ships, and all that they had in them. After
to the enemy.
504 ui:atii of tuk empekoe,
uhioryof this also, Ricliard, in another conflict in Picenum, discomfited the "r" pope's sokliers and slew their captain Hugolinus, besides two thou- ^'"P"^'"'- sand others slain and taken prisoners.
A.D. When now Frederic had gathered again and new mustered his
1250. bands at St. Domino, he marched forth to Cremona; and, notwith-
standing that there he understood of the good success and victory
that Encio had at Reggio, yet for that he perceived the defection
and backsliding of all or most part of Lombardy from him, lie
determined to take his journey into Apulia, purposing, when he
had there levied a strong and sufficient power, to make his
speedy return again into Lombardy. Therefore, in his journey
caprese tlirougli Etruria into Apulia, he joined with his son Frederic
the'em-* wlio was bcsicging Caprese, and took the same, and led with him
peror. divcrs of the chiefest captains prisoners ; and after that, subduing
St. Miniato de Tedesco unto the obedience of the empire, he came
into Apulia.
When news was brought liim thither, that Encio his son (in going
to aid the Modenates against the Bolognese) was taken prisoner two
miles off from Modena, and that in his absence the pope's captains
with their bands and garrisons were ninning about Lombardy,
Emilia, Flaminia, and Etruria, to stir and procure the cities to
revolt from the obedience of the emperor, and not without success,
partly by subtle policies, and partly by force and sinister means,
bringing them to his purpose ; he determined with himself, with all
the force and power he might by any means procure and make, to
begin afresh, and prosecute this Avar to the uttermost. Neither was
The em- it to be doubtcd (as Pandolpho Colcnuccio writeth) but that he would
poseth to '^^^'^ wrought some marvellous exploit and great attempt, but that he
niiike was of this his purpose (whereunto he was both willing and bent)
great prevented by unlooked-for death. For when he fell into a fever,
attempt. ]J^.[^^„ ^t a Certain castle of his in Apulia, called Castel Fiorcntino, and
saw by the extremity thereof his time to be but short, he remembered
that which was once showed him, how he should die at Florence ;
whereupon he made his last will and testament ; wherein he devised
Prevent- an immense sum of money to pious uses (as they are called), and
deafh, appointed Conrad and his other sons his heirs and successors in the
A.D. 1250. empire and in his other dominions, giving to each according to his
age. Having done this, he departed this wretched and miserable
world, December 13th, a.d. 1250.
Pandolpho writeth, that Frederic was very willing to die, and that
they who were present at his death felt satisfied that his soul on
departing was translated to heavenly joy and felicity. The same
Frederic thing also Guliclmus Puteanus, Andreas Pandalus the Venetian, and
one of Manardus bishop of Imola, being Italian writers, do all affirm ; of
ei^t* whom this last writeth, that he assuredly believeth Frederic to be
one of the number of God's elect. Sundry The writcis, notwithstanding, are of sundry judgments and opinions of "the"' touching this good emperor's death. Some write that lie was traitor- F^erlc ously poisoncd by his cup-bearer, being hired thereunto by the pope, iheempe- Most Say that lie was strangled with a pillow by Manfred, his natural son. liut Pandolpho, as good a writer as tlie best, maketh no }nention of any poison that was given him, but only that he died of
HIS I'RAISIS AND DISPKAISE. /JOS
a fever. The last opinion, toucliing Manfred, he manifestly refutcth, mnnryof and showeth that there is no manner of likelihood of the same ; and ^'''j'/"'-' further, that the contrary is affirmed by divers other writers who ^"'P"'"'-- were of that time. He died a. d. 1250, the thirteenth day of a. D. December, in the six and fiftieth year of his age, and six and thirtieth 1250. year of his reign, whose corpse was brought to Palermo, and there entombed.
Frederic had three wives, the first was Constantia, the daughter of The issue the king of Arragon, of whom he begat Henry, the duke of Suabia, and rfc^hJ'^" king of the Romans : the second, lole, the daughter of John dc Bricnne '^'npe™"-. king of Jerusalem, whence the kings of Sicily and Naples to this day insert Jerusalem in their style ; of whom he begat Conrad, duke of Suabia, king of Jerusalem and Naples, and Csesar: the third Isabella, the daughter of John king of England, by whom he had a son named Henry, who is said to have died in his childhood. This Frederic Frederica had not his peer in martial affairs and warlike policies to be compared "Jj'jfj „j unto him, amongst all the princes of that age : a wise and skilful prince, soldier he was, a great endurer of painful labours and travails, boldest in greatest perils, prudent in foresight, industrious in all his doings, prompt and nimble about that he took in hand, and in adver- sity most stout and courageous. But as in this corruption of nature none there be that attain perfection, neither yet is there any one of such self-government and godly institution both in life and doctrine as is required of them, so neither was this Frederic Not with- without his fault and besetting sin ; for the writers impute to "^uiu* him some fault of concupiscence, wherewith he was stained and spotted. And it appeareth that he was not all clear thereof, foras- much as by sundry concubines he had sundry bastard children ; as Encio, king of Sardinia, Manfred, prince of Taranto, and prince Frederic of Antioch.^ These particulars I find in the description of Frederic by Colenuccio, which he affirmeth that he gathered out of good and probable authors. But as touching the heinous acts and flagitious deeds which the pope burdeneth him withal, and in his sentence against him maketh mention of, not only Frederic purgeth himself thereof, but also most historians (as well Italian writers as German) affirm the same to be false, and of the pope's own brains, to do him skath and teen withal, invented.' I have thought good to translate from the Italian what Colenuccio saith on this subject, in the passage following his commendation of Frederic ; whose words be these :
" Albeit the emperor Frederic was endued with many goodly gifts Pan- and virtues, yet notwithstanding was he accounted an enemy of the fo^idung church and a persecutor of the same : of which both Innocent IV. in i^'s pyaise
!• 11 11-M 11 1 ^'"^ "'""
his sentence hath pronounced him guilty, and the same sentence have praise, other popes registered in the Sixth book of Decretals, and esta- blished the same for a law : so that, it seems, he ought to be taken for no less. Therefore, perad venture, it should not become me to falsify or call in question that which others have confirmed, or even to dispute and argue much of that matter. Yet notwithstanding, so far as his acts and deeds declare, and the books of the best authors
(1) See 8upra, p. .502, note (I).— Ed.
(2) " Skath, or skare," and " teen," injury and sorrow. Todd's Johnnon.— Ed.
black and
vliilf
506 TIIF. I'Ol'l.'s CHUKCH NOT THAT OF CHIIIST.
7/ii/oryo/ affirm, us nlso liis own epistles do testify, I am inclined to think that ^"f"'" the bishops of Konic counted him an enemy to the church, cither F.mperor. f^j. ^\^^^ ],g ^^..^g sonicwliat too bold in speaking and telling them but A. D. the truth, and roimning the ecclesiastical order of their great abuses ; 1250. or else, for that he would have had them go somewhat more near the conditions and lives of the ancient fathers of the primitive church and disciples of Christ ; or else, for that he contended and stood with them for the prerogative and dignities belonging to the empire ; or else, for that they stood in fear and awe of the great power he was of in Italy, which thing indeed Gregory IX. in a certain epistle of his confcsseth : but of these things let them judge and discern, who shall The read the monuments and histories of Frederic. Truly," saith he, chiKc'ii. " when I consider with myself that Christ (whose vicars the Roman compared bJshops boast tlicmselvcs to be) said unto his disciples, that they Christ's should follow him, and also imitate his example, as of their master are"i[kt- and teacher ; and commanded them, furthermore, how they should not draw the sword, but put up the same into the scabbard ; and further gave them in precept, that they should not only forgive injuries seven times, but seventy-times seven times, to those that offended them ; and when I now compare the lives of the bishops of Rome with these precepts, and consider so many and great conspiracies, treasons, rebellions, disloyalties, lyings-in-wait, and treacherous devices, so many legates of the popes, being ecclesiastical persons, who will needs be called the shepherds of Christ's flock, to be such warriors and captains of soldiers in all parts of Italy, Campania, Apulia, Calabria (being the emperor's dominions), in Picenum, yEmilia, Flaminia, and Lombardy, to be sent out against him ; and also when with myself I meditate the destruction of so many great and famous cities, the subversion of such commonweals, the slaughter of so many men, and the effusion of so much christian blood ; and lastly, when I behold so victorious, prosperous, and fortunate emperors to be, and so many miserable, unfortunate, and vanquished popes put to flight, — I am persuaded with myself to think and believe, that the judgments of God are secret and marvel- lous, and that to be true, which /Eneas Sylvius in his history of Austria writeth, that there is no great and marvellous injury, no notorious and special calamity, that hath happened either to the public weal or else to the church of God, of the which the bishops of Rome have not been the authors. Nicholas Machiavelli also saith, ' That all the ruinous calamities and miserable chances, that the whole christian commonweal and also Italy hath suffered, have been brought in mainly by the popes and bishops of Rome."' "
" Many epistles of Frederic there be, which he wrote unto the bishops of Rome, to the cardinals, and to divers other christian princes, all which I have read ; and in them is to be seen nothing contrary unto christian doctrine, nothing wicked and ungodly, nothing injurious to the church of God, nothing contumelious or arrogantly written of Frederic. But indeed I deny not that they be fraught and full both of pitiful complaints and lamentations, touching the avarice and ambition of the ecclesiastical persons, and pertinacity of the bishops of Rome, and that they would receive and take no satisfaction nor yet excuse, nor tolerate his defence of the rights and
THE EPISTLES OF FREDERIC THE EMPEROU. 507
privileges of the empire ; also touching their manifold conspiracies, iihiorynf which they practised both secretly and openly against him ; they are "li^^" also full of his admonitions which he gave to the whole multitude ^"'P'"'"^- and order ecclesiastical, to attend upon and discharge their functions A.D. and charges. And those who are still further desirous to know and 1250. understand the truth, and who covet to search out the renowned virtues of magnificent princes, let them read the epistle of Frederic, Deserved addressed to all christian princes, which thus beginneth, ' College- da^i.m'"'" runt principes, pontificcs, ct Pharisroi concilium :' and another,' "Pfjticsof wherein he exhortcth the college of cardinals to take up the dissension Frederic. between the emperor and the pope, which beginneth, ' In exordio nascentis mundi ;' and also another which thus beginneth, ' Infallibilis veritatis testem ;' besides yet another, ' Ad Reges et principes orbis Christiani f with divers others more, wherein may well be seen the princely virtues of this worthy emperor ; all which epistles collected together in the Latin tongue the learned sort I wish to read, where- out they may pick no little benefit and commodity to themselves. In his epistle last recited these are his words :' — ' Think ye not that Frederic we so earnestly desire or crave this peace at your hands, as though S"[h ufe our majesty were terrified with the pope's sentence of deprivation ; ^^^^^ta of when as God, the judge of our conscience, whom we trust in and to reform invocate, is our witness, that when we went about to reform the church of ecclesiastical state, but especially the ringleaders of the same, and ^°™^- would restrain their power, and extirpate their great tyranny, and reduce the same to the state and condition of the primitive church, we looked for no less at their hands.' — For these causes peradventure, those who held the places of chief dignity in the church decreed and pronounced Frederic to be an enemy to the church : which (as I have said) I leave to others to judge thereof." Hitherto Pandolpho Colenuccio.
And doubtless examples to the contrary do appear, that Frederic sheweth was no enemy to the church of Rome, for that he both gave large n^n^emy and great gifts thereunto, and also franchised the same Avith great ^"' ^ privileges and immunities; which things by his own constitutions, to the statutes, and customs, may be perceived and imderstood. But it Rome^°^ would appear, on the other hand, that the bishops of Rome most filthily recompensed again the same his great liberality and princely benevolence, which he gave and bestowed upon the same, as partly in the discourse of this history you have heard; who notwithstanding they so molested and tired him with such and so many injuries as you have seen, he nevertheless, forgiving and pardoning all the same, for the great zeal he had to the christian commonwealth, whereof he more forced than else of any other thing, sought by all the means he might for to have peace, although it were to his own great hin- drance. Therefore, seeing he was of necessity by the bishops of Rome provoked to that war, if he did them any skath in revenge of seif do his imperial dignity, let them thank their own selves, who might other- the'^prol*' wise have remedied the same. Notwithstanding, divers both Italian '•'^^^ ^^•
(1) The translation of it is ^ven siipril, p. 482.— Ed.
(2) " Nou existimetis id me a vobis ideo contendere, ac si ex sententia pontificia privationis majestas nostra sit jierculsa. Cum eiiim nobis sit recta; vohmtatis conscientia cumque Deum nohiscum habeamus, eundem teslera invocamus id nos spectasse, ut cum totum ordiiiem ecclesi- asticum, turn presertim priinorcs, nervis potential dominationisque eorum succisis extirpatisque tyrannidis radiribus, ad primitiva; ecclcsice conditionem et staluni revocarcnius."
508 VERSES THAT PASSED BETWEEN
Hutoryoj and Gemian writers, both of those and of subsequent times, even down
^"ff^"' to our own age, who sought for fat benefices and studied in their
Emperor^ writini^ bv flatlcrv rather to obtain from the pope that which they
A. D. hunted for, than to bear true and faithful testimony of things as tliey
1250. were indeed, liave taken great occasion hence to shinder this good em-
Hopeof peror. But let us pass over these parasites, and return to those who,
Sureth although thcy themselves were of that calling, I mean of the ecclcsias-
many to tical ortlcr. yet notwithstanding, for that they were more swayed by love
and'write of truth and respect for worth, than by the authority of the pope and a
untruths, j^^g^ (lisj)osition to flatter, have greatly extolled and commended this
good emperor Frederic. So did Nicolas of Cusa, a cardinal, in his
writings affirm this emperor to be another Charlemagne, both for his
wisdom and also diligent regard to the commonweal. So also writeth
Gilles, archbishop of Bourges, in his book ' Dc Regimine Princi-
pum,'* which he Avrote for the French kings, exhorting them and all
others to take pattern of this most worthy and excellent prince : in
commendation of whose worthy praise and virtue these verses are
written on his tomb : —
Si probitas, sensus, virtutum gratia, census,
Nobilitas ortus, possent resistere morti,
Non foret cxtinctus Fredericus, qui jacet intus.
Wherefore, inasmuch as it appeareth by the approved writers of whom I have made mention, who and what manner of prince this emperor Frederic was, and that because he diligently laboured, as well in the preservation of the christian commonweal, as in the con- servation of the imperial dignity, he procured to himself the great hatred and displeasure of the Roman bishops (who have been to all the good emperors for the most part utter foes and enemies), and with what wicked slanders and other injuries both by them, and by their ministers he was continually molested — this lesson ought to be ours, that having the same in our memory, we imitate and follow his virtues, hating and detesting the wicked and flagitious doings of those holy fathers that will so be called, the bishops of Rome : desiring God that he will so guide the hearts of all kings and princes, that they may, by his grace, advance and set forth his glory, and reform the corrupt and vicious manner and order of the church to all sincerity and purity both of life and doctrine.
These verses which here ensue were sent and written between the emperor and pope Innocent IV., which, because to the learned they arc both commodious and profitable, at the end of this history I thought good to place.
Fredericus Imper. Innocent IV. PapcB. Fata monent, stellajque decent, aviumque volatus,
Totius subito malleus orbis ero : Roma diu titubans longis erroribus acta Corruet, et mundi desinet esse caput. Innocent. Papa Frederico Imper. Fata silent, stellaeque tacent, nil prsedicat ales,
Solius est proprium nosse futura Dei : Niteris incassum navem submergere Petri : Fluctuat, at nunquam mergitur ilia ratis.
(1) Gilles Colonnc was archbp. of Bourges, a.d. 1294—131(5. Gallia Christiana. See Cave's Hist, lyitt. His work " Oe Hegimine Principiini" was translated into English by Thomas Oclevc, one of our old English poets. See Tanner's BiWioth. and Wharton's llist. of English Puetry. See p. 714, infrA. — Lu.
THE POVE AND THE EMPEROR. 509
Fama refert, scriptura docet, peccata loquuntur, iiyinryof
Qu6d tibi vitabrevis, poena perennis erit. Frederic
Quod divina maims potuit, sensit Julianus ; Emperor.
Tu succedis ei, te tenet ira Dei. Fre. freniit in mundo, de. deprimit alta profundo, A. D.
Ri. mala rimatur, cus. cuspide cuncta minatur. \2b0.
Fredericus Innoceniio. Fata monent, stelloeque docent, aviumque volatus,
Lapsurum te mox ad stjgis antra nigrse. Cymba Petri non est, sed Christi, qure natat undis :
Fluctuat, atnunquam mergitur ilia ratis. Fama refert, tua scripta docent, peccata nefanda
Interitum ostendunt, exitiunique tuum. Strangulat Adrianuni musca ; annon ira Tonantis
Cogitat et de te sumere supplicium ? Carcere siispendit sese Benedictus, et alter,
In stupro captus, saiicius ense peril : Sylvestruni extinguit Satanas sceleratior ipse :
Ergo tuis factis proemia digna feres. Innocuum te voce notas, cum sis nociturus
Orbi terrarum christianoque gregi.
Fredericus Innocentio de integro. Esses si membrum, non te caput orbis et urbis
Jactai-es, cum sis orbis et urbis onus. Nunc membrum non es, sed putre cadaver et ulcus,
Ense reddendum, ridiculumque caput. A Daniele /3SeXvy/Lia, nefasque caputque malorum,
Diceris, a Paulo filius exitii. Nos solum Christum nostrum caput esse : malorum
Totius orbis te caput esse facis. Et caput est unum, quod Paulus dicit ubique ;
Tu, vecors balatro, die mihi quale caput ? Corporis ergo caput monstrosi, monstra parisque,
Monstra paris monachos, scorta nefanda foves. Est tua religio stuprum, ira, superbia, caedes,
Error, deliciae, fulmina, turpe lucrum. Ex his ergo liquet Christum te spernere : Christo
Hostem esse invisum, dedecorique Deo. Rex tandem veniet coelo delapsus ab alto,
Tunc non defendent te sacra, missa, cruces ; Non in sublimi surgentes vertice cristas,
Non diploma potens, non tua sacra cohors ; Nee diadema triplex, nee sedes sanguine parta,
Nullus honos solii, purpura nulla, tui. Triginta argenteis Christum vendebat ludas,
Tu Christi vendis corpora plura tui. Corpora tu vendis Christi parvo sere, polumque,
Ccelestes genios, sidera, jura, Deos.
As ye have heard of the iniquity and raging pride of the popish certain church against their lawful emperor, so now shall ye hear (Christ fusuabu! willing) how God beginneth to resist and withstand the corruption of that whorish church, by stirring up certain faithful teachers in sundry countries ; as in the country of Suabia about the time of this emperor (a.d. 1240), or near upon the same, where were many preachers mentioned in the Paraleipomena of Urspcrgensis, and also in Crantzius,^ who preached freely against the pope. These preachers (as Crantzius saith) ringing the bells, and calling the barons together at Halle in Suabia, there preached that the pope was a heretic, and that his bishops and prelates were Sinioniacs and heretics ; and that
(1) [" SaxoniiE,"] lib. viii. cap. 16 et ['• Metropolis," lib. viii. cap.] 18, [cited by lilyricus " fat. Test." col. 1651, from the Par. tJrsperg. ; whence a few corrections are made in the text. — Ed.J
510 nESISTERS OF THE POPe's USURPED POWER.
jfenry tlic inferior priests and prelates had no authority to bind and loose, but were all seducers : Item, that no pope, bishop, or priest, could
A.D. restrain men from their duty of serving and worshipping God, ^-^Q- and therefore such cities or countries as were under the pope's curse might, notwithstanding, lawfully resort to the receiving of sacraments as well as before : Item, that friars, Dominic and Franciscan, did pervert the church with their preaching. And that, as the indul- gence of the pope and his popelings was of no regard, so that remis- Regisi- sion which they themselves did prcaoh unto men, they preached it eai'nst the ^'^^ ^'"'^"^ ^''^ popc> but as from the Lord. And thus much I thought vope no here to recite, whereby it may appear how the resisting of the pope's inchrists usurped power and corrupt doctrine is no new thing in these days in
church. j^jjg ^.j^yj.^.|j ^f Qjjj.igt_
Arnold And uot loug after these aforesaid rose up Arnold de Villa Nova, KoJacon- ^ i?paniard, and a man famously learned and a great divine (a.d. ofhercs' 1~^0) ' ^'I'om the popc "with his spiritualty condemned among heretics for holding and writing against the corrupt errors of the popish church. His teaching was that Satan had seduced all the world from the truth of Christ Jesus : Item, that the faith Avhicli then christian men were commonly taught, was such a faith as the devils had ; meaning belike (as we now affirm) that the papists do teach only the historical faith, which is the faith ' Historise, non fiducia) f Item, that christian people (meaning belike, for the most part) are led by the pope into hell : Item, that all cloisterers are beyond mercy and damned : Item, that all men do falsify the doc- trine of Christ : Item, that the divines do evil in mixing philosophy with divinity : Item, that masses are not to be celebrated : Item, that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead. Certain erroneous opinions there arc, likewise, which the slanderous sects of monks and friars do attribute unto him ; but rather (as they are wont to do) by enviously taking, than of any just cause given. ^ Johannes And " as this Amold was condemned, so also at the same time thrfTiots- Johannes Semeca, the gloss-writer on Gratian's " Decretum,"" and the pop°e^8 pi'O^'ost of Halbcrstat, was excommunicated and deprived of his pro- decrees, vostship for resisting popc Clement IV. exacting the tenths through- municat- out Germany ; and therefore he appealed from the pope to a general ***• council, and had many great men on his side, when behold, both the
pope and he died. Guiiei- Consequently in this order and number foUoweth the worthy and Amore.^' Valiant champion of Christ, and adversary of Antichrist, Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, a doctor of Paris, canon of the church of Beauvais. This Gulielmus in his time had no small ado in writing against the friars and their hy])ocrisy, but especially against the begging friars, both condemning their whole order, and also accusing them, as those that did disturb and trouble all the churches of Christ by their preaching in churches against the will of the ordinary pastors, by their hearing of confessions, and executing the charges of curates and pastors. All the testimonies of Scripture that describe Antichrist and his ministers, he applieth to the pope's spiritualty. The same Gulielmus is thought to be the author of the book,^ which is attributed to the school of
(1) Vide librum [Ulyrici] " de teslibus veritatis." [Ed. 1608, col. 1647, whence some corrections are made in the text. — Ed.]
(2) From hence to the middle of the next page is from Ulyricus, col. 1648..— Ed.
(3) The following signs of a false prophet, pp. .'ill— 520, are from the " He periculis ecclesice," chap, xiv., and will be found in Browne's Appendix to the " Fasciculus." See Appendix.— Ed.
HOW TO KNOW A FALSK PROPHET. ol 1
Paris, and entitled, ' De periculis Ecclesiae ; "■ wherein he provctli by ii nine and thirty arguments, that the begging friars be false apostles.
Moreover, he doth well expound this saying of Christ, '' If thou A. D. wilt be perfect, go and sell away all thou hast, and come follow me,'"' ^^^^- declaring there, poverty to be enjoined us of Christ, ' non actualem, xhe piac« sed habitualem ;' not in such sort as standeth in outward action, gospel ex- when no need requireth, but in inward affection of heart when need pounded, shall require. As though the meaning and precept of our Lord were seiiaiiand not, that we should cast away actually all tliat we have ; but that, io"n,e"J' when the confession of the name of God and the glory of Christ shall so require, then we be ready to leave and relinquish what things soever for the sake of him, &:c. As when he requireth of us, after the like phrase, the hatred of fother and mother, and of our own lives, he biddeth us not to dishonour father or mother, much less to hate them ; but that then, when case shall require, we set all things behind the love of Christ. Many other worthy works he compiled, wherein albeit he uttered nothing but what was truth, yet, notwith- standing, he was by Antichrist and his rabble condemned for a heretic, exiled, and his books burnt ; whose heretical arguments, as they called them, that thou mayest better judge thereof, hereunder I thought good to place. Against false prophets, with signs to know them by, these his words do follow : —
For because these seducers (saith he) name themselves to be apostles, and say that they are sent of God to preach, to absolve and dispense with the souls of men, by means of their ministry, read the saying of the apostle : [2 Cor. xi. 11.] " For such apostles are subtle and crafty workmen, disguising themselves to belike the apostles of Christ." Therefore, we mean to show some certain infallible and probable tokens, by the which false apostles may be discerned from the tnie preachers and apostles of Christ.
The first sign or mark is, that such as be true preachers do not enter into First sign simple women's houses laden with sin, and take them as it were captive, as ^n^ io]s.en many of the false preachers do ; as in the second epistle of St. Paul to Timothy, °^{^^ p^o, the third chapter, is manifest, saying, " Of those sorts are they, which enter phet by. into women's houses," &c. Therefore those preachers who come into women's houses, to the intent they may take them captive, be not true preachers, but false apostles.
The second sign and token is, that those that be true preachers do not second deceive simple men with painted and flattering words, whereby they prefer sign, their own trash and tradition, as all fidse prophets do, as in the last chapter preachers to the Romans appeareth, saying, "By their pleasant and sugared talk, do not de- and by their blessing and crossing, they deceive and beguile the hearts of '^^'^''^*'"^' innocent men and women." ^ Glossa : — ■ " With gay glorious words they extol with and set forth their traditions, whereby they deceive simple men." Very greatly painted do they deceive the souls of simple men, who cause them to enter into their J^"rij,g^'' sect, which they term religion. And they who before led a naughty life, by words, reason of their ignorance or simplicity, after their entrance, become subtle and false deceiving hypocrites, entering together with the rest into poor men's houses ; yea, and oftentimes they become worse than the others. "Whereupon, [St. Matthew xxii. 15,] " Woe be unto you Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites, which go about," &rc. Therefore they who do this, are no true messengers, but false apostles.
The third sign is, that the true apostles, if they be reproved, suffer the same Ti,e third patiently, saying, " The tokens of my apostleship are accomplished among you, sipn is, in all patience and sufferance ;" [2 Cor. xii. 12,] meaning that patience which {ate""* pertaineth to the manners of the preachers. Therefore they, who suffer not in good correction or punishment, be no true apostles, but rather show themselves to be V^^ "h''" no Christians at all ; " No man can say that Jesus is the Lord, but by the Holy reproved.
(1) " By good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple." Rom. xvi. IS. — Ed.
."ilS A TUUK DIFFKllENTK BKTWKKK
Jinny C.liost." [1 Cor. xii. 3.] Glossa:— " It is meet that Christians bhould be hum- lil- bled, to the intent tliat they may suffer tlicnisclves to be reproved, and not to , be holden up with yea and nav. " And also sueh men do show themselves to be ^'r.: carnal, and not spiritual at all, although they feign themselves to be spiritual. " Therefore am I become an enemy unto you." [Gal. iv. IG.] Notwithstand- ing the Glossa saith: — " No carnal man will be reproved, although he err." Avlierefore, those preachers who sufier not correction, seem not to be tioie apostles, but false prophets. Tiie The fourth sign is, that true apostles commend not themselves [2 Cor. x. 12].
fourth. ,, p^j. ^^.^, ^.|j.p jjyf jyjjj ourselves, nor yet compare ourselves unto others roi';inieiid which commend and boast of many of their acts, when God alloweth none of not them- tl,e,n at all." Also true preachers, although they be indeed praiseworthy for *"'''■*'• tjjeir good deserts, in the consciences of men are they praiseworthy, and not to the outward show alone; " We conunend ourselves," saith the apostle, " to the consciences of all men." [2 Cor. iv. 2.] Then they do not commend them- selves in comparison of others. Wherefore the Glossa saith, upon the same place, " Those that deserve no commendation, but in comparison of others, do challenge to themselves other men's deserts and praise." Wherefore it is said, " Even as our well-beloved brother Paul, according to the wisdom that God hath given unto him, hath written unto you." [2 Peter iii. 15.] Glossary: " The chiefest of the apostles hath here forgotten his papal authority, and also his keys that were delivered unto him ; for he is astonied as it were at the great wisdom given unto his brother Paul." For indeed it is the manner of tlie elect children of God, to be more in love with the virtues of other nien, tJian with their own. Wherefore it is written, " Let those that are superiors esteem of themselves in all humility." [Phil. ii. 2.] They therefore that do tlie con- trary, saying, 'That their state or doings be belter tlian other men's,' although they be preachers, yet are they no true apostles indeed, but false prophets. The fifth, The fifth sign is, that true apostles need no letters of commendation ; nor yet they need j^sire to have themselves praised by men, as saith the apostle, " We need not commen" the letters of connnendation of any man," [2 Cor. iii. 1,] that is to say, of false datory. prophets.
The The sixth sign is, that true apostles do not preach unless they be sent, as " How
^l^'l^' shall they preach, imless they be sent ?" [Rom. x. 15.] Glossa : — " Tliere be no preach true ajjostles, but those that" be sent : for they have no need of signs who are not ex- true witness-bearers, but those that be not sent and do preach are false prophets." be^sent'^^ The seventh sign is, forasmuch as false prophets have their authority in their The own names ; wherefore it is written, " For we dare not boast of ourselves, or
seventh, make comparison." [2 Cor. x. 12.] Glossa: — " That is to say, with those that t"h**t" be false prophets, not taking their authority from (Jod, but Ui,in-ping the same, mse desirous to bear rule, claiming in their own name their authority." And,
prophets therefore, although peradventure by presumption, they say that they are sent tharwere of (^od, as all heretics will say ; yet, notwithstanding, imless they shall prove never their sending either by spiritual prophecy, as John the Baptist did, saying, " I ''^"'- am the voice of a crier in the desert;" as out of the prophet Isaiah, in John's gospel is alleged [chap. i. 23], or else by miracles, as Moses did, who tiu-ned his rod into a serpent, and again, from a serpent to a rod [Exod. vii. 10, 12], they ought to be excommunicated, till such time as they cease from preaching. Yet notwithstanding, a miracle ought not to be a suthcient testimony of their sending, forasmuch as they be done oftentimes, and that of evil and wicked men, (1 Qu;est. 1.) we may perceive towards the end. But miracles ought to be suspected, forasmuch as our Saviour saith, " Then shall false prophets arise," &c. [Matth. xxiv. 11.] Therefore they who do challenge authority in their own name, forasmuch as they have not their authority from God, are not true apostles, but false preachers. The The eighth sign is, that false prophets, pretending great wisdom and holiness
that'uie • *" ^*^ "' superstition, have named their own traditions to be religion, which are pretend^^ rather to be counted sacrilege or church robbery, and do usin-p unto themselves, great for due deserts of other men, by boasting and bragging among strange and un- in's^per- known people. Wherefore the apostle speaking of false prophets [Col. ii. 8J, •tition. saith, " According to the precepts of men, which having a face of wisdom con- sist in superstition, interlaced with humility." Glossa : — " That is to say, mingled with feigned religion, tliat it might "be called religion, when in very
FALSE APOSTLES AND TRUE. O 1 3
deed it is nothing else but sacrilege, because it is contrary to all authoritj';" Hetirn that is, contrary to God himself; that any man should desire fo have govern- ^^'• inent of a nudtitude without public connnaudment, as [Deut. xxiii. 24], "77)^ " Thou hast entered into thy neighbour's vineyard." Glossa: — " That is to i.^rn
say, into the church of another bishop." Maj^ a man warn and admonish "
others, or else coiTect that congregation which is not lawful for him to govern, nor yet to take so great a charge upon him? No. And that it is not lawful to enter into another bishop's diocese, it is apparent, because it is not lawful for the archbishop so to do. To this effect appertaineth that which is read [6 Quaest. 3.] And also it is written [9 Quasst. 2] throughout. Therefore those preachers, who, against God and his divine Scriptures, do call their own tra- ditions religion, are not apostles, but false prophets.
The ninth sign is, by the authority which they have : for although they be That no preachers of the gospel or ministers of the sacraments, yet they will live by jy''f " . the gospel, and not by the labour of their own hands, contrary to the text, ther [2 Thess. iii. 8.] " Neither have we eaten any man's bread for nought, or of preach free cost." Glossa: — "Then those false prophets ought much more to live "?[,"""^.j.t by their labour, who have not that authority which we ought to have ; that is tliey live to say, to live by the gospel." And St. Augustine speaketh of this more "'I"" expressly, in his book De opere Mouachorum, in these words : " Those our nien's la- brethren do claim to themselves (very rashly as me thiiiketh) that they have Ijoit- any such authoritj', to live by the gospel. If they be preachers of the gospel, I grant that indeed they have such authority ; if they be ministers of the altar, if they be disposers of the sacraments, they cainiot well but take to themselves this authority, as also manifestly to challenge the same; if, at least, they have not wherewithal to sustain this present life, without labour of their hands." As though he would have said, if they be not such manner of men, then have they no authority to live by the gospel. Therefore those preachers who have not authority to live by the gospel, or minister the sacraments, because they have no congregation whereby to take charge of souls, and yet, for all that, will needs live upon the gospel ; they be no true apostles, but fcilse prophets.
The tenth sign is, that false teachers rejoice more to be commended them- xhatthev selves, than that the word of God shoidd have the commendation and praise, take that But they that are true preachers and apostles are far otherwise minded, " Not t" ti'^m- seeking the praise of men," &c. [1 Thess. ii. 4.] And herein he toucheth whicii' those false prophets, who desire rather to be commended themselves, than that pertain- the word of God which they preach should have the commendation : but he is word'ot' "^ an apostle, who not seeking the glory of tliis present world, but for the glory God. to come, doth abase himself, to the intent that the preaching and word of God might be commended and exalted. They, therefore, who desire to have jiraise and to be commended of others, rather than that the word of God shoidd have tlie praise, be not true apostles, but false prophets.
The eleventh sign is, that true apostles preach only for God's cause, and for xhev the health of souls, and for no temporal gain, as St. Paul saith, [2 Cor. ii. 5,] preaVii " We preach not ourselves," &c. Glossa: — " Our preaching tendeth not to * our glory and gam, but only to the glory of Chnst. But the preachmg of for cod's Clurist, by those that are false prophets, tendeth to the contrary. Whereupon cause, it is said, [PhiL i. 18,] " Whether it be imon occasion given, or else for tlie Verity's sake, let Christ be preached," &c. Glossa: — " False prophets do preach the gospel upon some occasion, as either by seeking some commodity at the hands of men, or else because of getting goods, honour, or praise among men." Notwithstanding, however, that they be ready and willing, as it shouhl seem, to bear and sustain injuries, yet they seek not so much the health of him to whom they preach, as in very deed they do their own commodity and gain. Whereupon St. Paul saith, [2 Cor. .xii. 14,] " Because I seek not the things that be yours." Glossa:— "That is to say, not your treasure, as gold and silver, but only you yourselves." For, otherwise, it could by no means be gathered that they should understand him to speak or mean of tlieir subst;uice, because he more esteemeth them than their money, to the intent that they might understand his great good will towards them. Tlierefiure these evil and naughty preachers who preach for worldly gain or honour, or else for the ju-aise and commendation of men, be no true apostles, but false prophets. But it may be asked, how shall men understand when these good fellows preach for tlieir VOL. II. L L
51 t A TRUE nil FERENCE BETWEEN
Henry own vaiii-plory's sake? It may be answered thus, when they preach before ^^^- they be called [2 Cor. x. 17], " Whosoever boastetli, let lum boast and rejoice . _. in the Lord." Giossa:— " Which thing he cannot by any means do that hath jVco' ""* 'i'** authoritv from God." For if any such prophet preach, he sceketh his own glory, and that may easily be perceived. Because lie is not called of God, he hath no such authority of him; that is to say, of liis church or congre- gation, as [Heb. v. 4], " No man taketh to himself any dignity, but he tliat is called of God, as Aaron was." Giossa: — " He is called of God, that is, lawfully chosen of the congregation." They The twelfth sign or token of a false prophet is, because such prophets do
counter- counterfeit themselves to have greater care and love to men's souls, than they f*^'.' '" liave that be their very governors and pastors, although they have no charge at where all of them; against whom the apostle speaketh [1 Thess. ii. 7], " We are they bate, become meek and loving towards you, even as the nurse which givetli her child suck." Giossa; — " A woman nurseth other men's children for wages, and not for love alone; but she giveth her own suck of very love without respect of money." Therefore those preachers who feign themselves to have a greater love and affection to the soids of men, than they that have the charge over them, seem not to be true apostles. The apostles study neither for eloquence, nor for the curious placing of their words, but false prophets do both, as [1 Cor. xiv. 23], " If the simple and ineloquent man," Sec. Giossa : — " The apostles were not eloquent, but false prophets are full of curious eloquence." Also upon the same subject another gloss: "The Corinthians were led away from the gospel by over nice eloquence." [2 Cor. vi. 4.] " Let us show ourselves before all men as the ministers of God." Giossa: — " The ministers of God do not flatter as false prophets do." And for this occasion those that be true apostles have not their abiding in princes' courts and noble- men's houses, knowing this saying of Christ [Matt. xi. 8], " Behold, those that are clothed with silks dwell in kings' courts." Giossa : — " And there- fore true apostles are not conversant in princes' courts, and noblemen's houses." Hard and strait life with the preaching of the gospel loveth not to come near princes' palaces, and noblemen's houses. Oftentimes it cometh to pass tliat courtiers are foimd great flatterers ; therefore those preachers that have their abode in princes' courts, or that in any other place are used to flatter, are not true apostles, but false prophets. They cir- The thirteenth sign is, that true apostles or messengers do not circumvent cumvent or subtlely go about to deceive men, that they should give unto them their hTv"' their S^o^^' either in their lifetime, or else at the time of their death, as [2 Cor. vii. 2], goods, ' " We have falsely deceived no man." Giossa: — " By the subtle and deceittul and care getting away of your substance, as false prophets do, who get away from you thh"g° t^ose things that be yours under pretence of great friendship." Also else. [Matt, xxiii. 14], " W^oe be unto you. Scribes and Pharisees, you hypocrites,
which spoil mdows' houses by yoiu* long prayers;" who mean nothing else by your superstition, but that you may spoil and rob the people. [Luke xx. 47], " Which devour widows' houses by dissembling of your long prayer." Giossa : — *' Who make over-long pravers, to the intent they may seem more devout, and that they may get both money and great conunendation of all such as be sick and troubled with the burden of their sins ; whose prayers be turned into sin, which neither are profitable for themselves nor any other, but rather shall have for making those prayers greater damnation, forasmuch as by the same they deceive others." For by this, that they receive and take both gold and silver, it appeareth that they preach not for souls' health sake, but only for filthy lucre and gain sake. [Matt. x. 9], " Be ye possessors neither of gold nor silver." Giossa: — " If Uiey then have these things, they cannot seem or be thought to preach for the health of the soul, but for lucre's sake." And so saith Jerome upon the prophet Malachi, " Because some prophets took money, their prophecy became divination;" that is to say, their prophecy appeared not to be prophecy, but divination, or enchantment : that is, that such prophecy pro- ceedeth not from God, but from the devil. And this appeareth in [1 Quaest. 1.] having tliis beginning, " Nunquam Divinatio," Src. Therefore those preachers who circumvent and beguile men, to the intent that they should give them their goods, either in their lifetime, or after their death, are not true apostles, but false prophets.
I'ALSE APOSTLES AND lUUK. ;"> 1 5
The fourteenth sign is, that false propliets, wlien any verity is preaclied, with iieuri/
which for the most part tliey are not acquainted, or tliat toucheth them, tlien ^^'•
begin they to chase and bark against the same. Whereupon the apostle . .v
[Phil. iii. 2], saith, " Behold the dogs," &c. Glossa: — " Understand you that i.,'-q' they are not dogs by nature, but by their usage and conditions, barking against
the truth, which they were never acquainted with." And so he compareth Thcyran- them right well to dogs, because dogs follow rather custom than reason ; so "^ h^vc ^ false apostles do keep the custom of the law, and do bite and bark against the the truth truth, as though they were without the gift of reason. Also [2 Tim. iv. 3], preached. "They get them instructors according to their own desires." Glossa: — " Which may teach them what things they themselves are willing to hear, because the truth seemeth nothing pleasant unto them." Therefore those preachers who bark against the late revealed truth, which toucheth them very near, and therefore cause the same to be hidden and kept under, are not true apostles, but false prophets.
The fifteenth sign is, that the true apostles do not force any to receive or False hear them who be unwilling, but send them away rather, lest they should seem prophets to seek after some earthly and transitory thing. [Matt. x. 14], " Whosoever ti,osg t,^ will not receive you, get you out of that city, and shake the dust ft-om off your hear who feet," &c. Glossa : — " That you may thereby show tliat the desire of earthly ^^,,"",' things hath no power in yoiu" Therefore those preachers who strive and Avrestle, as it were, to the intent they would be received and heard, arc not true apostles, forasmuch as the apostle saith [1 Cor. xi. 10], " If any man appear among you to be over-contentious or full of strife, such custom have we none, nor yet the congregation of Christ."
The sixteenth sign is, that the apostles did not procure the indignation of They those princes, by whom they were esteemed and regarded, against such persons •^'''}"*'' as would not receive them and hear them ; as we read in the lives of Simon hate aiid and Jude, the apostles. The chief ruler, being very angiy, commanded a very punish great fire to be made, that the bishops might be cast into the same, and all ''^"01"" others who went about to defame the doctrine of the apostles of Christ. But hear the apostles fell down before the emperor, saying, " We beseech you, sir, let '^"^"i- not us be the authors or causers of this destruction or calamity ; nor let us who are sent to be the preservation of men, and to revive those that are dead through sin, be killers of those that be alive." Therefore those preachers who seek to stir up the displeasure of princes, against those whose favours now they enjoy, who will not receive and hear them, or rather, whom they themselves hate, are not true apostles, but false prophets.
The seventeenth sign is, that the apostles of Christ have not only the know- False ledge of those things which God hath ah-eady done, but also of those things P™''|jj'^''' which he will hereafter do, as in the Apocalj'pse [chap. iv. 6.], " The beasts jj^nw were full of eyes both behind and before." Glossa : — " Obtaining the know- either ledge of those things which God had done, as also what he would do, hereafter, ^^^^ ^"'^ in the end of the world." Therefore those that say they know not the perils done, or of the church in the latter time which are prophesied before, or that they care yet will not for them, or else, if they know them, have not eyes behind and before, t^e^pro- are no true apostles ; therefore when they call themselves apostles, they are phets do. false prophets.
The eighteenth sign is, that true apostles do not desire the riches and goods "^'^^^.j^'j^^ of them to whom they preach, whereby they are discerned from wolves, that is J^pney, "' to say, from false prophets. [Acts xx. 8.] " I have desired no man's gold nor and are silver." Glossa : — " By this are wolves discerned, for tbey desire such things." JJf5p'°,|fj And again in the same place ; " For those things which I have need of, and from those which were with me, these hands have ministered." Glossa: — " This wohes. example also of labouring is a spectacle for bishops whereby they are discerned from wolves." For such as ask or beg of those to whom they preach, or set any other to ask or beg in their names, do seem to commit simony, like Gehazi, of whom it is read [2 Kings v. 2o], that he craved certain apparel of Naaman, the Syrian, to whom his master Elisha had restored the benefit of health, not- withstanding he had gotten those garments unwitting to his master. Whereupon Gregory Nazianzen saith, [1 Quc-est. 1] " Qui isti debetur." But some num perhaps will say, cannot the preacher ask money, or money's worth, of those to whom he preacheth ? Or at the least, mav not he beg ? To this may be
T T L> I.
516
A XnrF. DlFFEREyCF. HETWEEN
Henry III.
Tnie apostles do not render evil for good, as false do.
True apustles are not so well enter- tained as false pro- phets be. True preachers build not upon any other man's founda- tion.
Authority loveth them tliat refuse her, and yet abhor her not. True pro- phets are not proud and vain- glorious, as false prophets be.
False pro- phets al- ways are men-plca- sers.
answered ; if tlie j)naclur by antlioiity preach and feed his flock as a true pastor with the food of CJod's word, lie may take money or money's worth; but then it is not bej,'j:in. " It is meet that tlie husbandman that tilleth tlie ground, shoukl first and after others, receive tlie commodity of his increase." Glossa: — " He putteth the virtuous i)reacher out of doubt, not preaching for the intent to make merchan- dise of the gospel, and giveth him to imderstand, that it is lawful for him to lake of them whom he feedeth as his flock what things soever he hath need of, and doth it not in begging or craving, but by good authority." It is manifest that it cannot in any place of the holy Scripture be found, that the preacher ought to beg. But begging is forbidden of all the apostles of Christ, and is abhorred by Solomon and by St. Augustine, and reproved by divers other holy men. Therefore it is manifest that the true apostles do not desire the temporal goods of them to whom they preach, neither do they beg nor crave the same. They, therefore, that require any thing of them to whom they preach, or else set any other man to ask for them, or in their names, do not seem to be true apostles, but false preachers.
The nineteenth sign is, that true apostles are patient in tribulation, neither do they render evil for good. [Matt. x. 16.] " Behold, I send you as sheep among wolves." Glossa: — " They, that occupy the place of preaching, ought not to procure any evil toward their brethren, as the example of Christ teacheth " [1 Pet. ii. 23], " Who, when he was reviled, reviled not again, but did submit himself to him that judgeth justly." They therefore that suffer not injury, but rather do Avrong themselves, are not true apostles, but false apostles.
The twentieth sign is, that true apostles at their first coming are evil enter- tained, as the Lord saith [Matt. xxiv. 9], *' Ye shall be hated of all men for my name's sake." But at length such get the victory, according to that saying* [1 John v. 4,] " Every thing that is of God overcometh the world." They, therefore, that in the beginning rejoice and are well entertained, but in the end are rejected, seem not to be true apostles, but false.
The twenty-first sign is, that true preachers go not to preach unto those who have preachers appointed unto them, because they have not to rejoice of a company belonging to another man's charge; as [Rom. xv. 20], " I have preached the gospel where Christ was not before preached, lest I should build upon another man's foundation." And again St. Paul saith [2 Cor. x. 15], " We are not boasters, nor busy in other men's matters." Glossa : — " Where another man had laid the foundation." Likewise in the same chapter [16], " Not having pleasure to boast of other men's labours," that is to say, of those whicli he committed to the government of another man. Likewise Augustine saith ; " Honour ought to seek thee, and not thou honour." Also Chrj'sostom ; " Authority is in love with such a man as refuseth her, and yet abhorretli her not." They therefore that procure and have a desire to preach unto tlie people committed to another man's charge, which is an office of honour, espe- cially in councils, synods, and great assemblies, also in kings' and princes' courts, and prelates' palaces, are not tnie apostles, but false teachers.
The twenty-second sign is, that true apostles, when they know themselves to do much good in the clnuch and congregation of God, yet, notwithstanding, are not puffed up with pride [Ezck. iii. 9] ; " O son of man, I have made thy face as an adamant stone." The adamant stone, when it draweth iron unto it, is not thereby either lifted up or altered. Likewise a true preacher, when he draweth unto him, by his preaching, sinners whose hearts are as hard as iron, is never the more lifted up or higher minded therefore. But as in Luke [chap. xvii. 10], " When ye have done all that ye can, and as well as ye can, yet say that you are unprofitable servants ; " and in Psalm xcv. " Not unto us, Lord, not unto us, but to thy name be given the glory." They therefore that do arrogantly boast themselves of their fruit, and of the benefit they have done in the church of God, saying, " We have given light to the universal church, which was blind before our time, and we have put out the flame of sin in the church of God " (when perhaps they have more furthered hypocrisy than either truth or verity), they are not true prophets, but false, of whom it is spoken in the Psalms, " The mouth of them that speak proud things," Src.
The twenty-third sign is, that true apostles do not seek the favour of the world, nor yet how to please men, as [Gal. i. 10], " If I should please men, "
FALSE APOSTLES AND TKUE. 517
iliat is to say, "if I had a desire to please men, I slumld not be the servant of God." iienrg
VVHiereupon the apostle says to the Colossians [chap. iii. 22], " Not ;m men- ^t^-
pleasers." Glossa: — " Seeking to please, because we have not the pleasing . ,.
Spirit." Therefore those preachers that seek the favour of the world, and do i.jrf^' labour to this intent that they might i)lease men, are not tnie apostles, but false.
The twenty-fourth sign is, that true apostles, when they have meat and drink, -^^^^ they are contented, neither do they desire over-dainty fare, according to the piiets eat saying in Luke [chap. x. 8], " Eating and drinking those things that are ^ll^^^^^ set before you." Glossa: — " The gospel condenmeth not altogether costly thumUnd and delicate fare, yet it so alloweth the same, that if we have meat and drink, five God we ought not to grudge, but to be therewith content." Therefore those ",'1^^^' preachers, who, although they neither be sent, nor have authority to preach, false pro- are yet offended when they have not fine and delicate fare, are not true P'*'-'''*- apostles, but false preachers.
The twenty-fifth sign is, that tnie apostles do love more the law of God than False pro their own estimation amongst their neighbours; accoriling to that in the l>'>ets love Proverbs [chap. vii. 2, 3], " Keep my law as the apple of thine eye, and ^°J^ o„^, bind the siune upon thy fingers, and write the same in the table of thy heart." estima- Whereupon also the Psalmist [Psalm cxix. 72], " The law of thy mouth is ^j^'-A'"'" dearer unto me than thousands of gold and silver." Glossa: — " Charity doth word of more love the law of God, than the desire of gold and silver a thousand fold." (^id He, therefore, that seeth the gospel of Christ trodden under foot, which is the j'^j^'",'*^ '*' eternal glad tidings, to be taken away by that cursed one, and doth neglect and taught. contemn the same, or else, peradventiu-e, consenteth unto the same to the outward appearance of the world ; and yet, because he will keep his tempond dignity and estimation, refuseth not to stir up strife and contention about the same, and so to be evil spoken of, seemeth not to be an apostle of Christ, but rather a false prophet, if he be a preacher.
The twenty-sixth sign is, that true apostles seek not after such fine lodgings They are and wealthy habitations, where they may have all things at their command- "^nt™"' ments ; but rather such honest resting places where they may have necessary with ne- things for themselves, with their good wills of whom they have them. And tliey take nothing of such whom they see to be so ready and liberal in giving, but"fook nor think that they do him more pleasure in receiving the gift, than the others do after su- in giving them the same ; according to that in Matthew [chap. x. 11], where P it is said, " Into what city or town soever ye shall enter, inquire out those that be of good report iji the same, and abide you with them so long as you tarry in the same city or town." Globsa : — ■ " Your host, with whom ye lodge, ought to be chosen by the good report of neighboin-s, lest your preaching be evil spoken of, by reason of his infamy ; neither ought such men to run from house to house." But whom shall we call " worthy of good i-eport?" Glossary: " Him who knoweth better to do other men good, than to receive a good tm-n of another;" and this is he which giveth willingly, for Christ's cause, and not in respect of any commodity. Also true apostles receive nothing of such men as lie weltering in their sins, but rather of those that are washed and cleansed from their sins; whereupon that saying [2 Cor. viii. 5], " They have given them- selves first to the Lord." Glossa: — " Because they now, amending theii- old errors and vicious manners, have vowed themselves inito the Lord, and after- wards gave of that which tliey had to their brethren ; for otherwise they ought not to have taken any thing of them, because gifts do blind the eyes ; but those that give, where there is no cause of reproof in their doings, have no just cause to give." Therefore those preachers that seek how to come by dainty fare, and do receive bribes and rewards of naughty men that have this world at will, to the intent that those preachers may cover and hide their faults, and who get of others what they can by subtlety, or who give indeed to remove the shameless nnportunity of the craver, or else for avoiding of present shame, rather than for any love they have to God, are not tnie apostles, l)ut false prophets; accord- ing to that in the Corinthians [2 Cor. ix. 7], " The Lord doth love a willing giver." Glossa: — " He that giveth for present shame, or else that he may be fi"ee from the importunacy of him that asketh, doth lose liis substiuu-e and merit : wherefore he that hath respect to these things, doth not seek the fruit and profit of the giver, but the gift itself, as saith tlie apostle [Phil. iv. 17], " Seek not the gift, but the fruit or benefit of the giver."
P18 A TUUK DJFFKKKNCK BETWEEN
Henry Thc twciity-scvinth sign is, that true apostles do not endeavour tlicnisehcs
^''- to seek and enjoy the fruit of other men's labours tliat they may be fed therc-
. Pj by, because that'tlie belly is such men's god, according to those words [2Thess.
19-n' i"- -]» " ^^'^ h^yi^ heard of some amongst you which wdk inordinately, not
•^ labouring at all, but living delicately, or idly." Glossa: — " On other men's
Those be labovirs;" and deserve they to be fed? The discipline of the Lord cannot away
false pro- ^^.j(|j jj^.^j ,j„i„o- ; for the belly is their god, which provide to have more than
whose necessary dishes of meat. Therefore those preachers who so do, are not true
'^'".y '« apostles," but false.
theirgod. jj^^ twenty-eighth sign is, that true apostles do not rejoice only on accoinit
phct^'r™ of the miracles or other excellent works whicli the Lord doth by them, but they
joice not rather rejoice for the salvation which they look for from the Lord, than that by
cler,"ar doing those miracles they desire any honour; according to that which is written
false pro- in Luke [chap. x. 20], saying, " Rejoice ye not for that the spirits be subject
phetsdo. ^ujj^^ ^.jjjj^ i^^jj^ because your names are registered in heaven." They therefore
that boast of their own miracles, orof any that belong unto them, for this cause,
that they are saved by the doing of them, as many do say, seem not to be true
apostles, but false.
Tnie pro- The twenty-ninth sign is, that the true apostles do never seek their own
phetsseck glory in this life, but the glory of Christ. " He that spcaketh of himself doth
own""''' ^^^^ '">* °^^" S^^^ '■> ^"* '^^ ^^^^ sceketh the glory of him which sent him," that
glorv. is, of whom he is sent, " is a true apostle." [John vii. 18.] Therefore those
who seek the things that pertain to the glory of this world, of the which one is
^o be assistant to tliose that bear rule and authority, or according to the saying
of Boetius, ' De consolatione;' " Those that do desire to be extolled," either
they reign and bear rule themselves, or else do desire to be near about them that
have such dominion. Another is, they desire to have the fame and victory of
that for which they have nothing at all deserved before God ; whereupon is
written that saying of the apostle [Gal. v. 26], " Let not us become desirous
of vain-glory." Glossa: — > " To be desirous of vain-gloi-y, is to have victory
witliout any merit or desert;" and those, I say, that do such things, seem not to
True rro- ^^ ^^^^^ apostles, but false.
phets do The thirtietli sign is, that true apostles care not for the solemnities of men, not forie neither for their salutations, nor feastings, nor any other benefit of theirs. They solemn"' therefore who love and seek the company and fellowship of men, their feastings, Nalvita- and other their commodities, do not seem to be true apostles, but false, tioiis of '|']jg Qijg jjj^^ thirtieth sign is, that true apostles do not commonly resort to
raise pro- other men's tables, lest they shoidd, for a meal's meat, become flatterers phets re- ^2 Thess. Hi. 9], " That we should give an example to follow us." Glossa :. — other" " He that cometh oftentimes to another man's table, being given to idleness, mens cannot choose but flatter him that feedeth him." But Christ's religion calleth *'*'d'fl\t "^''" '° liberty and to no such bondage; they therefore that resort oftentimes, for a^ ^^ and that of their own minds, to other men's tables, living idly, are not true meal's apostles, but false.
True'' pro- '^^^'^ '^"''^ ^^^^ thirtieth sign is, that true apostles do not hate their enemies,
phetsdo and such as hate them ; which doctrine the Lord taught [Matt. v. 44], saying,
"oj.*'*'^ " i'Ove your enemies, do well to them which hate you;" but false prophets do
niies. ^ hurt and defame their neighbours, as saith Jeremiah [chap. xii. 10, 11], " Thc
prophets of Jerusalem have defiled the whole earth." Glossa: — " They are
not contented to hurt their neighbours only, but also whom they before this
time have hated, they defame and speak evil of in every place tliey come to."
Therefore those preachers who hate them whom they think are their enemies,
and that defame them, are not tnic apostles, but false preachers.
True pro- i'Jic thirty-third sign is, that false prophets, when they are examined and
phei» (Id proved whether they be tme apostles or liars, take that very grievously, and
cuie''nTen" Persecute all those that can prove them to be so, and also do stir xip and pro-
' voke others to persecute the same men; who also join themselves together by
secular power, even as certain false prophets did in the primitive church against
the bishop of Ephesus, to whom the Lord said [Rev. ii. 2, 3], " I know," that
is to say, I do allow, "thy works and thy labour;" that is, thy tribulation,
" because thou canst not away with those that be evil men." Glossa : — " But that
thou hast a desire to amend them, or else to expel them — "and hast examined
those which say that they are apostles, and are but liars, and also hast suf-
FALSE APOSTLES AKD TliUE. 519
ferecl this patiently." Cilossa: — "The evils which these false prophets, joined Henry together hy secular power, do bring in, are not the doings of true apostles, but ^^^■
false prophets." ^ j^
The thirty-fourth sign is, that true apostles go not to preach to those who yyr^Q are converted already by other men, but rather do convert those who are not
yet converted, lest that they sho\ild build upon another man's foundation ; as "^ ''"'' '"^°' St. Paul [Rom. xv. 20] saitli; " I have laboured so, that from Jerusalem to preach to lUyricimi,! have replenished the gospel in every place." Glossa: — "That is, those wiio I have preached the same abundantly, in whom tlie great virtue of the Holy (.o„"e',P* Gliost appeareth, because so many nations (that is, the Gentiles), have received ed. the gospel by my preaching." " But I have preached the gospel there where Clirist was not preached before, lest I should build upon another man's founda- tion." Glossa : — " I shoidd not preach to those that were converted by another man." Also [2 Cor. x. 15], " We are not such as boast and glory in other men's labours." Glossa : — " Where another man laid the foundation, for tliat should be to boast inordinately." Also in the same place, " not thinking to boast where another man hath government, but in those things which are put in experience." Glossa: — " Of other preachers;" because the apostle did preach to those to whom the gospel was never preached, that he might get praise by his own proper labour. Therefore, those preachers who go not to that people who have need to be converted, but to those who arc converted already, who have apostles of their own, that is to say, bishops and priests, and yet do boast over another man's flock, are not tnie apostles, but false prophets.
The thirty-fifth sign is, because true apostles, when they are sent, go to their True pro>. own diocese, and not to another man's diocese, even as Paul being sent, went i'l>ets to the Gentiles when he purposed to preach [Acts xiii. 2], " Separate Paul and preach in Barnabas for the business which I have chosen them unto." Glossa : — " Ac- their own cording to the appointment and decree of James, Cephas, and John, went he 'lio'^ese, forth to be a teacher unto the Gentiles." But those preachers that stand ujion i„ other their feet, that is to say, those preachers which have but small worldly sub- men's, stance, for which cause they are more ready to go which way soever it shall please the Lord to send them, I say the Lord hath sent them to preach, not to those that be sufficiently learned, but to those that are infidels; as we read in Ezekiel [chap. ii. 2, 3], " After that, the Spirit of the Lord set Ezekiel upon his feet," In qiiam spem situs unus tangitur, " and he said unto him, O son of man, behold I send thee to the nations which have start back fi-om their profession, which have gone from me;" that is, to the Jewish heretics, and to those nations that sometimes have been Cliristians, as the Egj'ptians, the Baby- lonians, and all those that observe the law of Mahomet. Therefore, if such go to those that are already instructed, having both apostles, bishops, and priests of their own ; they go not into their own diocese, but into another man's diocese, and are not true apostles, but false preachers. And it is gi-eatly to be feared, lest the chm'ch be in hazard and danger by such, unless they be thrust out of the same betimes ; even as Jonas, when he was sent to Nineveh, by the Lord, which is interpreted, large or -wide, and leadeth to the hill, that is, to the infidels we spake of before. They go not to those infidels according to the commandment of tlie Lord, but they turn another way, and take their joiu-ney into Tarshish, which is interpreted, seeking after joy and pleasure ; that is, they go unto those who receive them with joy and gladness, and do well provide for them, that is to say, to godly and devout Christians ; and, therefore, it is to be feared lest the ship in which they be (that is, the church) be in great peril, unless they be thrown forth. And therefore the apostle spake of such false prophets not without good cause [2 Tim. ii. 10], " And shun thou those." Glos- sa:— " That is, such men as those be."
Tlic thirty-sixth sign is, because true apostles do not boast, neither do they False attribute unto themselves any thing, but that God hatli wrought the same by !T,'|.\'|','f{g them. Paul [Rom. xv. 18], saith, " I dare not say any thing but that which tothcm- Christ hath WTought and accomplished by me." Glossa: — " That is, I speak s'lves only those things which by me (that is, by my ministry) Christ hath wrought." ^'i^jrh They therefore that boast of many things, and do attribute much unto them- they selves which they never did, arc not true apostles, but false proplu>ts. never did.
Tlie thirty-seventh sign is, that true apostles do not apply themselves, or They lean to 'ogical or philosophical reasons. Therefore those preachers who docka\cto
.'20 HESISTANCE AGAINST THE POPE
llfMry endeavour tlicniselvts to such kind of reasons, are not true apostles, but fidsc '''■ proplu'ts.
A.D. "'^' fliirty-ei'ilith sijin is, tliat true apostles do not love carnally, or after the 1250 'l^'^l'- hut liate what tiling soever doth resist them in the service of (iod. "He — - — '— that (lotii not hate his father and mother, his son and sister, and also himself, loKioal, „(. cannot be my disciple." Luke xiv. 2C. Glossa: — " That is, he that doth They love ""t hate whatsoever doth resist or let him in the service of God, is not worthy ciirnally, to be a disciple, neither can he abide in that office." Therefore forasmuch as tuftl*y.'" '■""*^' preachers are the true disciples of the Lord, it must needs follow that the ])reacliers who do jjromote their nephews and kinsfolk (how unworthy soever they be) to ecclesiastical promotions and livings, contrary to the will of God, or do any other thing that letteth or hiudereth them in the service of God, are not true apostles, but false prophets. Tlicy The thirty-ninth sign is, that true apostles do not Inmt for the friendship of
*•""'' this world, for he that is the friend of tliis world is the enemy of God; there- fricml.siHp ^'o^e those preachers, who purchase the friendship of this world, are not true .if this apostles, but false prophets ; and forasmuch as the Scripture is infallible, saying world. [Matt. xxiv. 35], " Heaven and earth shall perish, but my words shall endure for ever;" and the Holy Ghost, which spake by the apostles, cannot lie; (for pro- phecy, for the most part, is not spoken by the will of man, but holy men of God spake by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, as it is read in Peter) [2 Pet. i. 21], it remaiueth, that all men who are bound to defend the church, may rise up in the defence of the same, according to that in the Proverbs [chap. xxiv. 11 |, " Deliver those that are led to death, and cease thou not to rescue those who are drawn to destniction." Neither may he allege vain accusations, because it is said in the same place, " If he say he is not able or strong enough, he that Whatso- beholdeth the thoughts of men's hearts, shall know it,"&c. "Whatsoever perish- l>erish in* ^'^'^ '" *'''" church of God for want of preachers, all that shall be demanded of the 'hem at the day of judgiuent ; as Jacob confesscth to Laban, whose sheep he
church ot fed [Gen. xxxi. 39], " I did restore all thy loss, and that which was stolen I want of n^'ide answer for." " I will demand his blood at thy hands." Ezek. iii. 24. preachers This is Said to the pastor or prelate. But if the other things, which we have required. ^P"'^''" of before, could not move the prelates and cardinals, this at least should move them ; because that then the spiritual power which doth consist, for the most part, in the exercise of preaching, in hearing confessions, and in enjoining of penance, shall be taken away from them by little and little (for by piece- meal doth the wolf devour the poor and needy man) [3 Qua-st. 1], w^hen the authority ecclesiastical, therefore, shall be qiute taken from them and dis- posed to others, such as either by their order, or apostohcal grant do challenge to have the same; then doubtless shall neither the jm-isdiction of civil causes and pleadings, nor any authority that such j)relates have yet remaining, neither yet the possessions of the temporal goods of the church any longer remain amongst them. Shall such have the temporal goods of the church who minister not the spiritual treasure thereof? [1 Cor. ix. 13], " Know ye not that they which kill the sacrifice ought to eat of the sacrifice.' and they that serve at the altar are partakers of the aJtar ?" For as the body without the soul cannot stand ; so corjioral things without spiritual things cannot continue [1 Quast. 1] if any shall take away the same.
Adcicsta- 'IMms have you liad the thirty-nine arfjuments, for whicli the said
hie book ^-i i- i i , i i • i i i -i t , • i
of ihefri Uiilielnius was condemned, and his books burned. In his days there ■^EVang^ ^^'=i« '^ ."^"^t tletestable and bhtsphcmous book set forth by the friars
lium ' '' 1-1. »»> .V ,.,, .. -
.Ttcr- iium.'
(mentioned also in Matthew Paris), whicli they called ' Evangelium retcrnum,' or ' Evangelium Spiritus Sancti ;' that is, 'The everlastint,' gospcV or 'The gospel of the Holy Ghost.'' In which book many abominable errors of the fritu's were contained, so that the gospel of Jesus C'iirist was utterly defaced, which, this book said, was not to be rom])are(l with this everlasting gospel, no more than the shell is to be coni])ared with the kernel, or than darkness to light. Moreover, that the gospel of Christ shall be preached no longer than to a.d. 1260, and that
(1) See the ApiRiidix f(.r inrurniatioii respecting thib book.— Ed.
XO NEW THING. 521
then this 'everlasting gospel' should rule tlie church. Item, that iienry whatsoever was in the whole Bible, was in the said ' gospel ' contained. '^''
At length this friar's 'gospeF was accused to the pope, and so six A. D. persons chosen of the whole university to peruse and judge of the ^ ^^^*- book, viz. Christianus, canon of Beauvais, Odo of Douay, Nicolas de Thceter- Bar-sur-Aubc, Johannes de Sicca-Villa,' an Englishman, Johannes spirftuai Belin, a Frenchman, together with this Gulielmus, Avho mightily fhefria"/ impugned this pestiferous and devilish book. These six, after the ^T^T"' perusing of the book, were sent up to Rome ; the friars likewise sent muchado, their messengers withal. Where they were refuted, and the errors of pope!*" the book condemned ; but so, that the pope, with the cardinals, com- manded the said book to be burned, not publicly but in secret wise (tendering the estimation of the religious orders, as of his own most chief champions), and the following year the same pope ordered the books of the aforesaid Gulielmus to be burnt withal.^
Besides other his books, two sermons we have of his yet remain- ing, one upon the parable in St. Luke of the Pharisee and the Pub- lican, being the gospel for the day; the other preached on May-day: where in the first, he resembleth the Pharisees to our monks, and that he proveth by all the properties of the Pharisees described in the gospel : the Publican he resembleth to the laity, such as, for because they are the sooner reduced to acknowledge their sins, the more hope have they of mercy : the other, because they stand confident in their own righteousness, are therefore further from their justification . In the latter sermon he setteth forth and declareth, what perils and dangers are like to fall upon the church by these religious orders of monks and friars, for that they Avere ministers of Antichrist and perverters of the people.^
Among the other besides of that age who withstood the bishops of Laurence, Rome and his antichristian errors was one Laurence, an Englishman, f'V^"*^'
,.. -r-»- 1 T-» Ti .". lisniiian,
a divme of Paris ; another was Petrus Johannes, a mmorite. Of co'niemn- wliom the aforesaid Laurence was about a.d. 1260, who in his teach- popcV^ ing, preaching, and writing, did stoutly defend the part of the afore- said Gulielmus, and the rest of his side, against the friars. Against the which friars he wrote two books, one in the defence of Gulielmus afore-mentioned, the other upon this argument and title, ' To beware of false prophets,"* &c. Certain other things also he wrote, wherein by divers proofs and testimonies he argued and proved, that Anti- christ was not far oiF to come. The other, Petrus Johannes, was about A.D. 1290, who taught and maintained many things against the The pope, pope, proving that he was Antichrist, and that the synagogue of Rome ^Mst. was great Babylon. He wrote upon Matthew, upon the Epistles, and The syna- npon the Apocalypse. Mention of this Petrus Johannes is made in Rome. Nicolas Eyniericus, in his book of the Inquisition ; who saith, more- bj^on." ' over, that from him Michael Cesenas (of whom, Christ willing, shall Petrus follow hereafter) derived his opinions ; and because the pope could burned*^" not burn him alive, after his death he caused his bones to be taken ^J^H^^^ up and burned.*
To these and with these above specified is to be added Robcrtus Rohcnus Gallus,^ who being born of a right noble parentage, for devotion"'s propht sake was made a Dominic friar, about the same year (a.d. 1290). ^i'^"^-
(1) See an account of this individual in Tanner's Bibliotheca, v. Drifonus — Ed.
(2) M. Paris, ad aun. 1250 (Edit. Lund. I(i40, p. D.IO), whence the text is revised.— F.D.
(3) Jllyricus, " Cat. Test." (edit. 10(18, dd. I(i4;>): lUtae two sermons are in Urowue's Appendix to the " Fasciculus." See Appendix. — Ed.
(^) lllyricus, cols. 1650, MTl. See infra, p. 610, note— Ed. (5) Illyricus, rols. 1662, 1663.— Eu
,')'22 VISIONS OF KOBKUTUS GAT-I.US.
jieiiry 'I'his 111011, US a])j)carrtli by liis writings, had divers and sundry visions, ^"' whereof a part is printed w ith the visions and prophecy of Hildegard. A.D. His visions all tend against the spiritualty of Rome ; where, in the ^'-^^Q- fitlii chapter he plainly callcth the pope an idol, wlio having ears The pope hcarctli not tlie loud wailings of them that go down to hell, though louder than a trumpet and the roaring thunder; and having eyes seeth not neither listcth to see the abominations of his people, and their excessive voluptuousness, except he may thence heap up treasure for himself; and having a moutli speaketh not, but saith, ' 1 liave set good teachers over them, and it is sufficient, whether I do them good bv mvself or bv another.' And it followeth in the same chapter, "■ Woe to that idol ! woe to the mighty and proud ! who in all the earth shall be equalled to that idol ? He hath exalted up his name in the earth, saving. Who shall bring me under? Is my house com- ])ared with those of the mighty ones of the earth ? I am far more daintv than they in my feasts ; prancing knights are my servitors; and that honour which my fathers before me had not, that is done to me. My house is paved with silver, and ornamented with gold and jewels."" Again, in the twelfth chapter, and also in the first, under the name of a serpent he painteth out the pope, whom he declareth to extol }iimself above measure, and to oppress the few that be godly, and to liavc many false prophets about him ; whose charge it is, neglecting the name of God and of Christ, to preach and extol him only, obscu- ring the name of Christ. The church of Rome and the pope he The describcth in these words : " I was praying," saith he, " on my knees, KcX'rtus looking upward toward heaven, on the right side of the altar of St. oaiius. James in Paris, and saw in the air before me the body of a certain high bishop, all clothed in white silk ; who, turning his back on the east, lifted up his hand towards the west, as the priests are wont to sfateof stand in celebrating their mass, but his head was not visible. And as church of I ^^^s Considering advisedly, whether he had any head or no, I per- •criited'* ceived a head all dry and withered, as though it had been of wood. And the Spirit of the Lord said to me, ' This signifieth the state of the church of Rome.'"
Moreover, the same author describcth by an apt similitude shewn
iuenand him in a vision the manner of the monks and school sophists and
friVoious sorbonists, in this wise : " Another day, as I was in like contempla-
doscribcd ^'"" ^^ before, I beheld in spirit ; and behold, I saw a man apparelled
like to the other before, who went about having fine bread and excellent
wine on his shoulders and hanging down on both sides of him ; and
the same, having in his hand an oblong and very hard flint-stone, was
gnawing upon the same as a famishing person is wont to do upon a loaf
of bread ; out of the which stone came out two serpents' heads ; and
the Spirit of the Lord instructed me, saying, ' This stone purporteth
the frivolous and curious questions, wherein the famishing people do
weary themselves, leaving the substantial food of their souls.' And
I asked what those two heads did mean ? And he said, ' The name
of the one is Vain-glory, the name of the other is ]Mar-religion.'"
Rcf.irma- Also, conccming the reformation of the church, this vision he de-
iiie clareth : " It happened, as I was (saith he) in the same city in the
'lup/igni- l'
jiid. certain, 1 saw a cross f)f silver very bright, mucli like to the cross of the
earl of Toulouse. But the twelve apples, which did hang beside on the
arms of the cross, were very vile, like to the apples which the sea is wont
THE STOKY OK KOBKKT GKOSTHKAll. 523
to cast, up. And I said, ' Wluit is this. Lord Jesu ?' And the "fp^y Spirit answered mc, 'This cross which thou seest is tlie church.
which shall be clear and bright in purcness of life, and shall be ^^^^• heard all over the world through the shrill voice of the preaching of — 1— sincere verity.' Then, being troubled with the apples, I asked what these apples so vile did signify ? And he said, * It is the humiliation of the church.' "
This godly man did forewarn (as in a certain chronicle is declared) simony how God would punish the simony and avarice of the clergy, with Hceof fhe such a plague, that rivers should run with blood. It is said, that ^ij^^^l^;^"* there is remaining a great volume of his visions which are not yet nished. abroad ; for these that be abroad, are but a brief extract out of his visions and revelations.
After that we have thus long strayed in these foreign stories of Frederic, and in the tractation of other matters pertaining to other countries, it is time that we return to oiu* own country again.
THE STORY OF ROBERT GROSTHEAD, BISHOP OF LINCOLN.
Following the continuation of time and course of the church, we ■\nll now join to these good fathers and writers, the history of the learned bishop of Lincoln, named Robert Grosthead,^ a man famously learned, as that time served, in the three tongues, both Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, also in all liberal sciences ; whose works and sermons even to this day are extant, which I have seen in the library of the queen's majesty at Westminster, wherein is one special sermon written and exhibited in four sundry scrolls addressed to the pope, and to other four cardinals, beginning " Dominus noster Jesus Christus." Nicholas Trivet, in his Chronicle, Avriting of this bishop, affirmed that he was bom in Suffolk, in the diocese of J|"^"' Norfolk : who giving him the praise of being a man of excellent head, a Avisdom, of profound doctrine, and an example of all virtue, wit- ^^^°]^' nesseth that he being master of arts, wrote first a commentary on the latter books of Aristotle ; also that he wrote tractations concerning the spheres, and the art of computations, and that he set forth divers books concerning philosophy. Afterwards, being doctor in divinity, and expertly seen in all the three tongues, he drew sundry treatises out of the Hebrew glosses, also translated iHs books divers works out of the Greek, as the testament of the twelve ^vorus. patriarchs, and the books of Dionysius, commenting upon the new translation with his own gloss.^
This godly and learned bishop, after divers conflicts and agonies sustained against the bishop of Rome, after the example of Frederic, of Gulielmus de Sancto amore, of Nicholaus Gallus, and others after named, at length, after great labours and travails of life, finished his course, and departed at Bugden in the month of October, peafb if A.D. 1253. Of his decease thus writeth Matthew Paris,' "Out of"'""
(I) Robert Grosthead or Grossteste was born at Stradbrook in Suffolk about a.d. 1175, was made bishop in 1235, and died 1253.— Ed.
(2) Many other works and volumes were written by the said Grosthead, as " De oruln Morali, " De dotihus," " De cessatione legalium," " Parvus Cato," " Annot.itioncs in Suulam,' " In I5o.'- tium," " De potestate Pastoral!," " F.xpositiones in Gen. et in Lucam," with a number more, hesidei divers epistle's, sermons, and invcctions se\it to the pope for his immeasurable exactions, wlierfv with he overcharged and oppressed the church of England. ■ 3) Matth. Paris, fol. 278.
Grosr- head.
524
TIIK rOI'E S l.KTTKK FOR AN ITALIAN I!OV.
"I'l'i^ t-lic prison ;in(l iKuiisliniciit of ihis world (wliich lie never loved) was Uikeii the holy bishop of liincoln, Robert, at his manor of Bugden,
A.I), in tlio evening of St. Denis's day; who was an open reprover of the ^^^^- puj)c and of the king, a rebukcr of the prelates, a correetor of the
monks, a director of the priests, an instructor of the clerks, a fautor of scholars, a preacher to the people, a persecutor of the incontinent, a diligent searcher of the Scriptures, a mall to the Romans, and a contemner of their doings." Wiiat a mall he was to the Romans, in the sequel hereof (Christ willing) shall appear. The story is this: — It so befcl, among other daily and intolerable exactions wherein pope Innocent IV^. was grievous and injurious nianifold Six years' ways to tlic realm of England, he had a certain cousin or nephew of GroNt- (so popes were wont to call their sons) named Frederic, being yet thrt'"p^^ young and under years, whom the said Innocent the pope would A.D.1253. needs prefer to be a canon and prebendary in the church of Lincoln, in this time of Robert, bishop of the said churcli; and upon the same, the pope directed down a letter to certain of his factors here in Eng- land, for the execution thereof; a copy of which letter by chance — yet not by chance but by the opportune sending of God — came to my hands as I was penning this present story, written in the end of an old parchment book, and otherwise rare (I suppose) to be found ; ' which aforesaid letter is thus in English.
The Pope's unreasonable Letter to his Factors in England.
Unto our well-beloved sons, the archdeacon of Canterbury, and to Master Innocent our scribe abiding in England, greeting and apostolical benediction. Forsomuch as our well-beloved son G., deacon-cardinal of S. Eustace, upon our
(!) " Dilectis filiis archdiacono Cant, et Magistro Innocent, scriptori nostro in Anglia conimo- ranti, salutcm et apostnlicam l>enedict. Cum dileetus filius noster G., Sancti Eu-stadiii diaconu.s rardiiialis, dilt-cto (ilio [recte dictum fortassis filio !] Frederico de Lavania, clerico, nepoti nostro lie speciali mandato nostro canonicatiim I.incoliiiens. rum plcnitudine juris canonici duxi-rit confe- rendum, ipsum per suum annulum corporaliter et pra;sentialiter investiens de eodeni, ut ex tunc canonicus Lincolniensis existat, et plenum nomenet jus canonici conscquatur ibidem; ac pra^ben- dani. si qua vacaverit in ecclcsia Lincol. a tempore quo dudum litera nostra super receptione ac provisione facienda sibi in eccles. eadem de praemissis venerab. fratri nostro episcopo Lincoln, prssentata- fuerunt ; alioqui, post vacaturam conferendani sibi donationi apostolica; reservarit • decernendo irritura et inane, si quid de pr^benda hujusmodi a quoquam fuerit attentatum, nee non et in roiitradictores et rebelles cxcomniunicationis sententiara ubique promulgando, pro'ut in Uteris ejusdem exinde de constitutis [confectis] plenius continetur : —
" Nos ipsius Frederici devotis supplicationibus inclinati, quod abeodem card inale factum est super hoc et ratum et gratum habentes, idem authoritate apostolica duximus confirnianduni. Quocirra discretioni vestrje per apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus eundem Fredericum, vel procura- toreui suum ejus nomine, in corporalem possessionem pr authoritate nostra inducatis, et defendatis inductum, contradictores per censuram ecclesiasticam appellatione postposila compescendo. Non obstantibus aliquibus consuetudinibus vel statutis, jura- mentis vel confirmationibus sedis apostolica-, sen quacunciue alia infirroitate roboratis — vel' quod dictus Fredericus praesens non fuerit ad pra'standum juramentum de observandis consuetudinibus ejusdem eccles. consuetis; sive si pradicto episcopo vel capitulo ipsius ecclesis comniuniter vel singulatim, sen aliis quibuscunque personis, a dicta sede indultum existat, quod ad receptionem vel provisionem alicujus compelli nequeant, sive quod nullus alius in eoruni ecclcsia nemiiii providere valeat; vel qu5d interdici, suspendi, aut cxcommunicari non possint per literas apostol. sub qua- C'lnque forma verborum obtentas, vel obtinendas; etianisi totus tenor iiidulgentiarum hujusmodi de verbo in verbum in iisdem Uteris .sit insertus — sive quibus aliis indulgentiis, quibuscunque personis, dignitati, vel loco, subquacunque forma verborum, concessis a sede apost. vel eliamconce- dendis, per quas elfectus hujusmodi provisionis posset impediri aliquatenus vel differri ; tamen volumus ea de certa scientia, quantum ad provisionem factam et facicndam Frederico pra;dicto m ecclcsia Lincoln., viribus omnino carcre. Ca;terum, si aliqui pra^dicto Frederico vel procuratori super prreniissis, vel aliq\io pnemissorum, aliquatenus duxerint opponendum; illos ex p^rte nostra citari curctis, ut percmptorie infra duorum mensium spatium post citationem vestrani personalltercompareant coram nobis, eidem Frederico super pra-niissis legitime responsuri. Non obstantibus priviU-giis sive quibuslibet indulgentiis, personis regni Anglia- generaliter, vel cuivis alii persona;, vel dignitati, vel loco specialiter, a pra-dicta sede subquacunque forma verborum con- cessis, quiid non possunt ultra mare, seu extra civitatem vel diocesin suam in judicium evocari per literas apost. sub quacunque forma verborum obtentas ; quod privilegium et indulgentias eisdem personis de certa scientia iiullatcnus volumus suffragari : et constitutione editade duabus dutis in concilio generali non obstante. Diem autcm citationis et fomiam nobis vestris literis tenoreni pra-scntiuin coniincntihus, tideliter intimetis. Quod si non ambo liis exequcndis inteicsse pote- rllis. alter vtslrum nihilominus exequatur."— Datum Terus. 7. Cal. F'cbr. ponlificat. nostri anno derimo.
TO BE CANON AND PREBENDARY OF LINCOLN. 525
special commaiulment hath given and granted to our wcll-hclovcd son Frederic iienry de Lavania, a c-lork and our nepliew, a canonry in tlie church of Lincoln, witii ^'^• lull power and grant of tlie same, investing him tlierein corporally and pre- ~a r)~ sently witli his own ring, to be from thenceforth canon of Lincoln, and to have I'j'co' full right and title to the said canonry in that church ; also a prebend in the — —'—L. same church of Lincoln, if any shall have fallen vacant since our letters con- Well said cerning this reception and provision to be given him in the said cliurch were \"j^ JJ^"' presented to our right-reverend brother, the bishop of Lincoln ; but if not, hath our son." reserved to our apostolic donation the next that shall fall vacant, to be con- ferred on our said nephew, niakinc; void and frustrate anything which may be Excom- attempted concerning the said prebend by any one else, and also denouncing (ion the sentence of exconnnunication against all that shall rebel and gainsay the abused, same, as in the letters of the said cardinal is more fully contained : —
We, therefore, condescending to the devout supplications of the said Frederic, ratifying and approving that which hath been done by the said cardinal in the premises, have thought good by our apostolic authority to confirm the same. Wherefore, by these our letters apostolic we desire your wisdom to induct by our authority the said Frederic (or his proctor in his behalf) into corporal pos- session of the said canonry and prebend, and also to defend him when so in- ducted, denouncing the sentence of excommunication (without power of appeal) against all such as shall gainsay the same: Notwithstanding ' — any customs or statutes to the contrary, corroborated by the oaths or confirmations of the apo- stolic see; or any flaw in the case whatsoever, as, that the said Frederic was not personally present to take the oath for observing the usual customs of the said church ; or, that an indulgence hath been granted by the said see to the aforesaid bishop, or to the chapter of the said church, jointly or severally, or to any other persons whatsoever, as that they shall not be forced to admit or make provision for any man against their will, or, that they may not be interdicted, suspended, or excommunicated by letters apostolic, obtained or to be obtained hereafter, under whatever form of words, yea, although the wliole tenour of such indulgences be inserted word for word in the said letters : Notwithstanding, also, any other indulgences granted, or to be hereafter granted, by the apostolic see to what persons soever, of what estate, dignity, or place soever, under whatever form of words, by the which indulgences the effect of this provision might be in any way hindered or deferred; nay, we deliberately will, that they lose all their force in regard to the provision made, or to be made, for the said Frederic in the said church of Lincoln. And if any shall presume to oppose the aforesaid Frederic (or liis proctor) touching the premises or any of them, we will that you cause them to be cited peremptorily in our behalf to appear before us in person within the space of two months from your citation, to make answer to the said Frederic touching the premises according to law : Notwithstanding any privileges and indidgences whatsoever to the contrary, granted by the aforesaid see, either generally to persons of the kingdom of England, or specially to any person, or dignity, or place whatsoever, under whatever form of words ; as, that they are never to be cited up to trial beyond sea or beyond their own city or diocese by letters apostolic, under whatever form of words obtained; all which privileges and indulgences we deliberately will to be of no avail what- ever to the said parties : Notwithstanding, also, the constitution made in the last general council allowing citations to the distance of two days' journey.^ Moreover, the day and form of the citation we will you faithfully to intimate unto us by your letters containing the tenour thereof; and if botli of you cannot be present at the execution hereof, yet we will, notwithstanding, that one of you do execute the same without fail. Given at Perugia, vii. Cal. Feb. in the tenth year of our popedom. [Jan. 26th, a.d. 1253.]
As there is no man ^vho hath any eyes to see, but may easily un- derstand in reading this letter of the pope, how unreasonable his request is, how impudently he commandeth, how proudly he threat- eneth, how wickedly he oppresseth and racketh the church of God, in
(1) " Non obstante." — Ed.
(2) See the constitution " De duabus diaetis,"cap. 37 of the acts of the council of Lateran, 1215, hi Labbe torn. xi. col. 188, and Corpus Juris Can. Decret. Greg. IX. lib. i. tit. iii. cap. 28. " NonnulU." See also the bull of Martin V., infril vol, iii. p. 566. — Ed.
Grost- heid
52G THE ANSWER OF BISHOP GROSTHEAD.
iifnry j)laciiig bovs and slrani,aTS in the ministry and cure of souls, and also
L_ in making tlicm his provisors, to raven up the clmrch goods ; so is it
A. p. no great marvel, if this godly bishop, Robert Grosthead, was offended
^•^'^^- thercwitli ; who, in my mind, deserveth herein a double commenda-
commen- tiou, not only that he so wisely did discern error from sincerity and
ationof tr,j[|, . but also that he was so hardy and constant to stand to the
defence thereof against the pope, according as in this his answer to
the pope again may appear, as followcth.
The Answer of Bishop Grosthead to the Pope.
Salutem. May it please your prudence to understand, that I devoutly and reverently, and with filial affection, obey apostolic precepts, but am also an iittor enemy to all such as contradict the character of apostolic precepts, as a child jealous of his father's honour. And truly, I am bound by the command- ment of God to do no less. For apostolic precepts neither are nor can be other than consonant and conformed to the doctrine of the apostles and of our Lord Jesus Christ, who is the master and lord of the apostles, and whose type and person the lord pope seemeth especially to bear in the hierarchy of the church : for our Lord Jesus Christ saith, " Whosoever is not with me, the same is against me ;" therefore, the most divine sanctity of the apostolic see neither is nor can be against him. To apply this: the character of your present letter is not consonant to apostolic sanctity, but utterly dissonant and at variance with the same. First, for that the clause " non obstante," which comes over and over again in this and many other of your letters, introduced upon no necessity of any natural law to be observed, must be an endless source of uncertainty, boldness, licentiousness, impudency, lying, and deceiving, and of mutual mistrust between man and man ; and not only of these, but also of innumerable other mischiefs which follow upon the same; unsettUng and dis- turbing the purity of the christian religion, as also the public tranquillity of society. Moreover, next after the sin of Lucifer, which shall be in the latter time, (to wit, of Antichrist, that " son of perdition, whom the Lord will destroy with the breath of his mouth"), there is not, nor can be, any kind of sin so re- pugnant and contrary to the doctrine of the apostles and to holy Scripture, and so hateful, detestable, and abominable to our Lord Jesus Christ himself, as to destroy and kill men's souls, by defrauding them of the benefit of the pastoral office and ministrj'. And yet it is plain, by most evident testimonies of Scrip- ture, that those persons arc guilty of this sin, who, being invested with the charge of the pastoral ministry, secure to themselves the stipend of the pastoral office and ministry from the milk and wool of the sheep of Christ, who are to be quickened and saved by their means, and yet do not discharge its duties ; for the mere non- administration of the pastoral ministry is, by the testimony of the Scripture, equivalent to the slaughter and destruction of the sheep.' Two enormous evils are in this way committed, which (although after a differing way) far exceed all other kind of wickedness, for that they are directly contrary'to two things which (although not equally or similarly) are, and are said to be, most excel- lent; for " pessimum est, quod optimo contrarium," i.e. " that which is con- trary to the best is the worst." As much then as lieth in the said oflTenders, they sin, in one respect, directly against the Deity, who of himself is essentially and supernaturally most excellent; in another, against the image and likeness of God in man, which, as produced by the gracious participation of the divine ray, is essentially and naturally most excellent. And because, as in things that are good the cause of good is better than its effect, so again in evil things the cause of evil is worse than its effect ; hereby it is manifest, that the introducers into the church of God of such wicked destroyers of God's image and likeness in the sheep of Christ are worse than the worst of those destroyers, and approxi- mate nearer than they to Lucifer and Antichrist, and are so much the more pre-eminent in this gradation of wickedness, for that they in consequence of their larger and more god-like power, given them for edification not for destruction, were the more bound to exclude and extirpate such wicked destroyers out of the church of God.
11) Ezck. xxxiv.— Ed.
THE pope's GUEAT FURY AND llAGE. 527
It is impossible, therefore, that the most holy apostolic see, to whom by tlie ti,-nr,j
most holy Lord Jesus Christ all power hath been committed for edification ^j'^;
not for destruction, can command, bid, or in any way attempt anything tending ^ ^ toward so great wickedness, so odious, detestable, and abominable to the Lord y^yx Jesus Christ, and also so pernicious to mankind. For this should be a great — :Ui:_ waste, corruption, and abuse of his most holy and plenary power, and an utter P""" separation of him from the glorious throne of our Lord Jesus Christ, to be nilnlitcrs co-assessor with the two aforesaid princes of darkness in the chair of pcsti- to ediiica- lence amid the pains of hell. Neither can any man who is subject and faithful ','0",°"}*'; to the said see, and not cut off by schism from the body of Christ and from stniction. the said holy see, with a sincere and unspotted conscience obey such instruc- Twoiirin- tions and precepts, or favour such attempts as these, from whatever quarter "^'P^' emanating, yea, though it were from the highest archangels, but rather ought of of '"ark- necessity with all their might to withstand and rebel against the same. Where- ness, Lu- fore, my reverend lord, upon my bounden duty of obedience and fidelity ^j^"^^/""' which I owe to both the parents * of the most holy apostolic see, and for the christ. love of union with her in the body of Christ, I must regard the instructions con- tained in your aforesaid letter as more honoured in the breach than the observ- ance, and I hereby refuse and utterly resist them ; and especially because they tend (as is before touched) to such manifest wickedness, so abominable to the Lord Jesus Christ, so repugnant to the holiness of the apostolic see, and so contrary to the one only catholic faith. Neither for this cause can your dis- cretion take any harsh step toward me, because all my doing and gainsaying in this matter is no resistance nor rebellion, but a filial honour due by the divine precept both to my Father and to you.- Briefly recapitulating, therefore, I assert that the sanctity of the apostolic see cannot do any thing but to edification, and nothing at all to destruction : for this is the fulness of power, to be able to do all things to edification. But these provisions (as they are called) be not to edification, but to most manifest destrtiction. The blessed apostolic see, there- fore, neither can nor ought to attempt any such thing, because flesh and blood, which cannot enter into the kingdom of God, hath revealed the same, and not the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ who is in heaven.'
Then followeth it in the story both of Matthew Paris, and of Florilegus, that when this epistle came to the knowledge of the pope, he, fuming and fretting with anger and indignation, answered with a fierce look and proud mind, saying, " What frantic old dotard is this, who so boldly and rashly judgeth of my doings .'' By St. weii Peter and St. Paul, were it not for our innate generosity and good ^7as"r nature, I would throw him into such confusion, as should make him p"!"" a bye-word, an astonishment, an example, and a prodigy to all the world. For is not the king of England our vassal .'' nay, more, our manciple"* (to use the very words of mine author), " who only needs a nod from us, to imprison him and put him to utter disgrace .'^" When the pope, in his great fury and rage, had uttered this amongst his brethren the cardinals, who were scarcely able to appease the furious violence of the pope, with mild moderation of words they said unto him, that it would not be expedient to proceed against the bishop in a rigorous manner. " For," said they, " to confess the truth to your holiness, it is but very truth that he affirmeth. We cannot condemn him. He is a catholic man, yea, and a most holy man ; more religious and more holy than ourselves ; a man of oiies, a a more excellent spirit and more excellent life ; so that it is believed defendei'h he has not his superior or even his equal among all the prelates. ^l^^\„ Both the French and English clergy are well aware of this, neither the pope.
(1) He meaneth either Christ and the church, or Peter and Paul.
(2) That is, both to Christ and his church. (.3) M. Paris, edit. Lond. 1C40, p. 870.
(\) "Maucipium." M.Paris. — Ed.
')2S DKATll-HKD OF ROnERT C'.ROSTHEAD.
Henry would it bc of aiiv aviiil for us to contradict it. Tlie statements,
1- moreover, of tliis Iiis epistle perhaps arc known by many to bc true,
A- '^- and, were he tobc harshly treated, might stir up many against us : for ~'' he hath the name of being a great philosopher, and is singularly seen both in Latin and Greek learning, zealous in the cause of justice, a reader of divinity in the schools, a preacher amongst the people, a lover of chastity, and a persecutor of simony." These words spake Giles, a Spanish cardinal, and others besides, moved by their own conscience to speak. And this counsel they gave to the pope, that he should dissemble and wink at these things, as one not seeing or regarding them, lest otherwise perhaps some tumult might rise and spring thereupon ; especially seeing there was a manifest con- viction among all men, that at last there must needs come a defection and secession from the church of Rome.' Thepodiy Not loug after this, the canicular days being past,* this reverend (frost*- and godly Robert, bishop of Lincoln, lying at his manor place at llis'sick- liiickden, fell grievously sick. Whereupon, he sent for a certain iKss. friar of the Preaching order, named Master John of St. Giles," a man expert and cunning both in physic and divinity, partly to receive of him some comfort of his body, and partly to confer with him in spiritual matters. One day, the bishop conferring with the aforesaid Master John, and reciting to him the doings and proceedings of the pope, did grievously rebuke and reprehend his fellows, the Preaching friars, not sparing either the other order of the Minorites ; that, whereas their orders were planted in wilful poverty, viz. poverty of spirit, on purpose that they might with the more freedom carp at and reprove the vices of the mighty, and not flatter or spare them, but severely censure and gravely reprehend the same ; the said friars, contrary to their profession, did not boldly cry out and inveigh against the abuses of their superiors and men of power, nor did uncover or detect their faults and wickedness ; and " therefore," said the bishop, " I judge you to be no better than manifest heretics." " For what is heresy ?" added the bishop, demanding of Master John that he should give him the true definition thereof. Whereat when the friar did stay and pause, not remembering any approved definition of that matter, the bishop thereupon inferrcth, giving a definition Definition in Latin by a faithful interpretation of the Greek : " Hscresis est leresy. spj^jj^ptia liumano scnsu electa, scripturse sacrsc contraria, palam edocta, pertinaciter defensa: hseresis cnim Graece, electioest Latine." " Heresy is a sentence taken and chosen of man''s own brain, contrary to holy Scripture, openly maintained, and stiffly defended." And this definition given, consequently he inferred (sharply reprehending the prelates, but especially those of Rome, who committed the charge of souls unto their kinsfolks, being both in age unqualified, and in learning insufficient) thus : — "To give," saith he, " the charge of souls unto a boy, is a sentence of a certain prelate chosen and taken of the man's own head, only for some carnal and earthly respect ; and also it is contrary to holy Scripture, which forbiddeth any such to be made shepherds, as are not able to drive away the wolves; it is also openly maintained, because an instrument commanding the
(1) M. Paris, p. S72.— Ed. (n) See stipra, p. .373.— Ed.
12) " Canicular days," the dog days. M. Paris, p. 87
THE POPE ACCUSED OF EN0R:MITIKS BY BISHOP GROSTHEAD, 529
same, sealed with wax, oi imbullcd with lead, is openly produced ; irennj and finally, it is stiffly defended, for if any man shall presume ^^'' to withstand the same, he is suspended and excommunicated, A. 1). and a holy war proclaimed against him. Now that person to }'^'^^_ whom the entire definition of a heretic doth apply, he certainly is a heretic. But every faithful christian man ought to set himself against a heretic as much as he may. Wherefore, he that can resist him and doth not, he sinncth, and seemcth to be a favourer of sucli, according to the saying of (iregory ; ' He is not without conscience saying of of secret partnership, Mho forbeareth to resist open iniquity." But ^'^"^'"y- the friars, both the IVIinorites and Preachers, are specially bound to withstand such, seeing both of them have the gift of preaching committed to them by their office, and are more at liberty to do it bv reason of their poverty ; and therefore they do not only offend in not resisting such, but also are to be counted maintainers of the same, according to the saying of the apostle to the Romans, ' Not only they which commit such things, but also they that consent, are worthy of death.' Wherefore it may be concluded, that as well the pope, The pope unless he cease from this vice, as also the said friars, unless they show ^^resj'^'' "^ themselves more earnest and studious in repelling the same, are alike worthy of death, I mean, eternal death. Nay, the Decretum itself saith, ' That upon such a vice as this of heresy, the pope himself both may and ought to be accused.' "^
After this, because the nights were getting longer, and that the bishop felt his weakness and infirmity to grow upon him, the third night before the feast of St. Dionisius he willed certain of his clergy to be called to him, thereby to be refreshed with some conference or communication. Unto whom the bishop, mourning and lamenting for the loss of souls through the avarice of the pope's court, sighing, said on this wise, as by certain aphorisms.
Certain Aphorisms or Articles of Robert Grosthead against the Bishop of Rome.
1. Christ came into the world to win souls ; ergo, he that feareth not to destroy souls, may he not justly be called Antichrist ?
2. The Lord created the universe in six days, but in restoring lost man he laboured more than thirty years ; is not therefore a destroyer of souls justly to be counted the enemy of God, and Antichrist?
3. The pope is not ashamed impudently to disannul, by the obstacle " non The pope obstante," privileges granted by the holy Roman pontiffs, his predecessors ; ^J'""*'^'' which is not done without their manifest injur}- and prejudice, for in so doing wicked he doth reject and desti'oy that which so many great and holy men had builded clause, before. And what a contemner, then, must he be of the saints ! but he that j,^!,"" "''* contemneth shall justly be contemned, according to the saying of Isaiah,
" Woe to thee who despisest, shalt not thou thyself be despised?" Who, in time to come, will respect privileges of his granting?
4. The pope, indeed, in answer to this defendeth his error by saying, " No And foi one hath power over his equal : therefore, no former pope can bind me, who :"^''"f-''*'-
11 1 ,, T, 1 • , T 1 ,, ¥ 1 ^ , "IK more
am a pope as well as he. lo which I reply, " Jt does not appear tome, that than his he who is yet sailing on the perilous sea of this world and he who is arrived ^^^ ■ ^"'^ safe in the haven are equals ; for grant that some particular pope is saved (far be no°\o be it from us to say the contrary) ; yet our Savioiir saith, " He that is least in the equal, hut kingdom of heaven is greater than John the Baptist, a greater than whom did ''l'^^'''"^'"
(1) Decretl Dist 83, cap. 3 : Dist. 86, cap. 3 : Causa 23, Quest. 3, cap. 8.— Ed. cessors.
(2) Uecreti, Dist. 40, cap. C— Ed.
V OL. II. .M M
530 TIIF. CRAFTY PIIACTICF. OF USURERS.
Hrnry ncvcr arisc among tliose born of women." Is not tliereforc tlie said pope, as
"f- a piver and confinner of privileges, greater tlian tlic living pope? truly, mc-
, Pj thinks, he is greater, and therefore hath power over his inferior ; who, consc-
,.j.o" (picntly. ought not to despise his predecessors.
""*' ■ ' Doth not the po])e, speaking of most of his predecessors, say, " Such or
Accused such au one, our predecessor, of pious memory;" and frequently, "We, follow- rnK "he "'S '" ''"" '*^*-'P^ of our holy predecessor?" and why then do later popes destroy acts of his the foundations which their predecessors had laid?
predeces- p Many apostolic men have afterward confirmed a particular privilege The pope piously granted by their predecessors: and are not, then, many bishops who alive is are alrtadv saved by the grace of God to be counted greater and better than io hl7pre- one who is yet mUitant ?
decessors, 7. Again, our ancient apostolic fathers take the precedency of others who therefore ^y^ subsequent in time, and those whom the estimation of antiquity doth extol thority to w infringe himself replete with the spirit of the saints and venerable for his virtue, had their pri- respect to in his rule, wherein he gives the preference to the first acceders, Menniore whatever they were, before others who might afterwards become members of ancient j^j^ society, how worthy soever they might be, and directeth that the former ought"to should have precedence and veneration. Whence, therefore, cometh this be had in intolerable rashness of revoking and cancelling the privileges granted by many virence'.''" ancient saints ?
8. Moreover, though many other popes have afflicted the church, yet this pope hath more grievously enslaved it than others, and hath multiplied the The pope inconveniences : for example ; the Caursini are notorious usurers ; and our holy accused of fathers and doctors, whom we have ourselves seen and heard (namely, the rnKusurv It^amcd Master Fulco,* the famous preacher in France ; also Eustace, abbot of Flay, of the Cistercian order ; Master Jacobus de Viteri ; Master Stephen, archbiidiop of Canterbury, when in exile; and Master Robert de Curcon), expelled them by their remonstrances from the parts of France : but the present pope hath brought them into England, where the pest was before unknown, and there protected them ; and if any one presume to open his mouth against them, he immediately becomes obnoxious to trouble and damage, witness Roger, late bishop of l^ondon.^ Against 9. Every body knows, that usury is counted a detestable thing in both the usury. Testaments, and is forbidden of God. But now the pope's usurers or exchangers, to the disgust even of the .lews, are openly allowed to exercise their usury in London to the great damage and oppression of all ecclesiastics, but especially the religious, compelling the needy to tell falsehoods and to put their signature to lying documents, which is no less than to commit idolatry by renouncing The truth, that is, God himself. For instance, I borrow one hundred marks •' for a
"^fy year for one hundred pounds ; and I am compelled to draw and sign a writing fisuii-rs." in which I acknowledge that I have boi-rowed and received one hundred pounds The to be repaid at the year's end : but if it shall chance me within a month after, or
I'i'pe's a few days only, to acquire the principal, and 1 wish to repay it to the pope's worsr* usurer, he will, nevertheless, accept notliing short of his full hundred pounds ; than (he which outrageous usury is far worse than the Jewish; for whenever you bring Jews. ti^g principal to a Jew,' he will kindly take it, requiring only such interest with Crafty it, as is proportioned to the time you have had his money. oMhe'^ 10. Moreover, we have known the pope instruct and command the friars pojie to Preachers and Minorites to inquire diligently after dying persons, and to go to net nio- them and use every means to persuade them to make their wills for the benefit "^^' and relief of the Holy Land ; so that when they recover, they may wring some-
Men, thing from them for a dispensation, or if they die, they may receive or force it the iioiv from their executors. Land.soid 11. He also sells men that have taken the cross to laymen,* just as formerly
for money sheen and oxen were sold in the temple. We have actually seen, too, an instru- like sheep ' „ , . . , . , . . ' , , , , , " • i r »i
by the ment of his in which it was inserted, that they who devised money tor the
pope. benefit and relief of the Holy Land, or took the cross, should receive indulgence sion'oi propf)rtioned to the sum they gave.
sins sold 12. Over and besides all this, the pope in many of his letters hath com- for mo- ney- (I) Sec mention made of this Fiiico, siipri, p. 318. (2) See Appendix. (3) A mark was thirteen shillings and fourpunce. — Ed. (4) See Appendix.
THE POPE ACCUSED OF UNLAWFUL DISPENSATIOXS. 531
manded prelates to provide in some ecclesiastical benefice, such as the party iimty himself should choose to accept, some alien, though absent, and wholly dis- m-
quahfied as being both illiterate and ignorant of the language of the parishion- ^ j^
ers, and therefore unable to preach, or to hear confessions, or so much as Keep 1953' residence to refresh the poor and liarbour travellei-s.
13. We also know that the pope actually wrote to the abbot of St. Alban's, ?'he pope ... , , 1 ^ n Tii/^ \ 111 injurious
to provnle ni some competent benefice one John de Lamezana, whom ne nau toi;imrch-
never seen. Shortly after, provision was made for the party in a rectory worth es in his upwards of forty marks by the year : but he, not being therewith contented, !^n'j'J.""J[.t complained to the pope, who writing to the aforesaid abbot commanded him to vations. provide better for the aforesaid clerk, reserving to himself, however, the Also to presentation to the nrst bcnchce. of St. Ai-
14. Again, not many days after, there came to the abbey two despicable bans. fellows bringing with them letters from the pope, in the tenour whereof the J^'p^fJ'J'^' abbot was commanded, incontinently upon the sight tliereof to give " these of violent noble persons " ten marks in hand, without denuir, for the expedition and extonion. despatch of their business ; and the men blustered and threatened him so, that
he was fain to make up the matter with them as well as ho could.
15. Again, of those holy and learned men, who for the better serving and or trou- imitation of God had left the world by a course which was never to be retraced, ^|,"J|;^t"'' the pope appointeth his tolners,^ to cajole men out of their money ; which jng learn- charge sore against their wills they undertake, only lest they should seem dis- ed men of obedient; and thus they become more worldly than ever they were, and their tualtv'"" homely chimmers and scapillers prove a complete imposture,^ while under the with 'his garb of poverty there lurketh the spirit of pride and elation. Again, wliercas 3^^^;'^°"^''' a legate ought never to come into England unless the king himself desire it, the
pope evadeth this by a quirk, and sendeth many legates, not robed indeed in purple, but armed with mighty powers ; neither would it be difficult to produce an instance, nay, so frequently do these concealed emissaries come, and so numerous are they, that it would be tedious to hear their names recited.
16. Lastly (what is quite a novelty^), the pope, for some worldly respect, will The pope grant a man a bishopric without his ever being consecrated, but only an elect f^^yfjl,\^.. ftom year to year ; which is as much as to say, that he is to have the milk and fui dis- •wool of the sheep, not driving away the wolves, but only receiving the stated pensa- revenues of the bishopric.
And -when this godly bishop had thus expressed his detestation of such practices, and of many other enormities which prevailed in the court of Rome ; as, all kinds of avarice, usury, simony, and extor- tion, all kinds of filthiness, fleshly lust, gluttony, and sumptuous apparel ; insomuch that the proverb concerning the said court is truly verified —
' Ejus avaritiae totus non sufficit orbis. Ejus luxuriae meretrix non sufficit omnis ; '
' All the world cannot suffice, their greedy covetous mind, Nor all the drabs and naughty packs, their filthy lusting kindj' —
afterwards he went about further to prosecute, how the aforesaid court, opening its jaws so wide, that the flood of Jordan might run into its mouth, aspired to usurp the goods of them that died intestate, and legacies bequeathed without due form of law ; and how, in order that they might practise this with the greater freedom, they would associate the king as sharer and partaker with them in their rapine. " Neither," saith he, " shall the church ever be delivered from this
(1) " Telonaiios," M. Paris, collectors —En.
(2) " Tragulorum vilitas mentitur." "Chimmers and Scapillers." " Simarre" in French is a long gown or robe. A " scapulary " was a friar's vest, part of which covered the shoulders.— Ed.
(3) Alluding to Ethelmar, elect of Winchester, the king's h.^lfbrother.- En.
M M 2
532
DEATH OF nOBERT GROSTHEAD.
Henry Egyptian scrvltudc, but with the edge of the bloody sword. Albeit," saith he, "these be as yet but light matters ; yet, shortlv, Mithin the
A. D. next three years, more grievous things than these shall come to pass/
^^•'^'^- At the end of this his prophetic speech, which he scarcely could
Death of utter for sighing, sobbing, and weeping, his tongue faltered, and his
Grost- breath began to fail, and so, the organ of his voice being stopped, he
hrslfopof i"a(le an end both of his speech and life.'
Lincoln. And, forasmuch as mention hath been made before of the insa- tiable avarice of the pope's court by his inordinate provisions and reservations, it is testified by Matthew Paris, that the aforesaid Robert Grosthead, being bishop of Lincoln, caused to be viewed and considered diligently by his clerks, what the revenues of foreigners and strangers within England, set in by the pope, came to by the year; and it was found and evidently tried, that this pope now present, Innocent IV., did impoverish the universal church through- yeariy'*"^ out Christendom more than all his predecessors from the time the revenues popc first began, SO that the revenues of foreigners and clerks, placed clerks by him here in England, mounted unto the sum of threescore and ten Kngiand tliousand marks and above, whereas the mere revenues of the crown came to. came not to a third of that sum.^
Of this Robert Grosthead writeth Cestrensis (lib. vii.), that partly
for that it grieved him to see the intolerable exactions of the pope in
this realm ; and, partly, because he refused to admit a certain young
nephew of the po})e to be canon of his church (as hath been before
recited), he, therefore, writing unto the pope, and signifying that he
could not admit any such persons into his church, who neither knew
themselves, nor the tongue of the people, nor the charges committed
imto them, was called up to Rome, and there excommunicated ; who,
Jtrfcker ^^^^" appealing from the pope, shortly after departed, a.d, 1253. It
with the chanced, within two years after his decease, that the said pope Inno-
Gr
wjilo of ^"^^ ^''"'' ^^^'^ striking him with his staff on the left side, said,
Lincoln. " Surgc miscr, veni in judicium :" that is, ^ Rise, wretch ! and come
to thy judgment." The next day, the pope was found amazed, as a
man stricken on the side with the stroke of a staff. This Robert,
though he was greatly commended for his sanctity and (as Cestrensis
saith) for his miracles, yet was he not permitted in the court of Rome
to be inscribed in the catalogue of saints. And thus much out of
Cestren.sis concerning this matter.
Matthew Paris, and the author of Flores Hi.storiarum, prosecuting this story more at large, add this unto it, and say that pope Inno- A.D.I254 cent the year following (which was a.d. 1254), being passing angry, contrary to the mind of his brethren the cardinals willed to have the bones of this bishop of Lincoln cast out of the church, and, to bring him into disgrace with the people, that he should be counted an ethnic, a rebel, and a disobedient person, throughout the whole world ; and thereupon caused he a letter to that effect to be written and transmitted to the king of England, knowing that the king would gladly serve him therein, to have" the spoil of the bishop
( 1) Ex Matth. I'aris. [pp. 8?-l— 876.— Ed.] (2) Id. p. 859, ad aim. 1252.— Eo.
THE POPK STHICKEN ON ONE SIDE. 533
and of liis churcli. But, in tlie night following, the said bishop of uen,y Lincoln appeared unto him arrayed in his pontificalibus,* and ap- '^^' proaching him as he lay restless on his bed spake to him with a A.D. severe countenance, stern look, and terrible voice, at the same time ^'^^^' striking him a violent blow on the side with the point of his pastoral staff, and thus said, " Sinibald, thou most wretched pope ! hast The thou purposed to cast my bones out of the church to the shame of il'!'^^!'^,,^ me and of the church of Lincoln ? Whence could such rashness ',y^;;,f^''' come into thy head ? It were more meet for thee, advanced and uro^t- honoured by God as thou art, to make much of the zealous servants h'sho'p of of God, although departed. The Lord, however, will not suffer ^"i'^'''"- thee henceforth to have any power over me. I wrote unto thee in the spirit of humility and love, that thou shouldst correct thy mani- fold errors ; but thou, with a proud eye and disdainful heart, hast despised my wholesome admonitions. Woe to thee that despisest, shalt not thou also be despised ?"
And so, bishop Robert retiring left the pope half dead, groaning with the anguish of the wound which (as was said) he had received in his side, which was just as if he had been pierced with a lance, and sighing and crying out lamentably. The gentlemen of his bed- chamber, hearing these things, asked him in astonishment what all this meant. He replied with groans and sighs, " The terrors of the The pope night have much disturbed me, and I shall never recover, so as to be ed hihu myself again. Oh ! my side, how it pains me! I have been- struck """^• with a lance by a spirit." Neither did the pope eat or drink all that day, pretending to be ill of a high fever. And yet, even so, the wrath and vengeance of God had not done with him. For after Gods re this, the pope not regarding these wholesome admonitions given to poprin*^ liim by God through his servant, but giving liis mind wholly no'^^nt. unto military and secular affairs, yet, with all his labours, counsels, and expenses bestowed upon them, never prospered after that day in what he went about ; for the pope at that time having war with the The Apulians, his army fighting under the command of the pope's nephew armytan- was routed, and to the number of four thousand slain, including their ^,"^'con. commander; whose lamentable slaughter all the country of the Romans founded. did much bewail. The pope, afterwards, directeth his journey towards Naples, although sorely pained in his side, like a man sick of a pleurisy, or rather smitten with a spear; neither could cardinal Albus, his physician, relieve him ; " for Robert of Lincoln," saith the story, " did not spare Sinibald of Genoa ; who, for that he would not hear the other's gentle reproofs being alive, did feel his stripes when he was dead ; so that he never after that enjoyed one good day or night." And so continued he until his death, which shortly after J)^^^■^^ ensued, he being at Naples, a.d. 1255, or as Nicholas Trivet J'^^pJ'J^'^j rccordeth, 1254. And thus have ye the whole discourse between iv. Robert Grosthead and pope Innocent.^
In this story is to be noted, gentle reader, that although in Cestrensis, Matthew Paris, and Flores Historiarum, it is expressly
(1) Ex Matth. Paris, [p. 883.] Ex Flor. Hist.
(2) The foregoing account of bishop Grosthead has been collated with the original in M. Paris, and considerably revised and corrected. — Ed.
534 Till". jKws cju'cirY a child at Lincoln.
nn,ry tcstificil aiiil ri'portfd, that the i)opc was smitten witli the staff of Robert, the aforesaid bishoj) of Lincoln, yet tliou must -wisely
A.I), uiulcrstanil, that, howsoever God's hand dealcth here in this
^-^^- worhl in punishing his enemies, or howsoever tlie ima
A note not gcen but iantasied offer themselves to the secret cogitation
ingihe of man (his senses being asleep), by the operation or permission
oflua""^ ol' ^'"^1 working after some spiritual influence in our imaginations,
men. certain it is, that no dead man materially can ever rise again
or appear before the judgment-day to any man, with his staff or
without his staff, to work any feat, after he have once departed
this life.
Di8«en- After the death of this Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, there
iw'ecn^ was great dissension between lioniface, the archbishop of Canterbury,
i'bi"rof '^"^^ ^^^ canons of the said church of Lincoln, about the right of
canttT- giving prcbcndships, and about the revenues of the said clnirch, the
the'''" bishop's sec being then vacant ; which right and j^owcr the archbishop
Lincoili?'^ claimed to himself, but the canons of that church, maintaining the
Excom- contrary side, stood against him ; and, for the same, were excommu-
"'"""^"' nicated of the archbishop. Among whom, one Master Wolfe, resist-
aimsid. ii^rr the arclibisho]) to the face, in the name of all the other canons,
made up his apjieal to Rome, where much money on both sides was
spent. At length, after this Grosthead, Henry Lcxinton was elected
to the see of Lincoln.
A riiiui About this time the wicked Jews at Lincoln had cruelly crucified,
hy"ih'r'' whipped, and tormented a certain child, named Hugo, of nine years
Jews at of age, A.n. 1255, in the month of August,* At length the child
Lincoln. . i
being sought and found by the mother, being cast into a pit, two
and thirty of those abominable Jews were put to execution. Of this
A child Matthew Paris recitcth a long story. The same or like fact was aiso
cised'hy intoudcd by the Jews at Norwicli, twenty years before, upon a certain
am/k^p't' t'l'il'^ whom they had first circumcised, and detained a whole year in
a whole custody, intending to crucify hiin ; for which the Jews were sent up
cruciijed. to the Tower of London, of whom eighteen were hanged, and the rest
remained long in prison.* Of this wicked Jewish people I find also
in the book Flores Historiarum, that about this year they began
The Jews first to bc cxpcllcd out of Francc, by the commandment of the French
m.t'of'^'* l-^i^g' ^^ being then in Palestine, warring against the Turks ; on the
France, occasiou of its bciug objccted by the Turk, against him and other
christian princes, that they retained the Jews among them, who did
crucify our Saviour, and warred against those who did not crucify
him.' Of the Jews here, moreover, king Henry the same year
exacted to be given unto him eight thousand marks, on pain of
hanging ; who, being much grieved therewith, and complaining that
the king went about their destruction, desired leave to be given them
by the king, that they might depart the realm, never again to return.
•"rioave' ^^"^ '■^'^ '''"^'"' committed the doing of that matter unto carl Richard,
tod.part his brother, to enforce them to ])ay the money whether thcv would
nf'i'nB-"' "•■ "
laiid. gium ' of the Jews at Northampton, who had among themselves
(I) Ex Gualt. Gisbiirn. (On tliese and other matters relating to the Jews in English history, sec n'Blossier'i " Arplia Judaira."— Ed.] 12) Kx Nich. Trivet. (3) Ex I'lor Uistor. Ex Ctslrcnsi, lib. vii. cap. 31.
JEWS BURNED AT NORTHAMPTON' 535
prepared wildfire, to bum tlic city of London ; for which divers of Jienry them were taken, and burned in the time of Lent, in the said town
of Northampton. This was two years before, or about a. D. 1253. And A.U. forasmucli as mention here is made of the Jews, I cannot omit ^'-^'^- what some En
~ . Yp, , , Durneaat
this time (about a.d. 1257), fell into a privy at iewkesbury upon a North- sabbath day ; who, for the great reverence he had to his holy sabbath, ^^p'""- would not suffer himself to be plucked out. And so lord Richard, earl of Gloucester, hearing thereof, woidd not suffer him to be drawn out on Sunday for reverence of the holy day. And thus the Avretched superstitious Jew, remaining there till Monday, was found dead.
Further, to note the blind superstition of that tinie, not only super- among the Jews, but also among the Christians ; to omit divers jasu°^^ other stories, as of Walter Gray, archbishop of York, who coming !^^^[J.;" up to the parliament at London, a.d. 1255, with inordinate fasting arch- did so overcharge nature, and pined himself, and (as the story men- York? ° tioneth) did so dry up his brain, that he, losing thereby all appetite of stomach, going to Fulliam, there, within three days, died, as by the compiler of Flores Historiarum is both storied and reprehended ; let this only be added, which, by the aforenamed author, and in the same year, is recorded of one named Peter Chaceporce, who, dying in France, a.d. 1255, left by bequest in his testament six hundred supersti- marks for lands to be purchased to the house of Merton, for God to seeking be served there perpetually, " Pro anima ejus et omnium fidelium ;" by^!^on" that is, " For his souFs health, and all faithful souls." As one who means. " would say, christian faith were not the ordinary means sufficient to salvation of faithful souls, without the choir service of the monks of Merton.
Ye have heard it often complained of before, how the usurped THe pope power of the pope hath violently and presumptuously encroached to ui'e""* upon the church of England, in giving and conferring benefices and En"gia,',d.^ prebends to his Italians and strangers, to the great damage and ruin of Christ's flock in manifold ways. This violent injury and oppression of the pope, as by no lawful and gentle means it could be reformed, so, by occasion and means inordinate, about this time it began somewhat to be bridled. The matter whereof was this, as it is by the collector of Flores Historiarum recited under the forty-fourth year of the reign of this king Henry HL The late bishop of London, named Fulco, had given a certain prebend in the church of St. Paul to The same one Master Rustand, the pope's nuncio here in England; who entering Thipo"'*' into the profession of the Grey friars, and shortly after dying on the g-^f„*"j^y^ other side of the Alps, the pope immediately conferred the said the pope prebend to one of his specials, a like stranger, as the other was before, king at About the same instant it befel, that the bishop of London deceased, t" two™^ whereby the bishopric, now vacant, fell into the king's hands, who, '''""''^^^'^' hearing of the death of the aforenamed Rustand, gave the said prebendship, given of the pope before, to one John Crakehale, his treasurer ; who with all solemnity took his installation, un- knowing as yet that it was bestowed by the pope before. Not long after, as time grew, this being noised at Rome, forthwith cometh down a certain proctor, named John Gras, with the pope's cmbullcd letters, to receive the collation of the benefice, by his commission
Mav
536 A 11L1N()'.:S .Ml-KLER.
}ir '"' already installed, as is aforesaid, by the kinij's donation. Th^'s A. D. matter coming in traverse before Uonifacc, archbishop of Canterbury, ^^^^- he, after inquirinfj and searchinf; -which donation was the first, and ■•''>«. finding the ])ope's grant to be the former, gave sentence with liim naiTon " against the king ; so that, in conclusion, the Roman clerk had the hcToriMhc advantage of the benefice, although the other had long enjoyed the king's, possession thereof before. Thus the pope's man being preferred, and thi- l\iiglislinian excluded, after the jiarty had been invested and stalled after the iisc and manner, he thinking to be in sure possession of his place, attempted to enter the house belonging to his ])rcbend, but was not permitted so to do; whereupon the pope's clerk, giving place to force and number, went to the archbishop to complain. This l)ecoming known to those inside the house, they pursued him ; and he Two being so compassed about, one in the thickness of the throng, being Unman ncvcr after known, suddenly rushing upon him, a little above his eyes ins to so pareth off his head that he fell down dead; the same also was arrJiaTn"' douc to auotlicr of his fcllows in fleeing away. This heinous murder ••^ ""^ being famed abroad, strait inquiry thereof was made, but the deed- doer could not be known ; and although great suspicion was laid upon Crakehalc, the king's treasurer, yet no ])roof could be brought. But most men thought that bloody fact to be done by ccrt*iin ruffians or other light persons about the city or the court ; disdaining ])erhaps that the Romans were so enriched with Englishmen's livings, i)y whom neither came relief to any Englishman, nor any godly instnietion to the flock of Christ. And, therefore, because they saAV the church and realm of England in such subjection, and so much to be trodden down by the Romans and the pope's messengers, they thought thereby something to bridle, as with a snaffle, the pope's messengers from their intemperate ranging into this land.' The ftory Hcrc, by the Avay, is to be noted, that until the death of this ofMatth. aforesaid Fulco, bishop of liondon, continueth the history of Mat- reasetii. thcw Paris, mouk of St. Alban's, which was to the year of grace 1259. 'J'hc residue was continued by another monk of the same house, but not with such like commendation, worthy to make any authentic story ; as 1 have seen it noted in a written book.
It were too curious and tedious to prosecute in order what liap- pened in every year, through this king's reign ; as how it was provided by the king, that whosoever could expend fifteen poimds from land by the year, should be bound to find the king a soldier ; that watch should be kept every night in cities ; that whosoever Avas robbed, or otherwise damnified in any part of the country, he thnt had the custody thereof should be compelled to make up the loss again, or else to pui-sue the malefactor.^ (a.d. 1253). Item, how the king making his voyage into Gascony, his expenses were reckoned to amount to tAvo hundred and seventy thousand marks, beside thirty thousand marks bestoAved upon his brethren by the mother's side, and besides other great gifts given abroad. Ih' reason of this, great tiixes, and tolonies, and tenths Avcre required of his subjects ; especially of the ehurehmen, avIio, being Avont to receive tithes of others, uoav Avere constrained to give tithes to the laity.^ (a.d, 1254.)
(1) Ex Flor. Hist. (2) Ibid. (3) H)id. [See Appendix.J
THE POPe''s army SLAIN. o37
Item, how in the year following, the Londoners, offering one hundred •'^^"'•i/
]>ounds for a gift to the king, with a precious cup of gold, at his '-
return out of France, were shortly after compelled by the king to -'^•^■
pay three thousand marks for the escape of a certain prisoner, being i!^—
a ch-rk condemned ; which clerk being granted by the king to the bishop, and lie having no prison sufficient for him, bon-owed of the Tiondoners the prison of Newgate, to have him kept therein ; who escaping, there was demanded of them, as it is said, this recompense. (a.d. 1255.) Item, how the king, greatly complaining of his debts tlie same year, required the whole tenths which should be gathered in three years, to be taken up all at once ; at whose request the nobles and commons agreed to strain themselves, so that the charter of their liberties and customs might be ratified, and fully by him confirmed ; and so for that year they were.' Item, how pope Alex- Pope ander IV., to destroy the city Nuchera, with king Manfred, the son der n"' of Frederic the emperor, sent forth the same year Octavian, his "'^'"^'h cardmal, with a puissant army ; who, coming to the city with his siege, through the counsel of the marquis of Hoemburgh, one of the chief captains, discharged a great part of his host ; whereby the most The of the pope"'s army was slain and destroyed, almost all, save only the army'* family of the marquis,' a. d. 1255. *'^'"-
Many other things during the time of this king might be heaped The king together, as the rising of Llewellyn, king of Wales, and of the "va^th* Welshmen against Henry III., and wasting the land unto the toAvn ^,°g'^?' of Chester, who destroyed divers of the English horsemen taken in of Eng- the marsh ; with whom at length they came to agreement by means of ^" ' Octobonus, that his successors should only be called princes of Wales, and should do the king homage, and that Henry should receive of him three thousand marks. And this being established in writing, A.D.1257 was confirmed by the pope's seal, a.d. 1257.^
About the same time such famine and lack of victuals oppressed the land, that a somme* of corn was then sold for six and twenty shillings ; insomuch that the poorer sort were forced to eat nettle- roots, thistle-roots, and whatsoever they could get.' Some authors, however, refer this to a.d. 1262.
Hereunto, moreover, might be added, how pope Alexander, Pope abusing and mocking the king''s simplicity, made him believe that der, to get he would make his son Edmund, king of Apulia, so that he would J^a^efh sustain the charges and cost thereof, to maintain the war which the king thereto should appertain ; whereby the king, cast in a sudden hope, his son caused his son incontinently to be proclaimed king of Apulia ; and ^'ing'of"' upon the same sent up to the pope all the riches he could well ^JJ""*- procure in his realm. And thus was the realm, in manifold ways, king's miserably impoverished to enrich the pope.^ About this season, ZIaI^^ Richard, earl of Exeter, the king's brother, was made king ofj^yj^'^^ Almain by the electors.
Here might be showed, moreover, and added to the stories above, how the next year (a.d. 1259), as Nicholas Trivet writeth, the king entering into France, required the restitution of such lands in Nor- mandy and Anjou as of old right were due to him, and wrongfully
(1) Fx Flor. Hist. (2) Ex Flor Hist.,et Matth. Paris. (3) Ex Polychron. \T.
(^) A bessi'b load.— Ed. (5) Ex Authore Eulogii. «G) Ex FJor. Hiat,
538 BROir BETWEKN THK WELSH AND THE MEN OF OXFORD.
jifnr,j withlioldcn from liim. But the French king again alleged, saying, ''^' that the country of Normandy, in old time, was not given away from
A.D. the crown of France, but was usurped, and by force extorted,
^257. \jy Rollo, Js:c. In conclusion, the king, fearing and suspecting the
What hearts of his nobles, and looking for nothing but rebellion at home,
coVd''"" durst not try with them, but was compelled to agree with them upon
worki-th. such conditions of jieace as he could get ; which were these : that tion^tiie he should havc of the French king three Hundred thousand small
of Nor™ Tours pounds, with so much lands else in Gascony, as came to
inanely ^|,p yaluc of twcuty thousaud pounds in yearly rent ; so should he
.'ind All
jou. resifm fully and purely to the hands of the French king, all such
lands and possessions as he had in France. Whereby the king •living over his style and titles which he had in those parts, ceased then to be called duke of Normandy, or earl of Anjou.
Albeit, if it be true that Gisburn writeth, the king, afterward
repenting of his deed, did never receive the money all his life,
neither did he cease during his life to entitle himself in his letters duke
of Normandy ; but after him, his son and successor Edward in his
letters left out the title to be called duke of Normandy.'
Conflict Besides many other matters omitted, here I ovei-pass also the sore
miiifbo-' ''-lid vehement conflict, not between the frogs and the mice of which
k^)'r'the'm ^^'^"^'^'' ^^'"tctli, but the mighty pitched field, fought a.d. ]259,
Welsh- between the young students and scholars of the university of Oxford,
theScTuth- having no other occasion, as 1 read in Matthew Paris, but only the
atoxford ^'vcrsity of the country where they were born ; for the Northern
men joining with the Welshmen, to try their manhood against the
Southern, fell together in such a broil, with their ensigns and warlike
array, that in conclusion divers on both sides were slain. This heavy
and bloody conflict during and increasing among them, the end Avas
this : that the Northern lads with the Welsh had the victory. After
that fury and fiery fierceness had done what it could, the victors
bethinking at length with themselves, partly what they had done,
partly how it would be taken of the higher powers, and fearing due
punishment would fall upon them, especially seeing the brother of
LlcAvellyn, prince of Wales, and son of Griffin, was newly dead in
prison ; drawing their counsel and helps together, they offered to
king Henry four thousand marks, to Edward, his son, tlu-ee hundred,
and to the queen tAvo hundred, to be released of their trespass. But
the king ansAvered them again, that he, setting more price on the life
of one true subject, than on all Avhich by them Avas offered, Avould in
no Avise receive their money. And so the students without hope of
peace Avent home Avitli small triumph, learning what the common
proverb meaneth, " Dulce bellum inexpertis." NotAvithstanding,
the king being then occupied in great affairs and Avars, partly Avith
Llewellyn and the Welshmen, partly inAvrapped Avitli discord at
home Avith his nobles, had no leisure to attend to the coiTCction of
Variance tlicsc univcrsity mcu.'-^ LikcAvise, concerning the dissension folloAving
OkTu" in the next year (a.d. 1260) in the univcrsity of Paris, between the
(i.i.ta and studcuts tlicrc and the friars, the number of Avhom then did so much
the friars . , ' i i i • 1 • i.
ill I'aris. mcrease, that the commons Avere scarcely able to sustam them Avith the'uni" *^^'^^'' ^^'"s. Also, bctwccn the universities both of Oxford and
(1) Ex Gisburncusi. (2) Ex Matth. Paris.
COMMOTION BETWEEN THE KING AND HIS NOBLES, -')39
Cambridge, for a certain prisoner taken out of prison by strength, and iff^nj
brought into sanctuary the same; year, as is testified in Matthew ■._
Paris, (a.u. 1259.) In like manner toueliing the variance between -^•_^? the archbishop of Canterbury, and the cliaptcr of Lincohi. Again, -irJL^-^"_ between the said archbishop of Canterbury, and the chapter and oroxlurc! bishop of London ; and how the said bishop at his consecration »">' cam- would not make his profession to the arclibisliop but Avitli tliis Bc'tween exception, " Salvis jure et libertate ccclcsia! Londincnsis, qute \^ro j'.'^ ="■'■'>- posse meo defendam in omnibus," he.} All which Avranglings and canter- dissensions, with innumerable others reigning daily in the church in tii'J^chap''- those days, if I had leisure enough to prosecute them as I find them ^oj^"*^^'"" in stories remaining, might sulficicntly induce us to understand what Between small peace and agreement were then j(jined with the doctrine and b^^^i,op*^of religion of those days, during the state and reign of Antichrist. canter-
These, Avith many such other matters, which here might be dis- the'^chap- coursed and storied at large, being more foreign than ecclesiastical, lJuJoh. for brevity I do purposely contract and omit, cutting off all such LUtie superfluities as may seem more curious to write upon, than necessary thi'^fope's to be known. church.
This that followcth, concerning the pitiful and turbulent com- Histories motion between the king and the nobles, which lasted a long season ; '■o^ex^-'''^' because it is lamentable and containeth much fruitful example both ^""i''*^ for princes and subjects to behold and look upon, to see what mischief and inconvenience groweth in commonweals, where study of mutual concord lacketh, that is, where the prince regardcth not the offending of his subjects, and where the subjects forget the office of christian patience in suffering their prince's injuries by God's wrath inflicted for their sins : therefore, in explaining the order and story thereof, I thought it not unprofitable to occupy the reader with a little more tarriance in perusing the full discourse of this so lament- able a matter, and so pernicious to the public weal.
And first, to declare the occasions and first beginning of this occasion tumult, here is to be understood, that Avhich before was signified, ^m^^n Iiow king Henrv married with Elenor, daughter of the earl of Pro- i"t«een
''^ • ^ ^ VT-io/-* i the king
vence, a stranger, which was about a.d. 12o0 ; whereupon a great and his door was opened for strangers, not only to enter the land, but also to "" "^'^ replenish the court, to whom the king seemed more to incline his favour, advancing them to more preferment than his own natural English lords ; which thing to them was no little grievance. JNIore- over, before was declared how the king, by Isabel, his mother, who was a stranger, had divers brethren, whom he nourished up with great livings and possessions, and large pensions of money ; which was another heart-sore to divers, and also an hindrance. Over and besides hath also been declared, what unreasonable collections of money from time to time, as qiiindecims, subsidies, tenths, amercements, fines, payments, loans, and taxes, have been levied by the king, as well on the spirituality, as on the lay sort, partly for maintaining the king's wars against Wales, Scotland, and France, and to recover Nor- mandy; partly for helping the king's debts, voyages, and other expenses ; partly for the kingdom of Apulia, which Avas promised the king's son by the pope ; partly for moneying and supporting the
(1 )Floi-. Hi-^l.
54:0 Al'PKAl- OK THE NOBLES TO THE KING.
fieiry pope in liis wars ajjiiinst the emperor: by reason of all wliicli sundry
'— and importable collections, the coninionwcaltli of the realm was
'\- ^- utterly excoriate, to the ^'-^^' neither did it a little vex the people, to see the kin legates from Home every year, who did nothing else but transport the English money into the pope's coffers. Besides all this, what variance and altercation have been between the king and his subjects about the liberties of Magna Charta and De Foresta, granted by king John, and after confirmed by this king in the former council holdcn at Oxford, hath been before declared.
Perhaps this might be also some piece of a cause, that the king,
considering and bearing in mind the old injuries done of the lords
and barons to his father king John before him, did bear some grudge
there-for, or some privy hatred unto the nobility, to revenge his father's
quarrel ; but of things uncertain I have nothing certainly to affirm.
This is certain by truth of history, that the year of our Lord 1260,
A.D.iiuo. thus writeth Nicholas Trivet : That the king's justices, called
Itinerarii,* being sent to Hereford to execute their office, were from
thence repelled : the cause being alleged by those who were against
the king, that they were proceeding and enterprising against the form of
the provisions enacted and established a little before at Oxford.
h'^'fTi"^ It befel, moreover, in the same time above other times, as Walter
the Hemingford writeth,^ that a great number of aliens coming out of
the realm Francc and other countries resorted to England, and had here the
j^ini""'* doing of all principal matters of the realm under the king; unto
whom the wardships and reliefs and other emoluments of the land did
most chiefly redound. Which thing to see, did not a little trouble
and vex the nobility and baronage of England, insomuch that Simon
Montfort, earl of Leicester, offering to stand to death for the liberties
and wealth of the realm, conferred together with other lords and barons
Theap- upon the matter ; who then coming to the king after an humble sort
pcd) of tlie » .
iioiiies to of petition declared to him, how all the doings of his realm and his [Aprii"^' ^^^^ affairs were altogether disposed by the hands and after the wills A d'i2.5s "^ strangers, neither profitably unto him nor to the weal public, forso- Kymer.] much as liis trcasurcs being wasted and consumed he was in great debt, neither was able to satisfy the provision of his own house, but Avas driven to tally for his own cates, to no small dishonour unto his own state. " And now, therefore," said they, " pleaseth your highness to be informed by our advice, and to commit your liouse to the guiding and government of your own faithful and natural subjects, and we will take upon us to discharge your whole debt within one year of our own proper goods and revenues, so that Ave within five years may clear ourselves again. Neither will wc diminish your family, but rather increase it with a much greater retinue ; pro- viding so for the safety, and seeing to the custody, of your royal jjcrson, as your highness shall find and understand our diligence most trusty and faithful unto you in the end." The king To tlicsc words, SO lovingly declared, so humbly pretended, so ^"his" licartily and freely offered, the king as willingly condescended, ^"^'- assigning imto them both day and place where to confer and to deli- berate further upon the matter, which should be at Oxford, one
(1) " Juilkcs in Eyre." See Appendix.— Ed. (2) Ex Gualt. Gisburneiisi.
THE PROVISIONS OF OXFORD. 541
montli after Pentecost [Jane lltli]. At wliicli day and place all ti'^^ry
the states and lords, with tlie bishops of the realm, were summoned to '.
appear at the said town of Oxford, for the behalf of the king and the A.D. realm convented together ; where, first of the king himself, then of ^^•^^- the lords, an oath was taken, that what decrees or laws in the said ^ pariia- assembly should be provided to the profit of the king and of the Oxford. realm, the same universally should be kept and observed to the \l°^l\ honour of God, the utility of his church, and the wealth of the laws realm. Besides these lords and the king were also nine bishops, there. who swearing to the same did excommunicate all such as should Tiie king gainstand the said provisions there made, the king holding a unto burning taper in his hand, and the lords openly protesting to rise ""'™' with all their force' against all them that should stand against the same.
There were at that present in the realm four brethren of the king's The (most part of them by the mother's side) who would in no case agree bJetfiren hereunto, but in anger departed privily unto Winchester. The against nobles hearing thereof, in all speedy wise pursued them, fearing lest provi- they should take the city of Winchester, and forcibly keep the same. *'°"*' Wherefore the lords preventing their purpose, and seeing them stiffly to persist in their stubborn sentence, wrought no other violence against them, but, returning to Oxford again, prescribed to them these conditions : That they, departing the realm, should repair to their own lands and possessions which they had beyond the sea ; and that forthwith they should put this injunction in execution. Notwith- standing that the king made for them great intercession, yet it took no place. And because this should seem to proceed of no special displeasure against them, they enacted, moreover, that all strangers and aliens, of what state or condition soever, should forthwith avoid the realm on pain of death. Divers other provisions the same time were ordained and established ; that if any did hold of the king in whole or in part, and should chance him to depart, his heir being under age, the wardship of him should belong to the king, as hath partly before been specified.
Moreover, it was there decreed, that the wool of England should be wrought God grant only within the realm, neither should it be transported out to strangers. i his law
Item, That no man should wear any cloth, but which was wrought and made pia^e ^ only within the realm. again.
Item, That garments too sumptuous should not be brought in nor worn. And this.
Item, That all excessive and prodigal expenses, wasted upon pleasure and ^^^^^ ^f superfluity, should be eschewed of all persons. the realm.
Many other laws and decrees, saith the author,* in this assembly Divers in were ordained, wherein they continued the space of fifteen days ; and c'Vln^po"! many of them were impoisoned, of whom was the abbot of Westminster, s""'^''- a man in that order much commended. Also William, brother to the earl of Gloucester: also the earl himself, being impoisoned, hardly escaped with life, his hair and nails falling off his body ; whereof the author not long after was taken, and duly executed at Winchester. In the mean time, the nobles considering those dangers and jeopar- dies, were constrained to break off for that time, appointing the
(1) " Velut accipitres in corvum," Hemingford — Ed. (2) Ex Hist. Gualt. Gisburnensis.
542 TiiK Kis'o auroia'ed of his oath nv the pope.
iT'^nry tliirtooiUli (liy of Octobcr next following to convent togetlicr at ^"' _ London with weapon and harness, to prosecute and finish the residue
A. D. that was in the said council to be concluded. All which, at the
y-C>^- time and place appointed, was fully accomplished, and the acts
thereof in order of writing promulgated, and so committed to
execution.
Thekinp After the promulgation whereof, many things therein displeased
ofhVs"'"' the kin
oaih. could not at that present otherwise choose, he dissembled for a
A n.i2ci. season. Thus, time passing on, three years after (a.d. 1261) the
kinrf, seeing himself more and more to grow in debt and not to be
relieved according to promise made, but especially being egged (as
may be thought) by his brethren, taking it to stomach, sent up to the
Thekinn popc, botli for him and his son Edward to be released of their oath
the'pope ni'idc before at Oxford. The benefit of which absolution being
to release easily obtained or rather bought at the pope's hand, the king,
his oath, stepping back from all that was before concluded, calleth a parlia-
'^^^ . ment at Winchester, where he before the lords and nobles declared,
pope s ' ^ .
absoiu- },ow in the late council of Oxford they had agreed among themselves abused, for the common utility of the realm and of the king, as they pre- tended, for the increasing of his treasure, and his debt to be dimi- nished ; and thereupon bound themselves with an oath, causing also [June liimsclf and his son Edward to be bound unto the same. But now, by experience proving and trying the matter to be otherwise than their promise was, and that they, contrary to their covenant made, sought not so much the profit of him and of the realm, as their own, taking- him not as their lord, but going about to bring him under their subjection as an underling; and for that, moreover, his treasure greatly decreasing, his debts increased, and his princely liberality was cut short and trodden under foot — they should not marvel therefore, if he henceforth would be no more ruled by their counsel, but would provide himself with some other remedy, such as he might. And moreover, as touching the oath wherewith he and his son stood bound unto them, he had sent already to Rome, and had obtained absolu- tion and dispensation of the same, both for him and his son Edward also, and for all others that would take his part. And therefore he required of them to be restored again to that state and condition he had enjoyed in times past. The I'o this again gave answer the state of nobility on the other side,
the^lobIeg bciug iu the same place present ; in the number of whom was Simon ti^e king. Montfort, earl of Leicester, Richard of Clare, earl of Gloucester, Hum- phrey de Bohun, and the earl Ferrers, with a great number of barons, as lord John Fitz-.Tohn, lord Hastings, lord Gcffcry Lucy, lord .Tohn Vcscy, lord William Segrave, Hugh leDcspencer, lord Robert Vipount, with divers and many more ; whose answer to the king again was this : That the provisions made at the council of Oxford, whereunto they were sworn, they Avould hold, defend, and maintain to their lives'' end ; forsomnch as they did sound, and also were agreed upon, both to the honour of God, to the profit of the prince, and the stable wealth of the realm. And thus both sides discording betwixt themselves would so have departed, had not certain of the bishops, coming between both, laboured to make up the matter. By whose means
A UNIVERSITY ESTABLISHED AT NORTHAMPTON. 54$
(saitli Walter Gisburn) and procurement tlic clctcrmination of the cause Henry was brought in compromise and referred to Louis, the French hinq-, "^'
to judge betwixt them, who, hearing both the allegations (saith he), like A. I), no equal judge but a partial friend, inclined wholly and fully to the ^-^^'- king's sentence, and condemned the nobles. But the author of Flores The Historiarum saith, that by the mediation of certain discreet men, two versy^be- •\verc chosen, one for one side, the other for the other, to whom a k^l';^ af.'^ third also was annexed, who hearing, as well what was brought of the "'eno''''^s king's part, as also what was answered of the other, should define compro- betwecn them bol^i ; and so peace was between them concluded till "'""■ the coming of Edward. All this while the pope's absolution for the king, although it was granted and obtained at Rome, yet was it not brought down in solemn writing, neither was prince Edward as yet returned out of France into England.
*'In this year it pleased the king, after suit to him made, to license a university or academical school to be planted in the town of North- ampton ; and of a special favour which he pretended to bear (and like enough did indeed) unto the scholars that went there to seat themselves, and to prosecute the exercise of studies, he wrote his letters mandatory unto the chief officers and others of the said borough in the said students' behalf; the tenor whereof followeth agreeing with the record :
The King's Letter to the Mayor, Bailiffs, and others the Inhabitants of Northampton, in the behalf of certain Scholars minded to plant themselves there, as in a University.^
The king to his beloved and trusty the mayor, baihffs, and other honest men, his subjects of Northampton, greeting : Whereas certain masters and other scholars do purpose to tarry in your town corporate, there to exercise scholarly discipline, as we hear : we, regarding the glory of God, and the great profit of our kingdom hei'eby, take in good part the coming thither of the said scholars, and liking well their abode there, do will and grant that the said scholars may safely and securely abide in the said town corporate, under our protection and defence, and there exercise and do such things, as to such scholars appertain. And therefore we command you and straitly charge you, that when the said scholars shall come unto you, to tarry in your said corporate town, you receive them courteously, and treat them as becometh the state of scholars, not doing or s>iffering to be done unto them an_v impediment, molesta- tion, or grievance. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters patent to be made. Witness the king, at Windsor, the first day of Febniar}-, in the five and fortieth year of his reign. [1261.] *
At length, the writing of the king's absolution being brought from Tiie pope Rome, the king eftsoons commanded the same to be published through- [hlTkinK' out the realm, and sendeth to the French king and other strangers '■^'^^^ for help ; moreover, he seizeth all his castles into his own hand, rejecting the counsel of the lords, to whose custody thcv were before committed ; also removing the former officers, as the justices and the chancellor, with others placed before by the lords, he appointed new in their stead.
To this aforesaid absolution procured from Rome for the king and
(1) This passaffe in asterisks is not in the Editions published previous to the year IS9G. — Er>.
(2) " Rex dilectis et lidelihus suis majori, hallivis, et ca-teris probis honiinihus suis de Northnmp- tnn. salutem. Cum quidaai mafjistri et alii schnlarcs proponant," Src.^Turris Lond. [The above tnmslatioii is revised from the Latin original printed in Kymer. — EiJ.l
bU
THE KINGS LETTER TO HIS PROCTORS AT ROME.
III.'
A.D.
1262.
Wicked make- baits.
Ordi nances in a
provincial council at London against the king's right.
Against the pro- ceedings in the court of Rome tending to the hurt and prejudice of the king.
liis son, Edward, returninfj out of France at that time, did not give Ids consent, but held with the lords ; who then puttin in arms, with a fjreat power repaired to London, keepincf there in the suhurl)s and places about, while the king kept within the tower, causing the city gates to be watched and locked, and all within the said citv, being above the age of twelve years, to be sworn unto him. But, at length, through the means of certain coming between, this tumultuous perturbation being somewhat appeased, at least some hope of peace appeared ; so that the matter was taken up for that time without war or bloodshed. Notwithstanding, some false ])re- tensed dissemblers there were, who secretly disclosing all the counsels and doings of the lords unto the king, did all they could to hinder concord, and to kindle debate ; by the means of whom the purpose of the lords came not to so good effect, as otherwise it might.'
*^In this year the archbishop of Canterbury, with his suffragans (after their wonted manner), standing against the king, had made their appeal to Rome : whereupon the king was fain to answer by proxy, as appeareth by this brief note, drawn out of record : — " Rex constituit Johannem Hemingford proeuratorem suum in causa appella- tionis," &c. " The king hath appointed and made John Heming- ford his proctor in a cause of appeal which is moved in the court of Rome, between the king on the one part, and the archbishop of Canterbury vith his suffragans on the other, about certain ordinances, constitutions, and decrees lately in a council provincial at London by them published, to the prejudice of the king's right, his dignity royal, the liberties, laws, and customs of his kingdom.'''''
This matter no doubt was laboured very diligently by the said John Hemingford, who was to that end authorized by the king to make his abode at Rome, during the time that any manner of process was held and maintained against him to the impeaching of his royalty ; whereof the king had a special regard, perceiving the waywardness of his own clergy, or rather rebelliousness in daring to decree and ordain laws against him, and therefore he was the more careful to have all matters depending in the court of Rome conceraing him and his to be earnestly followed, insomuch that he joined to the aforesaid Hemingford, in the charge of procuration, one Roger Level : unto Avhich two, residing at Rome, the king sent his letters, charging them so to manage his affiiirs, as that nothing might pass to the derog-ation of his royal title. The copy of the said letter followeth, agreeing with the prototype or original.
A Letter of the King sent to his Proctors at Rome, concerning a Case of his in the said Court depending.*
Tlie king to Master John of Hemingford, and Roger Lovel, his proctors, pleading in the court of Rome, greeting : Forasmuch as upon you, our tnisty and vowed servants, the defence of our right and honour doth lie ; and, as we hear, certain of our realm, pleading in the court of Rome, do move divers matters to the prejudice of our right and honour, presmiiing and intending to prevail against us, we command you, and straitly charge you, that on our behalf you straitly forbid all and every of them, that they presume not any- further to undertake such things as tend to the hurt of our majesty, and the
(1) Ex Flor. Hist. (2) In no Edition before that of I59().— Ed. (.■?) Ex Flor. Hist.
(4) " Rcxmagistris Johannide Hemingford et Kogero Lovel procuratoribussuis, in curia Unmai'a agentibus, salutem, etc. Cum vobis tanquam fidelibus nostris," etc.— Tunis Loud. [May 27th.]
THE REBKLLION OF THE WELSHMEN. 545
derogation of our honour, but wholly forbear so to do, as they will avoid our iienry indignation, and the peril of them and theirs. This inhibition also we will by ^f^-
you all and every of you (so often as you shall see needful) to be made known, . .^
and thereupon by you or some of you to be certified of the contemners of the i.i'rjo'
same. Witness tlie king at Westminster, the six-and-twentieth of March, in —
the six-and-fortieth year of his reign."*
In this present year also (as afliii-moth tlie forenamed author') it Bishops was rumoured abroad that all the bishops of England went about to i^jjolft to recover aijain out of the hands of religious men all such churches and f'^'^"^'«r benefices, which were to them impropriated or appropriated ; and that ^ippro- they, for the expedition of the same, liad sent up to Rome both by'rlu- messengers and money, nothing misdoubting to obtain their purpose, houses But as little good fruit in those days used to spring out of that see, so I do not find that godly suit and labour of the bishops to take any fraitful effect.
The same year died pope Alexander, after whom succeeded pope Urban IV. Of the which pope Urban, the next year, the king also a.d.1262. obtained (or rather revived) a new releasement from his oath made to iea"eo/'^" the provisions and statutes of Oxford ; which being granted, lie com- o'^ti,''}"^^* mandeth incontinently all the aforesaid laws and provisions through Rome. England to be dissolved and broken.^ This done, the king with the queen taketh his voyage into France, where he fell into great infirmity [juiy nii, of sickness, and the most part of his family were taken with the ^°^^, quartan fever, of which many died ; m the number of whom was Baldwin, earl of Devonshire. About the same time died in Kent Richard, the worthy earl of Gloucester and Hertford, after whom suc- ceeded Gilbert Clare, his son.*
The Welshmen this year (a.d. 1262), breaking into the borders The of England, did much annoyance in the lands of Roger lord Morti- ^bei!' mer, but mightily again by him were expelled, not without great ^"^j^JJ^" , slaughter of the invaders. About which time, the king, through Oxford some discreet counsel about him, inclined to peace and concord with gf^n^ed his nobles, granting, of his mere voluntary will, the constitutions and ^1^^']"' provisions of Oxford to take place in the realm, directing his com- mandment to every shire. Albeit, the realm yet was not altogether pacified for all that.
In the latter end of this year, the king's palace at Westminster Paiace at was burnt, and for the most part was all consumed with fire, which ste^bm-ni seemed to many an evil prognostication against the king. '* ''■'"^' *''■''•
In some English chronicles it is also recorded, that the same year usury five hundred Jews at London were slain for taking usury more than p""'*'^ • two pence a week for twenty shillings, being before forbidden by the king to take above that rate by the week.
After this followeth the year 1263, in which the barons of England, a.d.i2C3. confederating themselves together for maintaining the statutes and The laws of Oxford, and partly moved with old grudge conceived against "^"^j"^ the strangers (maintained by the king and the queen, and Edward agaiii.>t their son, in the realm of England), joined powers in all forcible wise, stran-ers, and first invaded the said strangers, namely, those who were about the tifj',!,',';,,. king. Their goods and manors they wasted and spoiled, whether they t""''^.'^',"^
(1) Ex Flor. Historiarum. [i.e. Matthew of Westmin.s'.er.— En.]
(2) The pope's bull is in R> mer, dated Feb 25th, a.d. 1202, also the king'.s proclamation on the rereint of it, dated May 2d. — Ed.
(.J) From M. We.stminster, who adds that he was buried at Tewkesbury, with this epitaph : " Uic piidor Hippoliti, Paridis gena, seiisus Ulyssis ;
.EneiB pittas, Ileotoris ira jncel." (4) Ex. Flor. Hist.
vol.. 11. N N
)46
ACRKEMKNT BETWEEN' THE KING AKD THE EAUOKS.
A. D.
1263.
Poter, a UuTKun- (lian, a rich Kng- li>h bishop.
John Maiinsel a rich priest.
Uenrij were pcrsoiis ecdcsiaslical or temporal ; among whom, besides others,
L_ was Peter a Burgundian, bisliop of Hereford, a rich prelate, with all
his treasure api)rclicndcd and spoiled : also his countrymen, whom he iiad placed to be canons of the same church. With like order of liandling, other aliens also, to whom was committed the custody of divers castles, as Gloucester, Worcester, and Bridgenorth, were spoiled, imprisoned, and sent away. Briefly, whatsoever he was in all the land that could not utter the English tongue, was of every rascal disdained, and happy if he might so escape ; by reason whereot it so came to pass, that a great number as well of other foreigners, as especially religious men, and rich priests (who here had gathered much substance), were urged to that extremity, that they were glad to flee the land ; in the catalogue of whom was one most principal, named .John Maunsel,' a priest notoriously grown in riches and trea- sures not to be tc^ld, having in his hand so many and rich benefices, that ne"'er no bishop of this realm might compare with him in riches : who, notwithstanding he kept with the king at London, yet was compelled privily to void the realm, and was pursued by Henry, the son of Richard king of Almain. Certain other strangers there were, to tiie number of two hundred and more, who, having the castle at Windsor, there immured and entrenched themselves, to whom at length prince Edward also adjoined himself.
In the mean time, while this stir was abroad, the king keeping then in the tower, and seeing the greatest part of his nobles and common with the Londoners to be set against him, agreed to the peace of the barons, and was contented to assent again to the ordinances and pro- visions of Oxford;^ albeit the queen, by all means possible, went about to persuade the king not to assent thereto ; who, as it seemed, was a great worker in kindling this fire of discord between the king and the barons : insonuich that, when the said queen Elenor should pass by barge from the Tower to Windsor, the liondoncrs standing upon the bridge, with their exclamations, cursing and throwing of stones and dirt at her, interrupted her course, causing her to return to the Tower again. Notwithstanding, the peace yet continued between the nobles and the king, the form whereof was this : First, that Henry, the son of Richard king of the Romans, should be delivered up by the king and queen : secondly, that the castles again should be committed to the custody of Englishmen, not of strangers : thirdly, that the provisions and statutes decreed at Oxford should as well by the king, as by all others, inviolably be observed : fourthly, that the realm henceforth should be ruled and governed not by foreigners, but by personages born within the land : fifthly, that all aliens and strangers should void the land, not to return again ; except only such, whose abode should bv the common assent of the king's trusty subjects be admitted and allowed.
Thus the king and the nobles, joining together after this form of peace above prefixed, although not fully with heart, as after appeared, put themselves in arms, with all their power to recover the castle of Windsor out of the strangers' hands. But Edward, in the mid-way between London and the castle meeting with his father and the barons, entered communication upon the matter; which being finished and he thinking to return into the castle again, by the policy of the -rnrl of Leicester, and Walter,* bishop of Worcester, was not per-
(1) See AppeiKiix. (2) July 10th. Rj-rrnr.— Ed.
(3; Foxc, miiltd by Hemingford, jays William: see Gciiv.in "_de Procsiilibus, &c."— Ld.
The kins a;;aiii a^'rectli with the nobles.
The
queen a great cause of this de- bate.
Form of the peace concluded between the kiiij' and the nobles.
WAR BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BAKONS. 547
initted to re-enter : v/liercupon the strangers within the Iiold (des- Henry titute of ail hope to withstand the great force approaching) rendered - ^'^' ■ the castle unto the king and the barons, upon this convention : that -^- ^ with horse and harness tliey niiglit be sutFered safely to depart the ^^^^' land, not to return any more. This being granted, certain of the c^s"5e°re- barons conduet(;d them in their journey towards the sea side, and wvered there they left them. handH'r
In the same year, about the beginning of October, the king and ^"'''"sers. queen made over to France, with Simon Montfort and other nobles, to hear and stand to the arbitrement of Louis, the French king, con- cerning the controversy between the states of England ; and all through the procurement of Elenor, the queen. For she, not for- getting the old contumely of the Londoners, exclaiming against her upon the bridge, ^vTought always what revenge she could against them.
" Manot alta mente reposfum Judicium Paridis.'"'
Concerning the arbitrement of this matter referred to the French king, part hath been said before, and more shall be said (Christ willing) hereafter. Some stories do add, moreover, that the king continuing long in France, word was sent to him out of England, that unless he returned again to the realm, they would elect a new king ; whereupon the king, returning out of France to Dover, would have entered the castle, but was stopped. Wherefore the king, in fierce anger and great indignation, prepared his power towards London, where Simon Montfort, the worthy earl of Leicester, through a subtle train, was almost betrayed and circumvented in Southwark, by ) the sudden pursuing of the king"'s army, had not the Londoners, with more speed, breaking bars and chains, made way to rescue him ; by the means of whom the earl at that time escaped the danger.
Now to come to the sentence of the French king : Forasmuch as the sentence arbitrement of this matter was committed to him, as hath before been French specified, he, mth a great assemblage both of French and English ^'"- ?'//' persons about him, considering and poising the cause on both sides, of Eng-" between the king and the nobles, clearly and solemnly pronounced a'^JIinst on the king's side against the barons; ordaining that the king ofj^^p^j^ England all this Avhile had suffered Avrong, and that he should be restored again to his pristine state, notwithstanding the provisions made at Oxford, which he ordained to be repealed and abrogated.^
The sentence of the French king thus av/arded, as it gave to the War be- king of England with his retinue no little encouragement, so it king and Avrought in the nobles'* hearts great indignation; who, notwithstanding ^Jj^^'be. that partial decreement of the French king, sped themselves home giimeth. out of France to defend themselves with all their strength and power. And not long after followeth also the king, by whose train Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester, as is above recited, was well nigh cir- cumvented in Southwark. Then the king calling his council together The uni- at Oxford (from whence he excluded the university of students for a Jtu^ent"*^ season, who were then at Northampton, as you heard before) there removed consulted, confemng with his friends and counsellors, what way was nom best to be taken. And hearing that the barons were assembled in s^^h-
ampton. (1) Vrrg. iEneid. i. 2G. (2) Ex Flor. Historiarum, Gisliiirn. et nJiis.
N N
O
.'548 THE TAKING OK NORT ilAMTOW
uenry great iiuiubcis at the town of Xortliam])ton, lie went thither with his
^ host and with his banners displayed, accompanied by Richard, king of
A-l>- Ahiiain, and ^Villiam de Valence, his brothers, also by Edward, his - ^"^'*- son, John Coniyn of Scotland, with many other Scots, John de Balliol, lord of Galh)way, Robert de Bruce, lord of Annandale, Roger de Clifford, Philip deMannion, John deVaux, Roger de Ley burne, Henry Percy, Philip Basset, Roger de Mortimer, and many others. There- fore the king commanded the barons that were within, to yield unto him presently the city and the pledges, or else he would immedi- ately destroy them. But they, counselling with the younger Simon de Montlorl, who, by his father's commandment, had got the residue thither to take counsel together (for his father and the carl of Gloucester were not yet come), boldly and w itli one mind answered, that they would not obey the king's -will, but would rather defend themselves and the city, if need were, even to the death. The noblemen of the king's part hearing this, sent word again, that at least they should come to the wall of the city to speak to the king, if, by any means, peace might be made. They, suspecting no deceit, followed their counsel, and leaving their holds, came to the wall towards the meadow, for there lay the king and his strong host hard Taking of by. But, in the mean space, whilst divers matters were reasoned ampton ^^^ treated of bctAveen the king and the lords, the lord Philip Basset, by the ^lio before was appointed to work that feat, with mattocks and other instruments of iron, and with men prepared for the onset, near to the monastery of St. Andrew, did undermine the wall of the city ; and by this means the wall soon fell down, and there was made a great plain, so that in one forefront there might have gone together on a row forty horsemen. Of this subtlety the alien monks that were there Avcrc thought to be the workers, because they made way and entrance for them that came in ; but when they that passed by saw this, and that the king's banners were erected ready to enter in, there was a great howling made, and the noise of the people came to the ears of the barons, and they made speed to resist them ; but it was all in vain, because they were already prevented by a great com- simon pany of their enemies. But Simon Montfort the younger, after he fort^Vhe ^^^^ valiantly fought a while in the midst of his enemies, with Peter ta''ken'^^' ^^^utfort, and a few that were with him, when Edward the king's prisoner. SOU cauie, was by his commandment taken and led away prisoner. The But the clerks of the university of Oxford (which uniyersity by the of Oxford king's commandment was translated thither) did work against the ''""* king's men more hurt than the other barons, with their slinks, lon uie king, bows and cross bows ; for they had a banner by themselves, and that was set up on high against the king. Wherewithal the king being greatly moved, sware at his entering in, that they should all be hanged ; which when they heard, many of them shaved their crowns, and they that were able ran away as fast as they could, and when the king entered the city, many fled in their armour into the castle, others left their horse and harness, and ran into chmches, and a few were slain, and those were of the common people ; but there was not much bloodshed, because all things were done as upon the sudden. When the city was at length set in quiet, the king commanded his oath to be executed upon the clerks. But his counsellors said unto
ROCHtSTtR BKSlEGEn BY 'HIE BAKONS. 549
Kim, " This be far tj-uiu tlice, O king ! for tlie sons of tliy nobles, and Hcnry
of other great men of thy kingdom were there gathered together into ' _
the university; Avhom if thou wouklst cause to be hanged or slain, •^•'>- even they that now take thy part would rise up against thee, not '-'''• suffering, to the uttcnnost of their powers, the blood of their sons The sm- and kinsfolks to be shed.'"" And so the king was pacified, and his oTflfrd' wrath against the clerks was staid. spared.
In the same day, after little more than an hour, the king's host assaulted the castle, and the new hold-keepers were afraid, for that they had not victuals and other things necessary for their resistance ; therefore they sent immediately messengers unto the king, and yielded themselves to the king's mercy. There were taken that day these The inr.ii knights and barons under written : William earl Ferrers, lord xonh* Peter Montfort, companion of the said Simon de Montfort the -"■'i''""- younger, lord Baldwin de Wake, lord Adam de Newmarch, lord Roger Bertram ; lord Simon Fitz-Simon, a valiant warrior, who first erected his banner against the king ; lord Bcrengarius de Water- vile, lord Hugh Gubion, lord Thomas Maunsel, lord Roger Boutevi- lein, Nicholas Wake, lord Robert de Newton, lord Philip de Dribv, and Grimbald de Pauncefoot. All these aforehand did the king take prisoners, and many more, of whom he committed some to the lord Nicholas of Haversham, to be kept in the same castle well defended ; some he led away with him ; and some he sent to divers castles ; and appointed Simon Montfort to be cast into Windsor Castle. And all these things, as touching the taking of Northampton, were done on the Saturday before Passion Week, being the fifth of April, a.d. 1264 : and the king went forward even to Nottingham, burning and wasting the manors of the lords and others his enemies ; and there he gathered together his nobles, and greatly increased his number.
When this ill luck was told, of them that were run away, to the earl Simon, who was coming towards Northampton with a great host, he was in a gi'cat rage, and yet was not discouraged ; but imme- simon diatcly going to London, he caused a chariot to be made after the fonfeisn- manner of litters or couches, wherein he might ride as though he were ^th him- sick ; for he feigned .himself to be feeble and weak, whereas he M-as indeed a stout and valiant warrior ; and thei-e gathered to him other noblemen that were confederate with him, earls and barons, every one bringing with them their several arms, and preparing their engines of wood, they went to besiege Rochester ; for the earl of Warren, Eoches- in the king's behalf, kept both the town and castle. Wlien they had sieged b; gotten the first gate and the bridge, they were partly wounded and |^'^^^^^^ compelled to retire ; and there that valiant knight, Roger de la Bourn, was wounded, and very ill handled. Whilst they continued siege there awhile, it was told them that the king was coming towai-ds London with a mighty host ; and they said one to another, " If the king at his coming should take London, we shall be shut in as it were in a strait corner; let us, therefore, return unto London, that we may keep in safety both the place and the people." Therefore, appointing certain persons to keep the siege, they returned to London. At length when the king came, they went forth with the citizens to meet him, not with flowers and palms in their hands, but with sword? «ik1 spears. The king shunned them, and after he had seized the castle of
i)50 LETTERS BETWEEN THE BARONS AND THE KING.
Henry Kingstoii, wliifli wos thc earl of Gloucester's, he went from thence to
'— Rochester ; where, after he had killed a few, he brake the siege, and
A-I>- from thence the king went to Tunbridge, and the town and castle ^^' now being given 14-) to him, he took there the countess of Gloucester, The kinj; .jp,) p^^ j^.^ i,,^,, .(^ abbcv, not to be kept in hold, but to so at liberty i.uudon. whither she would. And he left for the custody of the castle and city a great part of his host, to thc number of above twenty picked out bannerets, for that it was commonly said that the earl of Gloucester would come out of hand to assault them. Which being done, he con- tinued on his journey to Wiuchelsea, where he received to peace the seamen of the Cinque ports. And three days after, upon the Satur- day following, he came to the town of Lewes, and was received into the abbey, and his son Edward into the castle. Then the barons sent letters to the king the twelfth day of May, the tenor whereof fol- io we th.
Letter of the Lords to the King.
To their most excellent Lord Henrj', by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, and dukeof Aquitaine, his barons and others his faithful subjects, being willing to keep their oath and fidelity to God and him, send greeting and due obedience with honour and reverence. Whereas by many experiments it is manifest, that some of your grace's assistants have reported to your majestj' many lies of us, working mischief, as much as in them lieth, not only against us, but against you also, and your whole realm : Be it known to your highness, that we have been always willing to defend tlie health and safeguard of yom- person, with all our power and fealty due to your grace, purposing to vex to the uttermost of our power and estate, not only our ill-willers, but also yom- enemies, and the enemies of your whole realm. If it be your good pleasure, give no credit to them ; we shall be always found your faithful subjects. And we, the earl of Leicester, and Gilbert of Clare, at the request of the others, for us and them have put to our seals.
These letters being read and heard, there was a council called, and the Iving wrote back to them, and especially to the two carls of Lei- cester and Gloucester, in manner and form following : —
The Answer of the King to the Lords.
Henry, by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Aqui- taine, &c., to Simon Montfort, and Gilbert de Clare, and tlieu- confederates. Forasmuch as by the war, and general disquietness by your means raised up in our whole realm, and also the burnings and other hurtful enonnities, it appear- eth manifestly, that you keep not your fidelity to us ward, nor care any thing for our health and safety ; and for that ye have unorderly grieved our nobles, and others our faithful subjects sticking faithfully and constantly to us, as you have certified us ; we, accounting their losses as our own, and their enemies as ours, and seeing these my aforesaid faithful subjects, for the keeping of their fidelity, do assist us manfidfy and faitlifully against your unfaithfidness : we therefore care not for your fidelity or love, but defy you as our and their enemies. Wit- ness myself, at Lewes, the day and year aforesaid.
Also Richard, king of Almain, and lord Edward, the son of king Henry, wrote to the barons in this wise : —
A Letter of Richard, King of Almain, and Prince Edward, to the
Barons.
Richard, by thc grace of God, king of the Romans, always Augustus, and Edward, eldest son of the king of England, and all the other barons and nobles constantly and faithfully in heart and deed cleaving to the aforesaid king of
THE BATTLE OF LEWES. ^5\
England : to Simon Montfort, and Gilbert de Clare, and to all and singular y/fi.ry others tlijir adherents in their conspiracy. By your letters which you sent to our ^"- lord, the noble king of England, wc have understanding that you defy us ; although j^ j) before any such word, your defiance towards us was apparent enough by your yn\\
cmel persecution, in burning our ])Ossessions and spoiling our goods. We
therefore give you to wit, that we all and every one of us, as your enemies, do defy you all. And further, that we will not cease, wheresoever it shall lie in our power, to the uttermost of our force and might, to subvert your persons and all that you have. As touching what you lay to our charge, that wo give neitlier f dthful nor good counsel to our lord the king, you say not the truth. And if your lord Simon Montfort or Gilbert de Clare, will affirm the same in our lord the king's court, we are ready to get safe conduct for you to come to the said court, to try and declare the truth of our innocency, and the falsehood of you both, as foresworn traitors, by some man equal with you in nobility and stock. All we are contained with the seals of the aforesaid lords, the lord Jlichard and the lord Edward. Dated the day aforesaid.
Both -which letters being read, they drew near to the king ; for they nattie of were not far distant from Lewes. And because there was wanted to blVwixt the king's store, provision for their horses, it was commanded them, I'jfrt'j!!^^ on the Tuesday, to go forth to seek for hay and provender ; wlio, barons. when they were gone forth, were prevented by their enemies, and most of them killed ; but the residue returning, saw their enemies coming, very early on the Wednesday morning, and making outcries, stirred up the king and his host to arm themselves. Then the barons, coming to the full plain, descended there, and girding and trimming their horses, made fit their harness to them. And there the earl Simon made the earl of Gloucester, and Robert de Vere, and many others new knights. Which being done, he divided and distiiicted his host into four several battels, and he appointed noblemen to guide and govern every battel ; and over the first battel were ordained captains Henry Montfort, the eldest son of the earl Simon, and Guido, his brother, lord .John de Burgh the younger, and lord Humfrey de Bohun ; over the second battel lord Gilbert of Clare, earl of Gloucester, lord John Fitz-John, and lord William of Montchensi ; and over the third, in which the Londoners were, at their request the lord Nicholas Segrave Avas assigned, who required also very instantly that they might have the first stroke in the battel, at the adventure, come what would ; but over the fourth battel the earl himself was cap- tain, with the lord Thomas of Pilveston. In the mean season came forth the king's host, preparing themselves to the field in three battels ; of which Edward, the king''s son, led the first, with the earl of Warren, and Yalence the king's brother; and the second the king of Almain guided, with his son Henry ; but the king, with his nobles, guided the third ; and the fourth legion the king appointed not, by reason that he had left many of his bannerets behind him, to keep the castle and town of Tunbridge against the earl of Gloucester ; there also were most of the young men of the king's army, for the king thought not that his barons had been come so nigh to hand. Their armies being on both sides set in array and order, they exhorted one another on either part to fight valiantly ; and after they had buckled together, the battle was great, and many horsemen were overthrown, even in a moment. But by and by Edward, the king's son, wiih his band, as a fierce young gentleman and Aaliant knight, fell upon his enemies with such force, that he compelled them to recoil
OXJ rnE BATTLE OF LEWE9
iu„ry biick a great wav, su that the hindmost (thinking by reason of their '"' _ giving back, that tlie foremost were slain), ran many of tliem away ;
\.l>. and takintr water to pass over, almost threescore soldiers were drowned, ^-^^- and a few of them being slain, all the rest fled. Straightway the Lon- doners, who had asked the first fight, knowing not how the battle wen*., took to their heels, whom Edward pursued with liis band, killing the hindmost of them, for the space of two or three miles ; for he hated them because they had rebelled against his ilither, and disgraced his mother when she was carried by barge upon the Thames, from the Tower to Windsor, as is belbre recorded.
AV^hilst prince Edward was thus in chase of the Londoners, who
liad the vanguard of the barons'" battle ; in the mean time, the main
battle of the barons set upon the king''s main battle, of which the
king of Alniain, the brother of king Henry, had the leading ; M'ho
beinfif soon discomfited, and he with his son Henry, Robert de Bruce,
and John Comyn,with divers other captains taken prisoners, the rear-
nichard, ward, wherein the king himself fought, being immediately so hardly
Ai'matn bcsct, and he, seeing his knights and soldiers on every side about him
with his beaten down and slain, and divers others of his soldiers to forsake
prisoners, tlic field and shift for themselves, thought good to take again to
The main the town ; and so retired into the abbey from whence he came,
ducom- shutting and Tampering up the gates, and caused the same to be
fhe'^ufn'^ stronglv warded with st)ldiers. To be brief, the barons thus getting
fain to the field, after long fight, and many men on either side slain, entered
theabbey. also the towii of Lcwcs, puisuing in chase such soldiers as thither fled
for succour. Prince In the mean time, prince Edward returning from the chase of the
retu/ning Loudoucrs, as yc heard, who desired to give the first onset, and fir°s?^ "'^ espving the chariot of the earl Simon (which he caused purposely to chase. be made for him), and the horses in the same, without either waggoner, to"pelher or auv otlicr to govern the same, fell immediately upon the chariot, '""■ and brake it all in pieces, and slew two burgesses that were within the same. But when he came near to the place where the bloody battle had been fought, and saw the great discomfiture and overthrow, which, in his absence, with great mortality and slaughter, had happened, his heart was much dismayed, and his countenance altered. Yet not- withstanding, comforting and encouraging his knights and soldiers, of whom he had a valiant company, in battle an-ay, he marched toward The the town, against whom came the barons again with all their power ; fi"htah and thus was begun betwixt them a fresh field and a new battle, and ^ "^^ many men were slain on either side. At length the earl de Warren, Avith the king's two brothers, forsook the field and fled ; after whom went more than seven himdred chosen soldiers, who were of their house and fomilv, who the same day came to Pevensey, and there took shipping over the sea. Also Hugh Bigot, with divers others, fled, and left the valiant prince fighting in the field ; which thing he He also is also pcrcciving, took to the town ; and Avhen he found not the king worsund his father, at the castle, he went from thence to the abbey where he ttkVto ^as. In the mean season, the town was in complete confusion, both the town, parties fighting, spoiling, and getting of booties, while scarcely one of them could know and discern another, whether he was friend or cncmv. But when, within a while, the barons had assembled some
BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BARONS. 553
company, they gave an assault upon the castle, tliinking to liave Henry rescued John Gitford and others, whom the king's sokliers had taken
prisoners, and put therein. But the sohliers within manfully defended A. D. the same, and in throwing out balls of wild-fire, which for the defence _li^-_ thereof they had, they also fired part of the town. Then tlie barons Tiiecastio retired and left the castle, and purposed to have set upon the abbey, besieged. where the king and prince Edward, his son, were, which also was set on fire by the assault given to the castle; but yet it was shortly recovered and quenched. Then Edward, the king's son, perceiving the bold enterprise of the barons, prepared with the courageous knights and soldiers yet remaining and within the abbey, to issue out, and to give a new charge upon them. But the barons, perceiving that, sent unto the king messengers to entreat a truce for that day, and on the morrow to talk of and conclude a further peace between them. This battle was fought upon the fourteenth day of May.
The next day, which was Thursday, there were sent on either side Peace be- two preaching friars, between the king and the barons, with certain kYii"""^ articles and demands of peace, so that with certain others, these con- ^^^ ditions were agreed on : that on the morrow, being Friday, the prince should give himself as hostage for the king, his father, and xhe two others of his partv, and that Henry, the king's son of Almain, should pf'"'^'^^ also give himself in like manner for his father ; that those things which hostages. should be concluded upon for the benefit and commodity of the realm, and peaceable quietness thereof might be perfonned, and that all such prisoners as were taken on either side, should be freely ransomed and sent home.
The next day, which was Saturday, the king discharged all his soldiers, and others that were with him in the abbey, licensing them to depart whither they listed. And furthermore, by the advice of his son and the barons, he gave commandment to those w'hom he had appointed to the keeping of Tunbridge, that they should make no The attempt to the prejudice or hurt of the barons ; but in hope of the soiale^rs peace which was noAv on the point of being concluded, they also {," J""" should depart every man to his house and habitation. But they, giving after ' no credit thereunto, w'cnt with their furniture to Bristol, where they theLon- kept themselves in garrison, until the escaping of Edward the king's croydoi^ son, out of prison. But first, before that, when they heard at Tun- ^^^v. '" bridge that the king was vanquished in battle, and that the Londoners at Bristol, in the fore- ward were put to flight by prince Edward (by a messenger that escaped from the same), and that also the same Londoners were at Croydon, they set upon them in the evening tide, and taking from them much spoil, slew also many of them.
But when thus Mortimer's part began to decrease, and Simon the Eari earl's part on the other side to increase, the earl bare himself more 3'™°",!,-, stout, for that both the king and all that was his did depend upon his beareth good will and favour ; and he led with him the king and the king's so"stoiit, son to such holds and castles as he thought to be most strong, till [mprjlon- almost all of them were in his hands ; and he kept the hostages eiti the more straitly than was usual, insomuch that when it was blown of the abroad that the king's son was kept as prisoner, divers that were his ^"'^' friends counselled him, that he should desire to disport himself at the barriers, that the people might have a sight of him. But he,
554 Ancmusiiop boxifack in disgrace.
'ii-riry bciiig nuiTowly guarded as be knew, and fearing some tuniulL to arise,
'. — tliouglit good to refuse their counsel, and so did.
A.D. In this troublesome year, which was a.u. ]20'4, as the Loiuhmcrs JL_._ R'ith the nobles were thus occupied in war and dissension, the malig- nant Jews, thinking to take vantage of that time, with privy treason conspired against the whole city and state of the nobles ; who being taken with the manner, Mere almost all slain that dwelt in the citv of London. * ' In this year also, Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury," the son of Peter, earl of Savoy, and a stranger, having been certain years beyond the seas in disgrace with the king of England, upon occasion of some misdemeanour belike (for he was, as Matthew Parker writeth of him, " Ut moribus gestisquc peregrinus, sic nomine ipso et appclla- tione caetcris archiepiscopis dissimilis'"'), howbeit the king being of a re- lenting nature, and bearing much witli clergymen's insolencics, which for a while he might perhaps gainstand, but at last bare with them as supported by the court of Rome, did consult with his nobles about the return of the said Boniface into England conditionally, as followeth.
Acts passed in the King's Council, touching the Archbisliop of Can- terbury's return into England, under certain conditions.^
In the year of our Lord 12G4, in the month of March, it was enactea in the presence of the renowned king of Engkmd, by the counsel of the peers and states of the said reahn, that the reverend fatlier Boniface, by the grace of God archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, should return into England, and abide in the realm peaceably, upon the conditions inider-written : —
First, therefore, it is enacted, that the archbishop at his return, do without any diitic\ilty release in form of law his sentences of exconununication, publislied against all persons whatsoever, on occasion of the late troubles in tlie realm of England ; but yet so, that they who should be found excommunicate be ready to make satisfaction for their excesses, and for tlie same receive the canonical commandments of tlie arclibishoj', in form hereunder in the next article con- tained.
Secondl}', it is enacted, tliat in making amends for excesses done to the churches and churchmen within such places as are immediately subject unto liisjurisdiction, the arclibisliop do arbitrate according to the counsel of all his suffragans, or the greater and sounder part; and of weighty affairs belonging to the church and realm of England, do in time to come after his return order and dispose likewise by their counsel, and the counsel of other discreet men of the realm.
Thirdly, it is enacted, that he bring with him Master Henry Mortimer,^ archdeacon of Canterbury, and Pont Sabler, his familiar clerks or household chaplains ; and tliat these be the only clerks, being strangers born, whom he shall keep and retain of his council and household.
Fourthly, it is enacted, that any other clerks whatsoever, beneficed in the church of England, wihing to return with the archbishop, may safely return and abide on their benefices, and shall expend the church goods within the realm as they are bound ; carrying or sending nothing out of the realm, unless necessary occasion, allowed of the king's council, do so require.
Fifthly, it is enacted, that the archbishop or the clerks coming with him, shall bring nothing with them in letters, message, or connnandment, nor shall procure any thing else, during their abode in this realm, either by themselves, or b)' others, whereby any damage, danger, or prejudice, ma}' redound to the king, or to any of his realm. And for memory of the premises, the seal of the said renowned king of England is hanged unto these presents. — By the whole council.
(1) This passafie is not in the Editions previous to 159G.— Ed.
(2) " Anno Domini 1J64, mense Martio, in prxsentia iUustris regis Angliae, de concilio procerum et magnatum ejusdem rcsni actum est," &c.— Turris Lond. n'ne translation is revised from the Latin in Ryiner.— Ed ] (.■?) Ilciiricus lie mortuo mari. [Si-e ^\iipenili.x.]
ORDERED TO RETURN TO ENGLAND. 565
Notwithstanding this conclusion, the archbishop did not presently nennj return, but continued in Provence and elsewhere, behaving himself ^^^ imperiously as a prelate of the right Romish stamp. In the mean A.D. time many matters incident to this place, were omitted and neglected, ^^'^'^- which personally by him should have been executed ; but by reason of his absence the same were despatched by deputation, and the same ordered likewise according to his own fancy, which he pre- fen-ed before the king's authority and commandment. The copy of a letter describing the contumacy of the said Boniface doth suffi- ciently testify this to be true, the same being set down agreeable to the prototype.
A Letter of the King to I3oniface, Archbishop of Canterbury, charging him to leturn into England, there personally to discharge his archiepiscopal function.'
The king to Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, Against gi-eeting. Altliough hitherto by patience we have suffered oftentimes bishops t*}" arch- elect, abbots, and other prelates in our realm, for the benefit of their confirma- canter-° tion to be obtained, to pass over beyond sea unto you, we thought not to receive bur)-, abi- at yom- hands any such reward, as that against the right and custom of our '''"Kji ^ realm (to the which we mean not by this our patience, that prejudice shall any country, way be procured or bred), you should attempt tliis to be followed. We do marvel therefore, and are moved that you, at the request of us, have refused to commit the examination of the election of our well-beloved in Christ, Master Walter Gifford, late of Bath and Wells bishop elect, and the confirmation of the same election, unto some discreet persons of our realm; we having detained, and as yet detaining, the same Gifford against his will, tliat he might not repair personally unto you: whereunto common right and the very custom of the realm ought to have led you unrequested, whilst you abide out of the realm. Lest, therefore, our too much patience might breed in you a contempt, we wiU you to understand, that henceforward we mean to bear less with such deaUng, especially in these days, wherein there is no safe passage for Englishmen unto you through the parts of France, as it is reported. Wherefore we thought good to desire your fatherhood, and also to admonish you, giving you, moreover, in charge and commandment, and upon the fealty Avherein j^ou are bound unto us, finnly enjoining, that in respect of the aforesaid election and other ceremonies, you come personally into England, to execute your office and charge, or send some other in your room; or at least procm-e and cause some discreet persons of our realm, whom you shall repute more meet for this matter, to serve the turn for you in this behalf: lest, if with contumacy you refuse to hear our requests and commandments the second time, which ycu are by dutj' bound to obey, we be compelled to take indignation against you, as a contemner of the rights, the libeities and the customs of our kingdom, and so to proceed against you more sharply by way of revenge : neither will we suffer, if you shoiud do otherwise, that the revenues of your said archbishopric shall henceforth be conveyed unto you out of our reahn ; but as you refuse the burden, so will we in like sort do what we can to withdraw, hereafter, the profits and commodities from you during your abode out of our land. Finally, we, if need shall be, are ready to give you a sm-e and safe conduct. Witness the king at St. Paul's of London, the twenty-fifth of June, and the forty-eighth year of our reign.
Now after all this ado, we read that at last Boniface returned, and becoming more holy towards his end, he went with other bishops to the king, requesting him, that being mindful of the decay of his The ad- kingdom, by ecclesiastical livings bestowed upon strangers, he would Jj^i'linuc hereafter prefer learned and godly men of his ow^n nation. To whom {'.'"^^y^^'t^ the king answered that he would willingly do it. " Wherefore," said himscn.
(1) "Rex Bonifacio Cantuariensi archiepiscopo, totius Anglire," &c. — Turris Lond.
55G POPE CLEMENT A MARRIED MAS'.
Henry lic, " I tliiiik it iiiect that vou, who are a stran-rer and unlearned, "^ and also mv brotla-r Etlidnior, bishop of Winchester, whom I have
A.D. preferred to such dij^nities i)nly for kindred's sake, shoidd first give ^205. examples to others, Tind forsake your churches, and I will provide Boniface other learned men to serve in them." This answer of the king so i^iTo? ])ierccd this Bonitace, that he always after lived a wearisome life in buh'pr'ic i'^ngland ; wherefore, perceiving lumsclf to be misliked of the king is hated, ' ji,^ J jiic people, hc dcsircd to return into his country, and thereupon, anddieth. ^^^^ f^.iii,j^, .j^d selling the woods, letting out the archbishopric, taking great lines of his tenants, and making a great mass of money of the cler£rv of his province, he went, with the curse of all men into Savoy ; wheR\ in the castle of St. Helens, after he had misgoverned the see six and twenty years, six months, and sixteen days from his conse- cration, being nine and twenty years from his first election, he died the fifteenth of the kalends of August. And so ceased the troubles between the king and the said bishop, whose contumacy, with that of others of the like brood, doth largely appear in this book. Deaui Jiut to Icavc Bonifacc now dead, note ye this,* tliat in this year, died
Urban' popc Urban IV., after whom succeeded (a.d. 12U.5) pope Clement nienuv" ^^ •'•' ^^''''c^' Clement, as affirmeth Nicholas Trivet, was first a married Pope man, and had a wife and children, and was the solicitor and counsellor JiJ^;";"' to the French king ; then, after the death of his wife, was bishop of married Le Puy, after that archbishop of Narbonne, and at last made cardi- "wlfc'" nal ; w'ho being sent of pope Urban in legacy for reformation of d?en?"" peace in England, in his absence was elected pope by the cardinals. Aquinas About tliis time flourished Thomas Aquinas, reader at Paris among venture' ^^^^ Domiuic friars, and IJonavcnture among the Franciscan friars.' readers at *2 ^y^v, after all the aforesaid tumults and broils of the king and his barons, to the vexation of the whole land, it was thought meet and necessary that all parties at variance should be reconciled ; where- upon, it was concluded amongst them as foUoweth.
A Fomi of Peace between the King and his Barons.^
This is the fonn of peace allowed by the king our lord, by the lord Edward his son, by all the prelates and peers, and by the whole commonalty of tlie realm of England, with common consent and agreement : To wit, that a certain ordinance or decree made in a parliament holden at London about tlie feast of the nativity of St. John Baptist last past, for the maintaining and keeping of the peace of the realm, shall continue all the days of the said king our sovereign lord, and the time of tlie lord Edward, after he shall be received as king, even till tlie end and term that shall be thouglit meet and convenient. The said ordinance or decree is this :
For the redressing of the state of the realm of England, let there be chosen or named three discreet and trusty persons of the realm, who may have autho- rity and power from the lord theking to choose or name, in tlie king's behalf, nine counsellors; of which nine, three at least, by course or turns, may always be present in the court. And let the lord the king, by the counsel of the said nine, order and dispose of the keeping of castles, and the managing of all the affairs in his realm. Let the lord the king also, by the advice of the aforesaid nine, appoint justices, chancellors, treasurers, and other officers, greater and lesser, in those matters that pertain to government of his court and realm.
(1) Ex NIch. Trivet.
(2) Tlie next few pages, are not in the Editions previous to 1590— Ed.
nmnibUB, et communitatc tota regni Ani,'lix communiter ct concorditer approbata," &'c.— Turris Lend.
A FORM OF PEACE. 557
The choosers or namcrs shall swear first, that according to conscience they iinnry will choose or name such counsellors as they verily believe wnll be profitable •^^■^• and trusty in respect of God's honour, the chiu'ch, the lord the king, and his a rj realm. The counsellors likewise, and all the officers greater and lesser in their \oaA
creation sliall swear, tliat to the uttermost of their power they will faithf\dly 1-
execute their offices to the honour of God and of the church, and to the profit of the lord the king, and his realm, without bribe or gift; meat and drink, which are commonly wont to be set upon the table, excepted. And if so be that the aforesaid counsellors, or some or any of them, in the charge to them committed (whether they be he or she), have behaved themselves ill, or that npon some other occasion such officers are to be changed; the lord the king, by the counsel of the three former choosers or namcrs, may remove such as he shall see meet to be removed ; and in their rooms by the same men's advice may appoint and place other persons trusty and serviceable.
And if so be that either the greater officers, or the lesser, do disorderly demean themselves in their offices, the lord the king, by the counsel of the aforesaid nine, may displace them, and without delay by the same advice set others in their room. And if so be that the three first or chief choosers or namers, in the choice or naming of counsellors, or perhaps the counsellors in the creating of officers, or in other affairs of the lord the king and the realm to be ordered or done, shall be at disagreement, then, whatsoever by consent of two parts shall be concluded or decreed, let the same be finnly kept and observed; so that of those two parts, one be a prelate of the church in the business belongmg to the church : and if it so happen, that two parts of the said nine in some matter disagree, then shall they for their variance stand to the ordinance of the three first choosers or namers or the greater part of them. And if so be it seem expedient to all the prelates and barons, by consent, that some or one, in place of some or one of the three first namers be put and appointed, then let the lord the king, by the counsel of all the prelates and barons, ordain some others, or one other. And let the lord the king do all the premises by the advice of the said nine in manner above mentioned, or let them do it in the lord the king's behalf and by his autliority, by this present ordi- nance to continue and hold out till such time as this agreement, made and afterwards sealed by the parties, be perfected by consent, or some other proviso be had, which the parties by consent shall judge allowable.
This ordinance was made at London, by the consent, will and commandment of the lord the king, and also of the prelates and barons, with the commonalty then and there present. In witness whereof R. Bishop of Lincoln, and H. Bishop of Ely, R. Earl of Norfolk and marshal of England, Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford, Himiphrey de Bohune, William de Montchensi, and the mayor of London, to this writing have set their seals. Acted in the parliament at London in the month of June a.d. 1264.
It is also ordained, that the state of the English church shall be reformed Reforma- into a state meet and convenient. dmrch'^^
It is also ordained, that the three choosers above named and counsellors, of j^^ stran- whom mention is made in the said ordinance at London, and the keepers of gers to be castles and others the king's bailiffs be homebred. And as for strangers born, ''j!E"* let them come, tarrj', and depart peaceably, as well laymen willing to dwell king's' upon their possessions, as clergymen residing upon their benefices. castles.
]Merchants also, and all others, to further and see to their affairs, shall come freely, and taiTy peaceably ; but yet conditionally, so they come without armour and a suspected multitude. And that none of them be received in any sort into any office or bailiwick in the realm, or otherwise in the king's house and service be entertained. As for the charters of general liberties and forests granted unto the homebred of late by the king, and the statutes made upon revoking of grievances, which the lord the king, the third year past, in everj' shire by his letters patent hath caused to be published, with the commendable customs of his realm, and a long time allowed, let them be for ever observed : and that it might be provided how they may be better and more soundlj observ'cd, it is also provided, tliat the lord the king, and the lord Edward, the barons and those that stand with them, let go all injury and rancour, so that they neither grieve, nor suffer to be grieved by any of theirs, any one of theni by occasion of things done in the hurly-burly past, and also cause all theii-
A.I).
]264.
558 ACTS FOR SKTTl.IXG THE I'K.^CK OK TIIK IIEAI.M.
u,„ry bailiffs at the undertaking of their bailiwicks, that they shall grieve none by '1^- the occasion aforesaid, but shall do justice and right to everybody with equality.
And let there be good security provided how all these things may be tinnly
observed.
When tills aqrccmcnt was despatched, to set the realm in some
quietness, a little leisure was allowed to look into the losses and
damnLres of the church, whereupon it was provided as followeth.
Of the repairing of Trespasses committed against the Church.
It is provided by common assent of the king, of tlie prelates, earls, and barons of the land, that the trespasses which are committed against the church of Eno-land, bv reason of the tumults and wars that have been in this realm of Knchind, sliall be rcfonned and amended in this manner.
There sliall be chosen by the earls and great estates of the land, with the likin"- and assent of the prelates, three bishops authorized and having full power to establish and provide for such reasonable amends, as are to be made for the aforesaid trespass committed against holy church, so far forth as shall be fit and convenient.
Those that shall be found excommunicated, shall be absolved in form of right by such as have power and authority so to do.
* Tlie a\ithority of the prelates shall be established in this manner : First, it shall be faithfully undertaken by the earls, justices, and the other laymen of the king's coiuic'il, and other great barons of the realm, that all those things which tiie prelates that shall be chosen shall reasonably ordain and appoint by wav of reformation, they themselves shall observe and fulfil, and shall do their endeavour faithfully to cause the same to be observed by others, and thereof thev shall deliver their letters patent.
IVIoreover, unto the prelates, after they shall be chosen, full power shall be granted by the king, and the commonalty, the earls, barons, and great men of the land, to ordain those things which are needful and profitable to the full reformation of the estate of holy church, to the honour due to the fealty of oin- lord the king, and to the profit of the realm. And that the promise made by the king, and by the earls and barons aforesaid, and by the other great men of the land, may appear to be made in good faith, they shall thereof make their letters patent, to wit of things that have been done a year past befoie the last Easter.
If any be found that will not stand to the ordinance and appointment of the prelates in the causes, and according to the form aforesaid, he shall be compelled thereunto by doom of holy church ; yea, if need be, he shall be thereunto forced by the secular power. And that it may the better be done, the justice shall have a hundred or more of choice men at arms, or seijeants, soldiers elect, to distrain the malefactors when by the said prelates he shall be required. Those soldiers to be sustained of the common goods of holy church, dui'ing the time they shall be employed in that business. And this ordinance shall continue for a year or two, till such time as matters be quieted, and that the pro\-isions of the prelates, and the peace of the land be well observed.
Provided always, that the profits of benefices of holy chiu-ch belonging to aliens, and others that have been enemies to the land, shall be collected and safely kept in the hands of the prelates, until siicli time as order be taken by conunon advice what is to be done therewithal. And for the more assurance and further testimony hereof, the king and the high est^itcs of the land have imto this writing set their seals.
Besides all this it was considered, that non-residency being a default blameworthy, deserved reformation. To this the king having special regard, wrote his mind to the bishop of Hereford for the redress of the same ; whose letter, because it is memorable, and convenient matter is therein contained for non-residents of our time, we have here introduced according to the record.
AXn llEFORMATIOX OF THE CHUKCII. 559
A Letter of King Henry III., directed to the Bisliop of Hereford, ^^'^''^'J concerning his Non-residence.' ^—
The king to tlie bishop of Hereford sendeth greeting. Pastors or shepherds ^- ^■ are set over flocks, that by exercising tliemselves in watching over them day ^^^^^ and night, they may know their own cattle by their look, bring the hunger- Against starved sheep into the meadows of fniitfnlness, and the straying ones into one non-resi- fold by the word of salvation, and the rod of correction ; and to do their endea- pjeia^Js vour that unity indissolubly may be kept. But some there be who, damnably despising this doctrine, and not knowing to discern their own cattle from others, do take away the milk and the wool, not caring how the Lord's flock may be nourished ; they catch up the temporal goods, and who perisheth in their parish with famishment, or miscarrieth in manners they regard not ; which men deserve not to be called pastors, but rather hirelings. And that even we, in these days, remo\ing ourselves into the borders of Wales to take order for the disposing of the garrisons of our realm, have found this default in your church of Hereford, we report it witli grief; for that we have found there a church destitiite of a pastor's comfort, as having neither bishop nor ofHcial, vicar nor dean, who may exercise any spiritual function and duty in the same. But the chiu:ch itself (which in time past was wont to flow in delight, and had canons that tended upon days' and nights' service, and that ought to exercise the works of charity), at their forsaking the church, and leading their lives in counti-ies far hence, has put off" her stole or robe of pleasure, and fallen to the ground, bewailing the loss of her widowhood, and none among all her friends and lovers will comfort her. Verily while we beheld this, and considered it diligently, the prick of pity did move our bowels, and the sword of compassion did inwardly woimd our heart very sorely, that we could no longer dissemble so great an injury done to our mother the church, nor pass the same over uncorrected.
Wherefore we command and sti'aitly charge yon, that all occasions set aside. The you endeavour to remove yom'selves with all possible speed unto your said bishop church, and there personaUy to execute the pastoral charge committed unto charged you in the same. Otherwise we will you to know for certainty that if you have to be per- not a care to do this, we will wholly take into om- own hands all the temporal ^''"^'i-^ goods, and whatsoever else doth belong unto the barony of the same church, bent and which goods, for spiritual exercise' sake therein, it is certain our progenitors of abiding a godly devotion have bestowed thereupon. And such goods and dues as we "^°" have commanded hitherto to be gathered and safely kept and turned to the profit and commodity of the same church, the cause now ceasing we will seize upon, iuid suffer no longer that he shall reap temporal things, who feareth not irreverently to withdi-aw and keep back spiritual things, whereunto bj' office and duty he is boimd ; or that he shall receive any profits who refuseth to undergo and bear the burdens of the same. Witness the king at Hereford, the first of June, in the forty-eighth year of our reign, [a.d. 1264.]
About this time (as appeareth by course of record, and thereby An as- may well be gathered) a redress of certain sects was intended ; among m!dis^ ° which one by name especially occurreth, and called the Assembly of p^^^^'p^^" Harlots; a kind of people of a lewd disposition and uncivil. Of their failed ^ manners and life the king having been informed, addressed his letters whereby to the sheriff of Oxfordshire, a place which they haunted, and wherein ^atLred they practised their evil conversation ; whose letter here followeth. c/entness
of that
A Letter of King Henry HL to the Sheriff of Oxfordshire, concern- "^"^''• ing the Banishment of an unlawful assembly called Harlots, out of that Country.^
The king to the sheriff of Oxfordshire sendeth greeting. Because we under- stand that there be certain vagrant persons who call themselves Harlots, main-
(1) "Rex episcopo Hereford, salutem. Pastores gregibus praponuntur ut die! noetisque vigilias exercendo," &c. — Turris Lend.
(2) "Rex vie. Oxon. salutem. Quia intelleximus quod quidam, qui se harlotos appellant, vagi ct otium foventes, in diversis partibus regni nostri, corgregatioiies et conventicula, necnon contractus iUicitos," &c. Turris Lend.
360 THE POMl' Ol- POPISH PRELACY.
Urnry tainiiig idlt'iicss in divers parts of our realm, most shamelessly making their
m- meetings, assemblies, and unlawful matches against the honesty of the church
A. D. and good maimers, which abuse we will not, neither ought we to suffer ; we
yH\\, charge thee that on our belialf thou forbid the said Harlots hencefortli in the
— said countries to make any more such meetings, conventicle, or contracts ; or
to presiune according to their lewd manner and wonted fashion to rogue about our realm ; and hereto thou shalt (if need be) bind them, as by law may be done, wiierein so behave thyself in this behalf, as we may commend thy dili forty-eighth year of our reign, [a.d. 12G3.]
What manner of persons these were, or wliat their conversation was, it doth not further appear ; nevertheless by the premises it may seem to be some pretended order of religion. And it is most pro- bable that the reproachful name of harlot had its beginning from hence.
To conclude witli special matters of the church, wherein we have made somewhat the longer delay, by occasion of such necessary records as came to hand, and brought with them their necessary use, this one remembrance, notwitlistanding, remaineth, no less worthy of note than the rest, and falling within the revolution of the forty-eighth year of this king"'s reign, a year of great trouble, as by the premises may be gathered.
You are therefore to note that at this time the prelates of England stood upon their pantofles, and jolly fellows (I tell you) they would be known to be. For in an inquisition made after the death of one Alfred of Lincoln, being, as is supposed, a baron of this realm, there is foimd, among other things, as followeth •} " The beforenamed Alfred held a certain piece of the park of Dunctish and Tiley of the abbot of Cerne, by service of holding his stirrup when the abbot should take horseback, and to give him place in the shire at such time as he should be present."" The circumstances hereof being considered, together Avith the time when it was done, give probable cause to conjecture that the occasion of this matter came by this means : viz. That whereas the said Alfred was desirous to enlarge liis park, and could not so do but by purchasing part of some other ground next adjoining, whereof the said abbot was owner, ne was therefore constrained either to lack that he liked, or to admit such conditions as pleased my lord abbot ; who, like a lord, as you sec, was content to let him have his land, reserving such service as is above said. Wherein should be noted the pomp of prelates in those days, and how near they drew in imitation to the pope, in whose foot- steps they trod.
But leaving these affairs of the church and churchmen, into which we have gone somewdiat largely, we will now enter into other troubles of the temporal state. You heard before of a pacification concluded between the king and his barons, a.d. 1264- ; the same having been admitted by mutual and common consent of the temporalty and clergy. Nevertheless, as a sore not well searched and tented, but superficially and overly skinned, doth break out into a more danger- ous botch, so it came to pass among the lords and barons ; betwixt
(I) "Quod praedictus Alluredus tenuit qiiandam particulam parcse de Dunetish et Tilei de abbate (.e Cemc, per servicium tenendi stropem suum, "quando abbas debet ascendere equura luum, et dare el locum in comifatu quando prwsens fuerit."
lUUNCR EDWARD ESCAPES FKOM CUSTODY. 561
■whom no such firm reconciliation was made as was likely long to last ; Hmry
whereupon ensued, after secret grudge and privy hatred, open arms 'l'l_
and conflicts.* A. D.
For in this year,' the sons of Simon the carl, to wit, Henry, Simon, _li^'_ and Guido, being all puffed up, and with the pride of their success elevated, did things which nothing contented the earl of Gloucester ; insomuch that he challenged Henry the eldest son of the earl Simon Montfort at the barriers to be tried at Northampton. But that challenge was taken up, lest some further inconvenience might have Dissen- risen thereof. But the earl of Gloucester, being moved therewith in tweelr' his mind, sent unto his fother the carl, that he should deliver him such ean si- prisoners being noblemen, as he had captured with his own hands at "he ear" of the battle of Lewes ; amongst whom the king of Almain was named ^r"""'" first. But he by countermand answered him and said, that it might content and satisfy him, that he had saved and preserved to him liis lands, that day the battle was fought at Lewes. ^ The earl Simon, therefore, would not send him such prisoners as he demanded, but himself kept the more noble in the castle of Dover. Among them was Philip Basset, who undermined and brast down the Avails of Northampton at that conflict, as is said before and specified.^
The earl of Gloucester being herewith displeased, as soon as he The eari heard this answer, sent incontinently to the lord Roger Mortimer, cL^erand who had always taken the king's part, desiring that they two miirht talk ^""''r
, •;. ,- ?i ^^ oil ITT Mortjmer
together touchmg the benefit and commodity of the kmg. Who, conspire doubting some deceit, desired sureties and pledges for his safe return, Lgallis" and he would come and talk with him. When they met, and had a ^^^a^' while talked familiarly, the earl of Gloucester showed him all that he was purposed to do, and that further, he lamented he had so much and so greatly offended the king ; and that he would with all his power and ability make amends for that offence, in the restitution of the king again to his kingly dignity, as much as he possibly might. Therefore they Bent secretly to Thomas,* the brother of the earl of Gloucester, who was near about the earl Simon, and, informing him of this coalition, begged him to watch some opportunity and procure the escape of the king's son. Roger Mortimer, also, sent to the king's son a horse excelling all others in footmanship, unto which he might be sure to trust, when he saw convenient time thereunto. After which things thus contrived, prince Edward desired leave of the earl to prove the coursers against such time as he should ride at the tilt, as they had sometime wished him to do.^ As soon as he had got leave, and that with galloping and ranging the field he had wearied divers of their horses, at the last getting up upon the horse which for that purpose was sent, and spying a servant on horseback coming towards him with two swords, he turned about to his keeper, whose name was Robert de Ros, and to others his attendants that were with him, saying, " My Prince loving lords, thus long have I kept you company, and have been in ^tlllt\^ your custodies ; and now not purposing to use your companies any p^jj^/"' longer, I bid you adieu !" And quickly turning his horse about, put custody of to the spurs, and away went he. The others pricked after apace, but mon'by a yet came far enough behind, and overtake him they could not. -At *™"' lust, when they saw Roger Mortimer coming from his castle of Wig-
(1) The following pages, to p. 567, are probably all from Scala Mundi ; most of the matter, how- ever, IS ui Hemingford and Knvghton, whence the text is revised.— Ed.
(2) See Appendix. ' (3) See suprA. p. ."i^S.
(4) See Appendix. (5) See supia, p. .V>;).— Kd.
vol.. ir. o o
562 PRIXCF. KDWARI) GATIIIlUS HIS HOST.
fffnry moTC, accoinpanicd with many ariiictl men, to meet him, as before it was appointctl, they returned liome again as wise as they eame
A. D. forth. And when this the prince's eseape was divulgated, nuuli ^ ^^•''- people came forth unto him out of every quarter, with great joy thereof; amongst whom, the first was the earl of Gloucester, and then other partisans of the king, who had long now lain at Bristol and there- abouts ; and within a short space he had a great and a mighty host. Earl Which thincr when the earl Simon understood, he much doubted
selXth and mistrusted himself; and sending into Wales, he got from thence fn""}""'* a great many men, and augmented his power as strongly as he might haste froni cverv part of England, He sent also Simon, his son, to the a powiT. noblemen of the north parts, that with all possible speed he might bring them with liim ; who with a great company came with him, and at Kenilworth awhile they staid, and there pitched their tents. But leaving Kenilworth for a certain time, they went to Winchester, and spoiled the same, and then returned again to Kenilworth. And when this was by a certain spiall declared to ICdward the king's son, who was then at Worcester (which place, as well as Gloucester, he had won a little before), he prepared himself with his soldiers that very night to The first go to tlic placc whcrc the spy should bring him, which was into a deep of'pJiiice'' valley, near unto the place where Simon and his company had pitched. Edward And whcn in the morning they were very early about to arm themselves escape, bj and prepare their horses, they heard a great noise of their enemies oftTpy."* coming towards them. Then, thinking that the latter had prepared themselves against their coming and so had themselves been be- trayed, they set forth in battle array, marching forwards, till they met certain large baggage-wagons of their enemies going a foraging, and to procure victuals : which they took, and with the fresh horses new horsed their own soldiers who had their horses tired with long travel, and so marching forward came very early in the morning upon their enemies, whom for the most part they found sleeping ; and laying lustily about them, they slew divers, some they took, the rest they put to flight, and fifteen of their chiefest bannerets they took, Avith many rich spoils. But young Simon himself had lodged that night in the castle, and so with a few escaped being made prisoners. And this was the fourth day before the nones of August, a.d. 1265. Prince Edward immediately returned to Worcester. Thedis- But whcn Edward heard that earl Simon was coming toward ofVhl Kenilworth, to join with his son's battel, he marched forward and met batti"' ^'""^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^y ^ftcr at Evesham, whcrc he divided his host into Mrisf ^'^'■cc battels, he himself having the leading of one, the earl of tnon Gloucester of the second, and Roger Mortimer of the third, which EvMham. took tlicm in the rear. The king's son Edward came from the north- ward, as though he were coming from Kenilworth to Evesham ; and because he would not be descried, he caused his own standards and ensigns to be taken down, and young Simon's, which he had taken before, to be advanced. The earl Simon's scurier, whose name was Nicholas,' showed the earl that such bands and companies were march- ing towards him, and thought the same to be his son Simon's power, not knowing of the overthrow which he had just had. The earl thought the same, but advised caution ; wherefore the said Nicholas, the better to descry them, went up the abbey steeple of Evesham, whence he might plainly discern them all and their standards. By this time
(1) The king's barber, very clever at distin^ishing accoutrements. Hemingford.— Ed.
BATTLE OF EVESHAM.
563
they were mounted the hill, wliicli they had made a pusli to attain, ti^'ny thinking to have that vantage wlicn tliey slioukl give their charge as they — — — had purposed ; and Edward had advanced again his own standards, and A. I), liad pulled down Simon's, whereby they were the more easily descried .li^ii:.. and known. Then the aforesaid Nicholas cried aloud to tlie earl jjjj'^,^^^.g Simon, and said, " We are all but dead men ; for it is not your son, h as you suppose, that conieth, but it is Edward the king's son that wuerekt Cometh from one part, and the earl of Gloucester from another |^'^,fup^,' part, and Roger Mortimer from the third part/' Tlien said the earl, abashed. " The Lord be merciful unto our souls, forsomuch as our bodies and lives are now in their hands ;" and so saying, he commanded that every man should confess, and prepare for battle, who was willing to die for the laws and in a just quarrel ; and such as would depart, he gave leave to go their ways, that they should be no discomfiture to the rest. Then^ came unto him his eldest son Henry and comforted him, desiring him to have no despair nor yet mistrust in the good success of this battle, with other such cheerful words. " No, my son," saith he, " I despair not ; but yet, it is thy presumption and The the pride of the rest of thy brethren that hath brought me to this ea^'^lif^ end vou see ; notwithstanding yet, I trust I shall die to God, and in J^V'"^," a righteous quarrel."" After words of comfort given to all his host, and the oration made as is the manner, they all armed themselves. The king also, whom the earl ahvays kept with him, he armed in an armour of his own ; and then dividing their battels, they marched towards their enemies. But before they joined, the Welshmen ran their ways, and thinking to escape over the river Dee, were there, some drowned, and some slain. Then when the battels joined and came to handy strokes, within short space many of the earFs part fell and were slain ; and the king himself being struck at cried with King a loud voice to them, saying, " Kill me not, I am Henry your king.'"' aimoTt And with these the king's words, the lord Adam de Montalt knew him, t}fjbanie, and saved him. At whose voice and cry came also prince Edward his at i«nstii son, and delivered him to the guard and custody of certain knights, bis voice, In the mean season the earl Simon was hard bestead and beaten down, eueVby and also slain before Edward the prince came at him. Howbeit, '"» ^o"- before he fell, when as he fought for life, and Henry his son and other noblemen on his part were about him, he brake out into these words unto his enemies, saying, " What, is there no mercy and com- passion with you 'i " Who again answered, " What compassion should there be showed to traitors ?" Then said he, "• The Lord be merciful unto our souls, our bodies are in your hands." And as soon as these words were spoken, they slaughtered him,^ and mutilated his members, and cut off his head, which head Roger Mortimer sent unto his wife. But after the battle was ended and done, certain of them that loved the earl, upon an old ladder gathered up such parts of his body as remained, and covering the same with an old gown, brought it to Evesham, where they, putting the same in a fair linen cloth, buried it in the church. But not long after, such as thought themselves not sufficiently revenged by his death, to wreak them of the dead corpse, ^^^^^^y^ took up the same and threw it into another place, saying, that he who carcase was both accursed, and a traitor, was not worthy ot christian burial, edand
(1) The next six pages (taken from " ScalaMundi" and " Eulogium") have been revised and somewhat re-arran^ed according to the best authorities. See Heniinjford, M.Westm., Wikes, and theWaverley Annals.— Ed. (2) " Martyrizaverunt," liemingford and Knygliton.— Ed
oo 2
Simon's
)UII, .111(1
in.iiiy
more
564 xr.w AssKMni.Y of thk barons.
Hr„ry And not fnr off from liim al>o were slain Henry, his eldest son, the '"■ lord Hugh le ])cspcnscr, the lord Ralph Basset, the lord Thomas de AD. Astlcy, die lord William Mandcvilie, the lord John de Beauchamp, '•■^fitj- the lord Guy de Bardolf, Sir Uogcr de Rowele, knt., and many other cast forth noble men besides, with a great multitude of people, the Lord knoweth t'ian""" how many. This battle was fought on the fourth of August, and '.'!'",''' continued from one o'clock till it was niglit; in the which was not so much as one man on the earl's part of any estimation, fortitude, and courage, but in that battle lost his life, more than the lord John/ who by tlie great grace of God escaped death. Neither is this to be larlns" fort^ottcn, that the same day, being Tuesday, at that very hour when atlhis . the" battle began, which was at one o'clock in the afternoon, there was Evilhain siich a darkncss over all, such thunder and tempest, that the like before that time was never seen, being very calm and fair weather both imme- diately before and after ; which seemed (saith mine author) to give a plain demonstration of that which afterwards chanced and followed. Apariia- Aftcr tliis great slaughter and overthrow there was a parliament rimraon- summoned at Winchcst'cr by the earl of Gloucester, and others of ea'at °" liis part. Here, by the way, is to be considered, that the king, although terrking hc was in the canip of the earl of Leicester, being then in custody, ^^^,7 and his son Edward with the earl of Gloucester, yet the king was on restored {\yQX sidc agaiust his will, and therefore in the said parliament the gaihy.'^" king was restored to his kingly dignity, which was before that time f^icrTtcs under the custody of the barons. In this parliament the king dis- o? Simon inherited all those that took part with the earl Simon, and all their fo'rTwllh children.' After this the king kept a ])arliamcnt at Northampton : dren di's-" ^l'^'''e iilso the pope's legate, Octobdnus, held a convocation, and inherited excoiumunicated all such bishops as had taken any part with Simon K^nd against the king ; of whom divers he afterward sent u]) to Home, to "urat- be absolved of the pope ;' and further, the said legate caused to be ed by tiie proclaimed certain decrees which he himself had made, and idso the fegTte. new grant of pope Clement to the king and queen, of all the tenths '^amed fo^" s^^'*^" y^^^^ ^'^ come. And shortly after, the Norwich valuation bl-The was made : to the making whereof Walter, the bishop of Norwich,
pope to • i J 4
the king was appouited.
y^ears."'" I" tlic meanwhile, the barons who were yet remaining had gathered Assembly thcmsclves together again in the isle of Axholm ;* amongst whom tK^ns at John d'Eyvile (being a subtle and stout man of war) began to have Axholm. ^ name, and was well esteemed amongst them ; who, altogether, did what mischief thev might.
The next year (a.d.1266) died Walter Cantilupe, bishop of Wor- cester, after whom succeeded Nicholas of Ely, the king s chancellor.*' The Jews At tliis time also the barons again assembled with John d'Eyvile, Ind silin ^^^ ^^ proceeded till they came to Lincoln, which they also took, at Lin- and spoiled the Jews, and slew many of them ; and entering their th'e"ba- synagogue, tare and rent the book of their law, and burnt the same, are dil''" ^"^^ ^'^ *^*'^'^'" writings and obligations which they could come by. comnted. Which thing when the king heard, he sent thither his son prince
(1) Simon de Montfort and others escaped, and Guy de Montfort, Henry de Hastings, Humphrey de Hohun, jun., Peter de Vesri, Peter de Montfort, jun., and Nicholas de Scgrave, with others, were taken prisoners, besides lord John Filz-John. The list of the slain, a little above, has been verilieil by Dugdale's IJaronapc. See Appendix. — En.
(2) This parliament met Sept. 8th: M. Paris; see also Pat. Rot. 49 H. HI. m. 8 dorso, cited by Tyrrell.— Ed.
(.S) See Wilkins's Concilia, and Appendix.— El>. (0 See Appendix.
(6) The barons entered Axholm (in Lincolnshire) St. Clement's day (Nov. 23d), and surren- dered Uec. 27lh. Ann. Wavcrl. T. Wikts, M. Paris. Sec Appendix.— Ed. (G) See Appendix.
THE KENILWORTII DECRKE. 565
Edward ; but as soon as tliey heard tliat, they fled. This was in //^'rv
III.
the month of April;' and in the month of May they assembled at Chesterfield, under the said John D'Eyvile and the carl Ferrers, upon A. D. whom the king's soldiers coming suddenly in the night, took them ^^^^' sleeping and slew many of them. Then the said John D'Eyvile New as- quickly arming himself came forth, thinking with more defence botli ^f^™*''^"^ to save himself and to escape, who, in the way, struck the lord barons at Gilbert Haunsard such a blow with his demi-lance, that he felled field, both him and his horse to the ground, and so fled with a few more u'^"tia after him. And thus, while the poor soldiers fought and were slain, J{J''°^''''- the barons fled away and saved themselves. Also the earl Ferrers fled, and hid himself in a church ; but being betrayed by a woman, he was taken forth, and led away prisoner.*
The same year, the king perceiving that unless tlie castle of Kenil- worth were recovered, and the boldness of them restrained who kept the same, many evils and inconveniences might ensue thereupon, to the prejudice of his kingdom, for that the number increased every day more and more, wasting and spoiling the country all about, there- fore he gathered an army and came down to Warwick ; where he awhile tarried, expecting the meeting and assembling of his mar- (juisses and lords, with ensigns and other saultable munition. When Kenii- their bands were furnished and mustered, and all things ready, the *a"tieht- morrow after Midsummer-day he displayed his banner, and began his tjf/^'l,;^ viage, marching towards Kenilworth, and besieged the same. During which siege the barons assembled with the aforesaid John D'Eyvile riie in the isle of Ely, and fortified the same with bulwarks as strongly fj^/t'^Jythe as they might, at every entrance into the same.^ Shortly after, by island of the advice and counsel of the king, the pope's legate, and other ^' noblemen, twelve persons were chosen, who should have the dis- posing of those things that pertained to the state of the realm, and of those that had lost their lands and inheritances : who amongst other things made and established this one proviso, that was com- monly called the Kenilworth decree, that all those who had lost their Kenii- lands by attainder (although not yet attainted) should fine therc-for ""■""' at the "king's pleasure, and take their lands of him again ; paying ^f'^'^^K
Br ' , o ? 1 ^ S, the riisin-
sorae two years , some three years , and some tour years revenues oi herited. the same, according to the quality of the crime and offence com- mitted. All which provisos were established and confirmed as well by the corporal oath, as by signment of the same with the hands and seals, of all the prelates and clergy of England, there assembled for that purpose by the pope's legate, upon the feast of All Saints. When these things were thus finished, messengers were sent on the king's behalf, as well to those that kept the castle of Kenilworth, as also to those that were assembled in the isle of Ely ; willing them to come jnder the protection of the king's peace, and yield to the aforesaid provisos established by the twelve commissioners ; who altogether answered and said, that they would in nowise condescend thereunto, both for that it was done without their consents, not being called J^^^",;';,,^ unto it, and also for that the said decree was over-strait and intoler- creegain-
„ n • ^ L•^ \ ^ saved by
able. Within short space after, great famine and pestilence clianced divers.
(1) The rescue of Lincoln took place about Tuesday, April 27th (Annales Waver].): which (by Nicholas's Tables) gives the year 12r)6. — Ed.
(2) The affair at Chestertield happened on the Ides of May, on Whitsun-eve (Ann.Waverl.), which (by Nicholas's Tables) pivos Saturday, May 15th, 121)6.— En.
(3) On the eve of St. Laurence (Aug. 9th). M. Paris.— Ed.
worth de- cree
.166 KKNILWOUTH YIELDED TO THE KING.
iirnry amonjj:st tliosc who kept the castle, insomuch that they were without "^ all liope of keeping the same ; wherefore soon after, the kin"; sending
A^ !>• again to them to vield tlie castle and take their pardons, they, eon- -__ suiting to
sengers : *' If it i)lease the king and his council to permit us to send our messengers to the lord Simon Montfort, who is beyond the sea, that he may come by a certain day to the defence of this his garrison and fort, and that in the mean space we be not disturbed by the king's army that hath environed us, till the return of our messengers ; if, by the day appointed, he come not, wc will yield up the same, so that we may be pardoned of life, limb, and moveables."
When the messengers were returned, and had declared to the king their answer, he, consulting with his nobles about the matter, agreed unto their petitions, and caused the truce to be proclaimed through- out all his camp, after that sufficient hostages were on either side given ior the performance of the same ; whereupon they set forward their messengers, as before was said they would. But after that, many of them within the castle being very grievously vexed with the bloody- flux and other diseases, insomuch that the whole men might not abide the corruption and annoyance of those that were diseased, they delivered Kenii- up tlic castlc before the return of the messengers again, and Mere yielded permitted to go whither they would to refresh themselves, as men kfng°i)e^ molested with great vexations and miseries. King Henry besieged fore the the castlc of Kcuilworth from the seventh day before the first day of the mes- July Until the thirteenth of December ;' whither came Octobonus, mu^oV the popc''s legate, by whose entreaty the same was delivered unto the France, j^j^g \^y Hcury Hastings, who stoutly had defended the same and re- sisted the king, having pardon granted both for him and his, of his life, lands, goods and chattels. After the rendering up of the castle, the king committed the custody thereof to his son Edmund, and so with his host departing from the siege, he came upon Christmas- even's even to Osney ; where with great solemnity and triumph he kept his Christmas during seven days.
The same year pope Clement IV. promoted Master Walter
GifFord, bishop of Bath, to be archbishop of York.'^
'ihe In this year also the church of England (the regulars as well as the
uranted scculars) bcgau to pay the tenths of all her revenues to the king, to
kinR^y continue for three years' space ; and this was done by the authority
authority apOstolical.'
caL In the beginning of the next year, which was a.d. 1267, the
king with his host came to Windsor, from whence after a few days
he marched towards Ely ; in which island he besieged those who
were disinherited, and sharply also assaulted them ; upon which
John D'Eyvile and several other of the barons fled to London^
where of the Londoners they were well entertained. After this.
The king both tlic king and Edward his son came to London with a great
of un" power, but yet were kept out of the city by the barons and citizens
days!°''^ for the space of forty days. And Octobonus the legate (who for
fear had fled into the Tower) they narrowly laid for, that he should
not escape. At length, by the entreaty of the earl of Gloucester
and other carls that were his friends, both the barons and the citizens
(1) " The Ides of December," says Hemingford : " Tlie feast of St. Lucy," say tlie Waverley Annals; cither of wliicli means Dec. 13th. — Kd. Ui Sec Appendix.— liD. (3) Ibid.
PKACE BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BARONS. 567
were pardoned, and admitted to the lving"'s favour.' After this, ii'i»y Edward, the king's son, returned to besiege again the rest which were
in the isle of Ely ; who, when he came thitlicr, for tlie great abund- _-^- ance of waters in tlie same couhl by no means enter tlie island, till at —"^
length, by the counsel of the inhabitants of that province, he caused 0/'!!-,"'* with a number of workmen great trenches and ditches to be made, assaulted somewhat to convey away the water ; and so long used he their teredby counsel in making bridges with planks and hurdles, till at the last £dwa"d. they entered the island ; who as soon as they were entered, the rest which were in the island yielded themselves ; amongst whom were the lord Wake, Simon the younger, and Pcchcs, saving their lives and members.^ Meanwhile, four bishops and eight other noblemen had been chosen, such as were at Coventry first nominated, that they should order and dispose all matters between the king and such as had lost their inheritance, as also the form of their peace and ransonr ; pg^^g and a proclamation was made, upon the feast of All Saints, of perfect ^""^g"'*" peace and concord through all the realm. twcenthe
In the year of our Lord above recited, eight days after the feast of and "ue St. Martin in the fifty-second year of this king Henry's reign, he '^"'^• held a parliament at Marlborough, where, by the advice of wise and of Maru discreet men, and with all the consents of the nobles, he ordained and ^?,™"^j^ enacted divers good and profitable statutes for the reformation and A.D.i2cr. bettering of the state of the realm and execution of common justice, which are called ' the statutes of Marlborough.'
The next year (a.d. 1268), upon St. Gregory's day, Octobonus, convoca- the legate, called a council at London, where were five archbishops, en"/"'^'^' and a gi-eat number of bishops, abbots, and other prelates ; which j^°^ council also within three days brake up again. ^ legate.
The same year, upon St. John the Baptist's day,* Edward the xhe kin2;''s son, and divers other noblemen of England, took upon them ^^s^-ie's the cross by the legate''s hands at Northampton, to the relief of the out of Holy Land and the subversion of the enemies of the cross of Christ. °^^" ■ Which done, the legate the same year went out of England,^ not pur- posing after that to return again. This holy legate (saith mine valuation author), who might well be resembled to a lynx, that monstrous churches beast whose quick sight penetratetli every thing, enrolled to perpe- bonuf tiie tual memory the valuation of all the churches in the realm of England pfnsfo„5 so narrowly as by any means possible he might inquire the certainty out of thereof.'' The same Avas he that made all the cathedral and con- and con', ventual churches to pay pensions; so that those churches which gave churrhL not the vacancy of their benefices to their clerks and strangers, should v^yei to
T . 1 -i-ii PI t"*^ pope 8
pay unto them a certain yearly pension, during the vacancy 01 the clerks. benefices which they should have.
The same year died pope Clement IV., after whose death the Nov.29th. church of Rome was two years and nine months vacant ; and then ^ Avas chosen the archdeacon of Licgc, whose name was Thcardus or Thibaud, while he was with prince Edward in the Holy Land ; and they called him Gregory X.'
Then also did Edmund, earl of Lancaster and Leicester, and second Marriase
of Ed-
(1) June 15th, according to Rot. Pat. 51, H. lii. m. 10, N iO, cited by Brady.— Ed. inundear
(2) On the feast of St. James (July 25th). T. AVikts. See Appeiidi.x.— lio.
(3) E.iw Scala Mundi. [Holinshead says that this council met on St. George's day : Wikes says it met on the Quindene of Easter, i.e. (by Nicholas's Tables) April 22d ; that beinjj a Sunday, they pro- bably proceeded to business the next day, April 23d, which is St. George's day. See Appeni!i.\. — liu.J
(4) AVhich Wikes rightly obstrvcs fell on a Sunday this year, 1208.— En.
(j) July 20th. Wikes. (6) See Appendix. (?) Ibid.
568
DlSPUTKi) KLKCTIOX OF ARCHBISHOl'.
Henry HI.
A.D.
1271.
of Lancas- ter.
[JulvlOth, A.I).126». Dugd. Bar.] King E muiid the Confessor ■ litined. [Oot.ntli. T.Wikes.]
TteMh of Boniface, arch- bishop of Canter- bury, [July 18th.] Adam Chelin- don elect- ed in his stead.
Appella- tion from the king to the pope by the
monks of Canter- bury. Chelin- doii poeth up to Home.
Variance between tile olhci- al of Can- terbury, and the prior of Dover. Appella lion to Home.
(Jan. 3d, A.U.1271. Godwin, Eu.IUch.] Bishop ol Sarum elected but not conse- crated.
son of king Henry, take to wife the earl of Albemarle"'s daughter, and the niece of the earl of Gloucester ; at which marriage were the king and queen, and all the nobility of England.
The same year was the body of St. Edward, the king and confessor, by Walter Giironl, aichbi.shop of York, and other bishops entombed in a new and rich shrine of gold and silver, beset with precious stones, in the presence of Henry, king of England. In which year also fell great rain and inundation of waters, such as liatli not lightly been seen, which increased and continued the space of forty days, and more.
During this king's reign, there was made a great and general ex- pedition of sundry and divers christian princes to Jerusalem, taking upon them the Lord''s character, that is, the cross, among whom (as is said) was also Edward the king''s son one ; to the which expedition was granted him a subsidy throughout all the realm ; and in the month of May, A.D. 1270, he set forward on his journey.'
About the time when prince Edward was preparing his journey toward Asia, Boniface of whom ye heard before, the archbishop of Canterbury, ended his life in the country of Savoy, going belike to Rome, or coming thence. After whose death the monks of Canter- bury, proceeding to a new election granted by the king, agreed upon the prior of their house, named Adam Chelindon. But the king and his son, prince Edward, consenting and speaking in the behalf of Robert Burnell, the princess chaplain, and afterwards chancellor,^ did solicit the matter with the monks, partly entreating, ])artly threatening them, to choose the said Robert to be arch- bishop. Notwithstanding, the monks being stout would neither relent to their courteous request, nor yet bow to their bois- terous threats, but constantly persisting in their former election, appealed from the king and prince to the pope. Prince Edward being now on his journey, and seeing himself thus frustrated of the monks, writcth back to the king, his father, devoutly praying and beseeching him in no wise to admit the election of the aforesaid monks. And so passing to Dover with Henry, the son of Richard his uncle (king of the Romans), with their wives, they took their passage in the month of August. After this the prior thus elected (as is foretold), but not admitted by the king, to be archbishop, went up to Rome.
In the mean time the monks, in the absence of their elect, ordained one Geffrey Pomenall to be their official ; who, seeing himself ad- vanced to that dignity, and bearing belike some old grudge against the prior of Dover, caused him to be cited up to appear in the chapter- house of Canterbury. The prior of Dover seeing this citation to be prejudicial to him and to the church of Dover, and knowing the monks of Canterbury to have no such jurisdiction, the see of Canterbury being vacant, but that all things appertaining to that church ought to be reserved whole till the consecration of the new archbishop, therefore, for the state both of him and of his church, he appealed up also unto Rome.
The next year died Walter de la Wyle, bishop of Sarum, the third day before the nones of January; after whom succeeded Master Robert of W ikhampton, the dean of the same church ; and because the see of Canterbury Avas then vacant, he was confirmed by the chapter of Canterbury, which -chapter had always the jurisdiction in spiritual causes during the vacancy of that see, in as ample manner as the bishop himself had bemg alive. After this, the bishop elect
(1) This was the last attempt at recovering the Holy Land. (2) See Appcnii*-
LAST ClUTSADE TO TIIK HOLY LAXD. 560
coming thither, thinking to have had liis consecration, was, noiwith- fienry standing, put hack for two causes ; one was, for that there was present _ ^^'' then no more than one bishop ; the other was, for that all tlic other AD. bishops had appealed that he might not be consecrated to their pre- ^'^'^- judice, that is, by the authority of the chapter of Canterbury, saying, that they would not be under the obedience of the monks. After this, when solemn messengers were for this cause sent to the cardi- nals of Rome, for that then the see of Rome was vacant, they received answer, that, during the vacation of that see, the confirmation antl consecration of the bishop elect pertained to the aforesaid chapter of Canterbury. But to return to the archbishop again.
The next year after, Adam Chelindon, the aforesaid archbishop cheiin- elect, remaining all this while at Rome, at last resigned up his dec- fj"" J,*",^ to tion to the pope's hand (being Gregory X.), who then gave the |)'« i'"p^'- same to Robert Kilwardby. Who then coming to Dover, restored Kiiward- again the prior of that house, being before excluded upon certain [Juhop of causes (as ye heard). By these contentions judge, good reader, of ^||['^"" the religion of these men, and of these times. a.d.'i272.
About which time came out the great concordance by an English xhe f^reat friar, called John Derlington.* ^~-
And now to return to our former story. It was above declared how a general viage being proclaimed to war against the Turks, and a subsidy being collected in England on the same, prince Edward with others was appointed to take their viage, and werenoAv onward in their journey. Who at Michaelmas following with his company came to Aiguesmortes, which is from Marseilles eight leagues west- ward, and there taking ship again, having a merry wind and prosperous, within ten days arrived at Tunis, where he was with great joy wel- comed and entertained of the christian princes, who were to this purpose assembled, as, of Philip the French king (whose father Louis died a little before), of Charles the king of Sicily, and of the Aug.25th. two kings of Navarre and Arragon. And as this lord Edward Death of came thither for his father the king of England, thither came also J-y^Vki" Henry, the son of the king of Almain, for his father ; who, at his ^^^^^'^^ return from the viage, was slain in a chapel at Viterbo, hearing main's mass, by the lords Simon and Guido, the sons of the lord Simon vuerbo, Montfort, earl of Leicester.'' _ KVIl
When prince Edward demanded of these kings and princes what was to be done, they answered him again and said, " The prince of this city (said they) and of the province adjoining to the same, hath been accustomed to pay tribute unto the king of Sicily every year. And now for that the same hath been for the space of seven years unpaid and more, therefore we thought good to make invasion upon him. But the king, knowing the same tribute to be but justly demanded, hath now, according to our own desires, satisfied for the time past, and even paid his tribute before-hand.
Then said he, " My lords ! what is this to the purpose ? Are we Kxpedi- not here all assembled, and have taken upon us the Lord's character, i,',°'ade to fight against the infidels and enemies of Christ ? What mean ^l'^^Z\!ci you then to conclude a peace with them ? God forbid we shoidd do by peace, so, for now the land is plain and hard, so that we may march straight to the holy city .Tcrusalem.'' Then said they, " Now have we made a
(1) Ex Kulosio. [See Appendix.]
(2) Confiimed by the king ol Sicily's Utter in Kymcr, dated March 23d.— tD.
')70 A CKKAT TK^rr-KST.
iiirnry loaguc witli tliciii ; neither is it lawful for us to break the same ; but let us return af;:ain to Sicily, and when the winter is past wcmay well
A.D. take sliip|)inc: to Acre." But this counsel nothing at all liked him. ^-^^- neither did he show himself well pleased therewith ; but after he had The jrrcat made them a princely banquet, he went into his closet or privy Frtncii "^ chamber from amongst them, neither would he be partaker of any agafnst "^ ^^^^^ wickcd uiouey which they had taken. They, notwithstanding, them continuing their purpose, at the next merry wind took shipping, but into a for Want of more ships left two hundred of their men ashore, crying matter, out and piteously lamenting for the peril and hazard of death they Clemency were in ; wherewith prince Edward being somewhat moved with com- Edwirrto passion, came back again to the land, and received and stowed them loMirrs"^ in his own ships, being the last that went aboard. AVithin seven days [Oct.2f.th. after, they arrived in the kingdom of Sicily, over against the city iicminf.] 'j'lapani, casting their anchors a league from thence within the sea, for that their ships were of great burthen, and thoroughly fraught ; and from the haven of the city they sent out barges and boats to receive and bring such of the nobility to land as would ; but their horses for Great the most part, and all their armour, they kept within board. At length, wreck of towards evening, the sea began to be rough, and increased to a great tiMs^near ^^mpest and a mighty, insomuch that their ships were beaten one Trapani. against another's sides ; and sunk there were of them at that tem- evii"got, pest, lying at anchor, more than a hundred and twenty,' with all their fosr'' horses and munition, with innumerable souls besides; and that wicked ••Non money also which they had taken before likewise perished and was eventus drowncd. But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of prince prffida" Edward's, who had in number thirteen, nor yet had he one man lost Pr?nce' thereby ; for that (as it may be presupposed) he consented not to the Edward wicked counscl of the rest. AVhen in the morning the princes and from tern- kings camc to the sea-side, and saw all their ships sunk, and saw Hu'in- ^''^'^ "^^" ^^^ horses in great number cast upon the land drowned, they tcgrity had full heavy hearts, as well they might. For of all their ships and of God. mariners, who were in number fifteen hundred, besides the common soldiers, there were no more saved than the mariners of one only ship, and they in this wise : there was in that ship a good and wise matron (a countess or an earl's wife), who perceiving the tempest to grow, and fearing for herself, called to her the master of the ship, and asked whether, in attempting the shore, it were not possible to save them- selves ? Who answered, that to save the ship it was impossible ; howbeit, to save the men that were therein, by God's help, lie doubted not. Then said the countess, " For the ship care no whit ; save the souls therein, and I will give thee double the value of thy ship." AVho immediately hoisting the sails with all force ran the ship aground, so near the shore as possible was. Thus, with the vehemency of the weather and force he came withal he brast the ship, but saved all that was within the same, as the master had showed and said before.^
Then the kings and princes (altering their purpose after this so great a shipwreck) returned home again every one unto their own lands ; only Edward the king's son remained behind with his men and ships, which the Lord had saved and preserved. Then prince Edward (renovating his purpose) took shipping again, and within fifteen
;l) "Centum x\," Knvfrhton ; " xx," Ilemingford.— En.
(2) Ex Scal.i Mundi. V.\ Oualt. Gisburn. E\ Klor. Hist. [Whence several corrections aie made in the fuicgoing [jaiagtajjli. The same authorities supply the rest of this rtigu. — Ed.J
PRINCE KDWARd"'s SUCCESS. 571
tiays after Easter, aiTived at Acre, and went on shore, taking with Hmrt,
him a tliousand of the best and most expert soldiers, aiul tarried 1_
there a month, refrcshin<>- both, iiis men and horses, so that in this A.D. space he might learn and know the secrets of the land. After this ^^^^- he took witii him six or seven thousand soldiers, and marched forward ^I'j^j^^ twenty miles from Acre, and took Nazareth ; and those that he there taketh ' found he slew% and afterwards returned again to Acre. But their ^'^'"^ '" enemies following after them, thinking to have set u])on them at some strait or other advantage, they were by the prince premonished thereof, and returning again upon them, gave a charge, and slew many of them, and the rest they put to flight. After this, about Midsummer, when the prince had understanding that the Saracens began to gather at Cackhow, which was forty miles from Acre, he, marching thither, set upon them very early in the morning, and slew of them more than a thousand ; the rest he put to flight, and took rich spoils, marching forward till they came to a castle named Castrum Pcregrinorum, situated upon the sea-coast, and tarried there that night, and the next day they returned towards Acre. In the mean season the king of Jerusalem sent unto the noblemen of Cyprus, desiring them Avith speed that they would come and aid the Christians ; but they would not come, saying, they would keep their own land, and go no further. Then princeEdward sent unto them, desiring that at his request they would come and join in aid Avith him, who immediately thereupon The came unto him with great preparation and furniture for the war, "yprus" saying, that at his command they were bound to do no less, for that his ^^°7^ predecessors Avere sometime governors of their land, and that they fidelity ought always to show their fidelity to the kings of England. Then king of the Christians being herewith animated, about the feast of St. Peter ad i^"s'an'i Vmcula [Aug. 1st] made a third viage or rode, and when they had slain certain, not finding any to make resistance against them, they retired from whence they came, about St. George's day [Aug. 27th].
When thus the fame of prince EdAvard grew amongst his enemies, ^"'Jefui and they began to stand in fear of him ; they devised among them- the^sarV selves, how by some policy they might circumvent and betray him.^ tised^"*^ Hereupon the great prince and admiral of Joppa sent to him, feigning a^fijij^t himself, under great deceit, to become a Christian, and that he Avould Edward. draAv Avith him a great number besides, so that they might be honour- ably entertained and used of the Christians. This talk pleased the prince well, and persuaded him to finish the thing he had so Avell begun, by Avriting again ; who also by the same messenger sent and A\Tote back unto him divers times about the same matter, Avhereby no mistrust should spring. This messenger, saith mine author, was one ' ex cote nutritus,"' one of the stony-hearted, Avho neither feared God nor dreaded death. The fifth time when this messenger came, and was of the prince's servants searched, according to the manner and cus- tom, to discover Avhat weapon and armour he had about him, as also his piu-se, and when not so much as a knife could be found about him, he Avas had up into the prince's chamber, and after his reverence done, he pulled out certain letters, Avhich he delivered to the prince from his lord, as he had done others before. This Avas about eight days after Whitsuntide, upon a Tuesday, somcAvhat before night ; at
(1) Ex Gisburn. et Scala Mundi.
inessen ger.
572 pRixcF. inwAUD wouxded by an assassin.
JUnry wliicli tiiiic tlio jMinco was laid upon his bed, barc-licadcti, in his
! — jt-'rkin, tiir the i^Tcat heat and intcmi)crature of tlic weather.
'\'P' ^Vlion tlic prince liad road tlic letters, it appeared by them, that ' upon the Saturday i'ollowinfi:, his lord would be there readv to acconi- |)lish all that he had written and promised. The report of this neAvs, by the prince to the standers-by, liked them well, drawing somewhat back to consult thereof amongst themselves. In the mean time the messenger, kneeling and making his obeisance to the prince, who was questioning further with him, put his hand to the belt, as thouirh he would have pulled out some secret letters, and suddenly he pulled out an envenomed knife, thinking to have stricken it into tlie prince's belly as he lay; but Edward, lifting up his hand to defend the blow, was r.dward stricken a great wound in the arm ; and the messenger being about wiih"a''n'' '^o ^•^'tch another stroke at him, the prince \f\i\\ his foot took him such nomed ^ '^^^'^^^ ^^^^^ '^*^ fcUcd him to the ground. With that the prince gat knife him by the hand, and with such violence ^Tested the knife from him, Turks' that he hurt himself therewith in the forehead, and immediately thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker, and slew him. The prince's servants being in the next chamber not far off, hearing the bustling, came with great haste running in. And finding the messenger lying dead on the floor, one of t)iem took up a stool and beat out his brains ; whereat the prince was wroth, for that he struck a dead man, and one that was killed before. The nmiour hereof, as it was strange, so it soon went throughout all the court, and from thence amongst the common peo])lc ; wherefore they were very lieavy and greatly discouraged. To him came also the captain of the temple, and brought him a costly and precious drink against poison, lest the venom of the knife should penetrate the lively blood, and in blamingwise said unto him, ^ Did I not show your grace before, of the deceit and subtlety of this people .'* Not- in peril withstanding," saith he, " let your grace take a good heart ; you by na^on ^^^^^^ "^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^'"s wound, my life for yours." But straightway the °^J^'8.^ surgeons and physicians were sent for, and the prince was dressed, comforted aiul witluu a few days after the wound began to putrefv, and the |',[,y^^ flesh to look dead and black ; whereupon those who were" about the ciaus. prince began to mutter amongst themselves, and were very sad and heavy. Which thing he himself perceiving, said unto them, " Why mutter you thus amongst yourselves .'* What see you in me, can I not be healed ? Tell me the truth, be ye not afraid." Whereupon one said to him, " Your grace, you may be healed, we mistrust it not ; but yet it will be very painful for you to suffer." " May suf- fering," said he again, "restore health.?" " Yea," saith the other, " on pain of losing my head." " Then," said the prince, " I commit myself unto you, do with me what you think good." Then said one ot his physicians, " Is there any of your nobles in whom your grace reposeth special trust.?" To whom the prince answered "yea," naming certain of the noblemen that stood about him. Then said the physician unto the two whom the prince first named, the lord Edmund and the lord John Voisie : " And do you also faithfully love your lord and prince?" Who answered both, " Yea, undoubt- edly. " Then." saith he, " take you away this gentlewoman and lady," meaning his wife, " and let her not see her lord and husband
RKCOVERS, AND RETURNS TO ENGLAND. 573
until such time as I will you to let her;" whereupon they took her Hcnry out of the prince's presence, crying out and wringing her hands. '^' Then said they unto her, " Be ye contented, good lady and madam, A.I), it is better thiit one woman should weep a little while, than that all the ^'^'^- realm of England should weep a groat season." Then, on the morrow, they cut out all the dead envenomed flesh out of the prince''s arm, and threw it from them, and said unto him, *•' How cheereth your grace '^ We promise you within these fifteen days you shall show yourself abroad (if God permit) on horseback, whole and well as ever you were." And according to the promise he made the prince, it came to pass, to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subjects. The When the gi-eat Soldan heard of it, and that the prince was yet alive, stored to' he would scarcely believe the same ; and sending unto him three of \^^f^^ll his nobles and princes, he excused himself by them, calling his gods dan for- to witness, that the same was done neither by him, nor his consent. hTmsdf. The princes and messengers standing aloof off from the king''s son, worshipping him fell flat upon the ground. " You," saith the prince, " do reverence me, but yet you love me not." But they understood him not, because he spake in English unto them, speaking by an interpreter. Nevertheless he treated them honourably, and sent them away in peace.
Thus, Avhen prince Edward had been eighteen months in Acre, he The took shipping about the Assumption of Our Lady, as we call it, furne^r' returning homeward; and, after seven weeks, he arrived in Sicilv, at to Eng- Trapani, and from thence travelling through Palestrina and Metmes, and so through the midst of Apulia, till he came to Rome, where he was of the pope honourably entertained ; from thence he came into France, whose fame and noble prowess was there much noised about among the common people, and envied of the nobility, especially of the earl of Chalons, who sent unto him, and required him that he might break a staff with him at the tilt in his country. This the prince, because he would not diminish his honour and fame, willingly consented to do, although he might have well alleged a sufficient excuse by means of his travail. It was therefore proclaimed, that prince Edward, by such a day, with those that were with him, had a day of challenged all comers at the tilt and barriers. Hereupon great which assemblies were made in the country all about ; and divers, as well gooTear" horsemen as footmen, had confederated among themselves, and con- "est. spired against the Englishmen, selling their horses and armour before- hand, and drinking one to another in ' boon viage,'' of the spoil of them whom they would take as their prisoners. Prince Edward, in the mean time, sent into England for divers earls and barons, who came unto him. When the day appointed was come, the prince had with him more than one thousand horsemen, who were knights, besides his footmen ; but yet there were as many more, on the other side, both in horsemen and footmen. When the parties mot, the French footmen, conspi- who had before conspired, began both to spoil, rifle, and kill. The fh7 "' Englishmen resisted and defended themselves, both with bows and '""■^f^'^"^''" slings ; many of the Frenchmen they slew, and drove them to the against gates of their city ; the others they chased over a river, where many Hshn
(1) "Drinking one to another in boon viage ;" a common expression in old authors , in ctlicr words, " Drinking one another good success in the spoiling of those whom they had destine^ for their prisoners." — Ed.
the EnfT- limen.
-,71-
PIUXCF, KPWAUDS VAMAN'TNKSS.
Henry
in.
A.I).
1272.
Exercise of battle, instead of liarriers .111(1 tour- ney.
Victory of the English against the earl (Ic Cha- lons.
Prince Kdward in Gasco- nv at his father's death.
A.D.12f.8. Pope Cle- ment IV. dlcft.
of tlicm wero drowneil. Tn tlic mean while the carl, with fifty of his knii^lits who ioilowcd him, came forth and joined together, so many for so many, and a long- time together they tried with it their swords, laying one on another. At last the earl, perceiving liimself not able to match Avith the prince at arms' length, closed with him, and taking him about the neck, held him with his arms very straight. " What mean you, my lord," saith the prince, "think you to have my horse .^" " Yea, maiTy," quoth the earl, "I mean to have both thee and thy horse." Hereat prince Edward, being indignant, lifte forsaking his horse, hung still about the prince's neck, till that he shook him off to the gi-ound. Herewith the prince, being somewhat in a heat, left the press to take the air, thereby to refresh himself. But when he saw the injury of the Frenchmen towards his men, and how they had slain many of them, he then said unto them that they used rather the exercise of battle than oi' tourney. " Sparc ye not, therefore," saith he, " from henceforth, any of them all, but give them ag-ain as good as they bring." Then they essayed to kill each other freely on either part, and let their swords walk. By this time the English footmen were again returned, and seeing the conflicts of horsemen, and many other Englishmen overthrown, they put themselves amidst the press ; some paunching the horses, and some cutting a.9under the girths of the Frenchmen's saddles, they over- tln-ew the riders, and gave them holy bread. When the aforesaid carl had been horsed again by some of his men, and had got amongst the throng, prince Edward also rushed in amongst the thickest, and coped again with him, to whom he often spake and cried, that he should yield liimself as vanquished ; but that the earl would not do. NotAvithstanding, when the earl's strength began to fail him, he was fain to yield himself unto a simple knight, according as prince Edward bade him, and all the rest of his horsemen and knights fled and saved themselves ; howbeit, many of them in that place were slain ; and so our men returned, having the victory. But when, after this, they thought to be quiet and at rest, they were killed by the citizens by twos and threes at once, as they walked in the streets. When the prince heard this, he sent for the mayor and burgesses, commanding them to see the same redressed, and that immediately ; for otherwise, of his knighthood he assured them, that upon the morrow he would fire the city, and make it level with the ground. On this they went their ways, and set watchmen in divers places of the same to keep peace, by which means the prince and his men were in safety and quiet. Thus, in this pastime of tourneying and barriers much blood was spilled, whereupon the name of the place was changed ; so that it is not called ' Torniamcntum de Cha- lons,' but ' Parvum Bellum de Chalons.'
From thence the prince came to Paris, and was of the French king honoiu-ably entertained ; and after certain days he went from thence into Gascony, where he tarried till he heard of the death of the king his father.
In the year of our Lord 1268, died pope Clement IV. : after whom succeeded pope Gregory X. ; who, in the year AoD. 1274, called a general council at Lyons, about the controversy between
OCCITRRENCES IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES. 575
ihc Greek churcli and tlic L.atin church, and for tlie vacancy of the Henry see apostolical. '^''
A.D.
1216 CERTAIN NOTES OF OTHER OCCURRENCES CHANCED IN FOREIGN jO
COUNTRIES ARROAD, WITHIN THE COMPASS OF THE YEARS 1272,
AND REIGN OF THE AFORESAID KING HENRY III.
Having thus completed the life and history of king Henry HI., with such ac adjoin unto the same, some other foreign matters not unworthy of note, incident in other countries during the time of the said king : namely, from a.d. 1216 unto this year, 1272. These I thought the rather not to be omitted, for that even from and about the beginning of this king''s reim, sprang up the very well-springs of all mischief', the sects of monkish religions and other swarms of popish orders, which, with their gross and horrible superstitions, have encumbered the church of Cluist ever since.
First, to omit the repetition of pope Innocent HI,, the great great grandsire of that foul monster transubstantiation and auricular confession, friars Dominic and Franciscan friars, Thomas Aquinas, Jacobus de Voragine, and Vincentius, with pope Honorius III. coiner of the canon law, and the cardinal of Ostia, as also Bona- ventui-e, Albertus Magnus, with pope Urban IV., the first founder of the feast of Corpus Christi, and the prociurer of the adoration of the body of Christ in the sacrament, besides Durandus and many more : it foUoweth further to be noted, that the Tartars, about The Tar- A.D. 1240, issuing out of Muscovy into the parts of Poland, made '"a™^® great waste in Christendom, and this so much the rather, because the spoil in princes about Poland, being at variance amongst themselves, used no dom. other remedy for their defence but heaps of masses, the invocation of the dead, and the worshipping of images, which indeed did not at all relieve them, but rather increased their trouble.
In the year following, the whole nation of the Tartars, mustering The like locusts, invaded the parts of Europe with two mighty armies, in'^^ar whereof the one, entering on Poland, made great havoc, and carried 1^^^°''^ away many Christians "fram thence captives ; the other overrunning locusts. Hungary, made no less spoil there. .Add hereunto another fresh army of Tartars, to the number of five millions,' who at the very same time joining themselves together, entered Muscovy and Cracow, and made most horrible slaughter, sparing neither sex nor age, neither noble nor ignoble within the land. From thence passing to Lower Sclavonia, they made great spoil there also, and thinking there to win the castle, were, by the miraculous working of the Lord, at the instance and prayers of good people, discomfited beyond all expec- tation of man, by thunder and lightning felling upon them from heaven in a most terrible manner.
The same year, immediately after Easter, another army of Tartars was gathered against Lignitz, drawing near to Germany; by the i"umour whereof, the Germans, being put in great fears, were alto- gether dismayed, but yet not able to help themselves, because they lacked a good guide and governor amongst them. All this came
(1) Ex Annalibus Sileslx.
576
DKATH OF KING HENRY.
Htnty III.
A.I).
1216
to l'-'72.
Heno of Poland slain, and his army van- qiii.shcd. Nine sacks full of tile ears of I'liris- tians slain.
Richard king of Almain dies. Variance between the
monks and the citizens of Nor- wich.
Execu lion at Norwich by the coni- m.inU of king Henry III. Adam, prior of Canter- bury re- fuseth to be arch- bishop of that see. Robert Kilward- by, arch- bishop of Canter- bury.
Death of kinp Henrv 111.
to pass, especially 1)V the mischievous practice of the Roman ])opcs, niisini,' variance and discord among theiii. Notwithstaiidinjj^ Henrv, prince of Poland and Silesia, gathering a power as veil as he could, did encounter witli him ; but in the end his whole army was vanquished, and the king himself slain. Notwithstanding this over- throw of Christians, it pleased God to strike such a fear into the hearts of the Tartars, that they durst not approach any further or nearer into Germany, but retired for that time into their country again ; who, recounting their victory by taking each man but one ear of every one of the Christians that were slain, found the slaughter so great, that they filled nine great sacks full of ears. Nevertheless, after this (.\.D. 1260), the same Tartars, having the Muscovites for their guides, returned again into Poland and Cracow ; where, in the space of three months, they overran the land with fire and sword to the coasts of Silesia, and had not the princes of Ger- many put to their helping hand in this lamentable case, they had utterly wasted the Avhole land of Poland, and tlie coasts thereabout.
This year also, in the month of April, Richard, king of Almain, died at the castle of Berkhamstead, and was buried at the abbey of Hailes, which he built from the gi'ound. The same year also, at Norwich, there arose a great controversy between the monks and thc citizens, about certain tallages and liberties. At last, after much alter- cation and wrangling words, the furious rage of the citizens so much increased and prevailed, and so little was the fear of God before their eyes, that altogether they set upon the abbey and priory, and burned both the church and bishop"'s palace. AVhen this thing was heard abroad, the people were very sorry to hear of so bold and naughty an enter- prise, and much discommended the same. At last, king Henry, calling for certain of his lords and barons, sent them to the city of Norwich, that they might punish and see execution done on the chief malefactors ; insomuch that some of them were condemned and burnt, some of them hanged, and some were drawn by the heels with horses throughout the streets of the citv, and afterwards in much misery they ended their wretched lives. The same year Adam, the prior of Canterbury, and bishop elect, in the presence of Pope Gre- gory X. refused to be archbishop, although he was elected ; wherefore the pope gave the archbishopric to friar Robert Kilwardby, the provost of the preaching friars, a man of good life and great learning. He was consecrated at Canterbury, on the fourth day of March, by six- bishops of the same province. The same vear also, at Michaelmas, the lord Edmund, the son of Richard king of Almain, married the sister of Gilbert, earl of Gloucester. Also in this year, a.u. 1272, on the sixteenth day before the kalends of December, being the day of 'St. Edmund archbishop and confessor, died king Henry, in the fifty-seventh year of his reign, and was buried at Westminster, leaving behind him two sons and two daughters ; to wit, Edward, the prince, and Edmund, earl of Lancaster and Leicester, Beatrice, and Margaret ; which Margaret was married to the king of Scots. This king Henry, in his lifetime, began the building of the church and steeple of Westminster, but did not thoroughly finish the same before his death.
KiNc kdwaed's miraculous preseevation. 577
EDWARD THE FIRST/
In the time of the death of king Henry, Edward, his eldest son, Edwardi. was absent in Gascony, as a little before you heard ; yet notwith- "^TdT standing, by Robert Kilwarby, archbishop of Canterbury, and other 1272. bishops and nobles, he was ordained heir and successor to his flxther ; ~ on hearing of whose death, he returned home to his country, and was crowned a. d. 1274. On that occasion he laid down his crown, saying, he would no more put it on, before he had gathered together all the lands appertaining to the same. This Edward, who had always before been a loving and natural child to his flithcr, whom he had delivered out of prison and captivity ; hearing afterwards of the death of his son, and of that of his father, both together, wept and lamented much more for his father, than for his son, saying to the French king, who asked the cause thereof, that the loss of his child was but light ; for children might afterwards increase and be multiplied, but the loss of his parent was gi-eater, which could not be recovered.''^ So Almighty God, for his piety shown to his father, rewarded him again Piety to with great success, felicity, and long reign, insomuch that he being fewa"(ied young, as he was playing at chess with a certain soldier of his, °^^°^- suddenly having occasion given, rose up and went his way ; who had a miracle only just voided the place, when incontinent fell down a mighty stone piesen-"* from the vault above, directly upon the place where he had sat, able ^^l^l^l to have quashed him in pieces, if he had tarried ever so little more ; in whose preservation, as I see present the hand and mighty pro- vidence of the living God, so, in the king's order again, I note a False fault or error worthy of reprehension, in that he, after receiving such ^^^k-^ a lively benefit at the hand of the living Lord, and going therefore ^^^^^^^' on pilgrimage to Walsingham, gave thanks not only to our Lord, but giveththe rather to a rotten block.^ and a '
Of the gentle nature of this coui-ageous prince, sufficient proof is
dumb stock
given by this one example. One day being in his disport of ha\vking, ''atu^the he chanced sharply to rebuke the negligence of one of his gentlemen, for what fault I cannot tell, about his hawk : the gentleman, being on the other side of the river, hearing his menacing words, was glad, as he said, that the river was between them. With this answer the courageous blood of this prince being moved, upon present heat he leaped straight into the flood, being both of a swift stream and of a dangerous deepness, and no less hard in getting out. Notwith- standing, either forgetting his own life, or neglecting the danger pre- sent, and having a good horse, he ventureth his own death, to have the death of his man. At length, with much difficulty recovering the ^/pJlnce bank, with his sword drawn he pursueth his provoker, who having not Jy^^^'^-. ^^ so good a horse, and seeing himself in danger of being taken, reineth be lean. up his horse, and returning back bareheaded unto the prince, sub- kings and mitteth his neck under his hand to strike. The prince, whose fervent p"°'=^*-
(1) Edition 15C.i, p. 74. Ed. 158:!, p. 339. Ed. 159C, p. 310. Ed. I68J, vol. i. p. 386.
(2) Rob. Avesbury. Also from the Chronicles of Ihonias Walsingham. p. 44. (3) Ibid.
VOL. n. p P
r,78
WALKS SUBDUED.
A.D. 1272.
Wales .siibducil.
The k inn's eldest .HOI) prince of Wales.
Vain pro- phecies not to be sought tu.
Punish- ment for bakers and mil- lers. The sta- tute of mortmain first enacted.
A.D.1279 Black- friars by Ludgate built.
Boston blemish- ed with (ire.
Westmin- ster church finished.
stomacli tlic water of tlio whole river could not quench, a little sub- niis.sion of hi.s man did .so cool, that the quarrel dropped, his anger ceased, and his sword was put uj) without any stroke given. x\nd so both returned to tlieir gjune, good friends again.'
In the beginning of his reign, the king had much ado in Wales, where lie had divers conflicts with the Welshmen, whom he at last subdued, and cut down their woods, suppressed rebellions, and van- quishing their kings Llewelyn and his brother, ordained his eldest son Kdward, born in the same country, to be prince of Wales. This Llew- elvii, captain of the Welshmen here mentioned, rebelling against king Milward, asked counsel byway of conjuration, what event should come upon his attempt ; to whom it was told, that he should go forward boldlv, for doubtless he should ride through Cheapside in London, with a crown on his head. Which so came to pass ; for, being slain, his head with a crown of silver was carried through Cheap to London Bridge. By this, men may learn not to seek or stick to these vain prophecies, which though they fidl true, yet are they but the trains of the devil to deceive men.
About this time there was a great earthquake, and such a rot, that it consumed a great multitude of sheep in the land, through the occasion, as they say, of one scabbed sheep that came out of Spain. The king returning from Wales to England, ordered certain new laws for the wealth of the realm. Among many others, this was one : authority w^as given to all mayors, bailiffs, and other officers to see execution and punishment with the pillory on all bakers making bread under the assize ; and with the tumbrel, on millers stealing corn. See. ^Vithin two years after this, the statute of mortmain was first enacted, which is as much as to say, that no man should give unto the church any lands or rents, Avithout special license of the
About this time, being the seventh year of king Edward"'s reign (a.d. 1279), Jews, for money-clipping, were brought to execution, and in the same year began the foundation of the Black-friars by Ludgate. The town of Boston was greatly wasted this year Avitli fire. The halfpenny and farthing began first to be coined about the same time, which Avas the eighth year of this king's reign. 'J'hc fourth year after this, the gi'cat conduit in Cheap began to be made. A.D. 1284. In the year following, the new work of the church of Westminster (begun as is before premised in the third )'ear of Henry III.) was finished, which was sixty-six years in edifying. The Jews were utterly banished tliis realm of England at the same time, for which the commons gave to the king a fifteenth,^ &c.
After that, the country of Wales was brought in a full order and quiet by the hewing down of their woods, and casting down their old holds, and building of new ; which all was brought to a perfect end, about the twenty-fourth year of this king's reign.
Under^ the same king, about the beginning of his reign, the year was so hot and dry, that from the month of May till near the month of Sep- tember, there fell no rain ; insomuch that many died for heat, and the vulgar people, in their reckoning of years, did count the time from the
(I ) Rob. Avcsbury, Nich. Trivet, and Tho.Walsingham. (2) Tho.Walsingham and Walt.Gisbiirn. (S) The next four pages are placed by Foxe after tlie history of the dispute between Boniface VllI iejvl Philip the Fair, at p. 600, and arc brought back hither, lo suit the chronological order.— Ed
CLERGY EXKMPTKD FKOM TUIUUTK. 579
said dry year long after. In tlic reign of this king, Walter Merton, Edwardi. bishop of Rochester, built Merton CoUegc, Oxford. ~a1)~
About this time; in the days of king Edward, the chureh of Rome 1296. began daily more and more to rise up, and swell so high in pride and ^^^.^^^ worldly dominion, that no king almost in his own country could do coiiege any thing but as the pope pleased, who both had and ruled all, in all oxVord*. countries, but chiefly here in England ; as partly by his intolerable a-°>27 tallage and pillage, bel'ore signified, may appear, partly by his injunc- tions and commandments sent down, also by his donations and reservations of benefices and church livings, also in deposing and The disposing such as him listed, in place and office to bear rule : inso- ekcuon much, that when the king and the church of Canterbury, in their ^^^^^^ election, had chosen one Robert Burnell, bishop of Bath and Wells realm and chancellor, to be archbishop of Canterbury, pope Nicholas III. /^ecU of his own singular presumptuous authority ruling the matter after ham made his pleasure, frustrated their election, and thrust in another, named bishop of John Peckham : for among all others, this hath always been one ^uri^'"" practice of the court of Rome, ever to have the archbishop of their a.d.i278. own setting, or such one as thev might be sure of on their side, to a point of
•1 -ii- 11 11111 practice
weigh agamst the king and others, whatsoever need should happen, in the By this John Peckham was ordained, that no spiritual minister Rome" should have any more benefices than one, which also was decreed by the constitutions of Octo and Octobonus, the pope's legates formerly in England. Also, in the parliament he resisted the king in the right of certain liberties pertaining to the crown, touching patronages and such church matters.
About the beginning of this king's reign, after the decease of a.d.i2;9. Walter, archbishop of York, William Wicewanger succeeding in that see, and minding to go on visitation, came to Durham to visit the church and chapter there ; but the clergy and the people of the city variance shut the gates against him, and kept him out, whereupon rose no small the arch- disturbance. The archbishop let fly his curse of excommunication york''aI',d and interdiction against them. The bishop of Durham again, with the cler^'y
,., I'liii- • 1- 1 1 °,of Dur-
his clergy, despised all his cursings, grounding themselves upon the ham. constitution of Innocent IV. ' De censibus et exactionibus \ and so they appealed to Rome, saying. That he ought not to be received there, before he had first begun to visit his own chapter and diocese, which he had not done; for so say the words of the constitution — " We ordain and decree, that every archbishop that will visit his province, first must procure to visit his own church, city, and diocese.""'
After the death of John Peckham, archbishop of Canterbury, above ^I^^J^'^, mentioned, succeeded Robert Winch elsey. To this Robert Winchelsey sey, arch- pope Boniface VIII. directed down a solemn bull from Rome, as also cantM.-*^ unto all other quarters of the universal church, in the which bull was con- ^^"JJ;,294. tained and decreed, directly against the rule of Scripture and christian Ecdesias- obedience, that no church or ecclesiastical person should henceforth ^j;"^ p^^ yield to his king or temporal magistrate either any giving, or lending, emp^ed or promising of tribute, or subsidy, or portion whatsoever, of the goods pope from and possessions to him belonging; but should be clearly exempted [;1>™,^j3 and discharged from all such subjection of tallage or subvention to be ^*',^^'^J;|;;. exacted of them in the behoof of the prince and his affairs. Which proceed- decree manifestly rebelleth against the commanded ordinance of God, against
the mani- (1) Sexti Decret. lib. iii. tit. 20.— Ed
580 VARI.WC'R BKTWKF.X TUK KIN'G AND HIS CLERGY.
F.dwardi. and tlic apostolic canon of St. Peter, and all other examples of holy
• Scriptnrc. For ns there is no word in the Scripture that excludeth
1297. spiritual men more than temporal from obedience and subjection to
r^^ princes, so if it chance the prince in his exacting to be too rigorous
in'sJIl'i'nK or cruel in oppression, that is no cause for the clergy to be exempted,
flee'frnm but to bear the common burden of obedience, and to pray to God
JhekinK's ^jj ^^jj.^ j^,^ J „,Qve jl^c priucc's mind, and so, with prayer and patience,
not with pride and disobedience, to help and amend that which is
amiss. Concerning the bull of Boniface, if any there be who do not
credit the same so "to contam, or would for his mind see and read the
same, the words thereof are given below.'
This bull being directed, as it is said, from Rome to the archbishop
of Canterbury, and likewise through the whole universal church, under
the pope's authority, it chanced, not long after, that the king held
liis parliament at St. Edmundsbury, where was granted to him of all
cities and boroughs an eighth, and of the commons a twelfth of their
The cier- goods ; ouly the clergy by virtue of this bull stood stout, denying to
i^Tiuogive F^ fi"y ^I'i"? to the" king. This answer not well pleasing the king,
tribute to hewilleth them to deliberate better with themselves upon the matter,
the king. ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ advisement so to give him answer thereof against the
next parliament, which should be holden the morrow after St. Hilary
[Jan. 14th], at London.
The In conclusion, the parliament came ; the clergy persisted still in
seSed denial of their subsidy, alleging the pope's bull for their warrant and
SJ*"^ discharge ; whereupon the king likewise secludeth them from under
protec. liis protection and safeguard of his laws. And as concerning the
(1) The Copy of the Pope's Bull, wherein theClergij arc exempted from giving Tribute to Kings and Princes.—" Bonifacius, &c. Ad sempiternam reiniemoriam. Clericis laicosinfestos oppido iradit antiquitas. Quod et prseseiitium experimciita temporum manifeste declarant, dum suis finibus non content! nituntur in vetitum et ad illicita sua frena relaxant, nee prudenter attendant quo- niodo sit cis in clericos ecclesiasticasve personas et bona interdicta potesias. Cluinimo erclesiarum pralatis, ecdesiis, ecclesiasticisque personis regularibus ct setularibus, imponuntur onera pravia, ipsosque talliant, et eis coUectas impoiiunt, ct ab ipsis suorum proventuum vel bonorum liimi- diam, deciniam, seu viresimam, vel quamvis aliam portionem aut quotam cxigunt et extorquent, eosqiie moliuntur multifarie subjicere servituti, suajque subdere ditioni. Jit (quod dultnter referimus) nonnuUi ecclesiarum praelati, ccclesiasticEeque personae, trepidantes ubi trepidanduin uon est, transitoriam pacem quairentes, plus timentes majestatem temporalem otTendere quam jeternam, taliura abusibus non tam temerarie quam improvide acquiescunt, sedis apostolicae aulhoritate non obtenta. Nos igitur talibus actibus obviare volentes, de fratrum nostrorum consilio apostolica aulhoritate statuimus— quod quicunque pra^lati. ecclcsiasticicve personae, religiosse vel seculares. quorumcunque ordinuni, conditionis, scu status, collectas vel tallias, dimidiam, decimam, vicesimam, seu centesimam suorum et ecclesiarum suarum proventuum vel bonorum laicis solverint, vel promiseriiit, vel se soluturos concesscrint, aut quamvis aliam quan- titalem, portionem, aut quotam ipsorum proventuum, vel bonorum aestimationis, vel valoris ipsorum, sub adjutorii niutui, subventionis, subsidii.vel doni nomine, seu quovis alio titulo, vel modo. •vel qu3»sito colore, absque autoritate sedis ejusdem ; necnon imperatores, reges, seu principes, duces, comites, vel barones, potestates, capitanei, olliciales vel rectores, quocunque nomine cens«- aiitur, civitatum, castroruni, seu quorumunque locorum constitutorum ubilibet, et quivis alius i cujuscunque praeeminentia;, conditionis, et status, qui talia imposuerint, exegerint, vel receperint,
aut apud aedes sacras deposita ecclesiarum vel ecclesiasticarum personarum ubilibet arrestaverint, saysierint, seu occupare prEESumpserint, vel arrestari, saysiri, aut occupari mandavcrint, aut occupata, saysita, seu arrestata receperint; necnon omnes qui scienter in prsedictis dederint con- silium, auxilium, vel favorem, publice vel occulte ; co ipso sententiam excommunicationis incurrant. Universitates quoque qua in his culpabiles fuerint ccclesiastico supponimus inter- dicto: praelatis et personis ecclesiasticis supradictis, in virtute obedieiitia-et subpuna dopositionis, digtricte mandantes, ut talibus absque licentia expressa dictie sedis nullatenus acqiiicscant ; quodque praetextu cujuscunque ohligationis, promissionis, et concessionis factarum hactenus vel faciendarum in antea, priusquam hiijusmodi constitutio, prohibitio, seu pra^ceptum ad notitiaiu ipsorum pervenerit, nihil solvaiit, nee supra-dicti s.xculares qunquo modo recipiant. Ei si solverint vel prxdicli receperint, in sententiam excommunicationis incidant ipso facto. A supradictis autem excommunicationis et interdict! scntentiis nullus absolvi valeat, pr.Tterquam in mortis articulo, absque sedisapostolicocauthoritateetliceiilia special!, cum nostrEeintentionisexistattam horrendum sxcularium potestatum abusum nullatenus sub dissimulatione transire. Non obstantibus quibus- cunque privilegiis sub quibuscunque tenoribus, seu formis, seu modis, aut verborum conceptione concessis imperatoribus, regibus, et aliis supradictis; qu£E contra prsemissa in nullo volumus alicui vel aliquibus suffragari. Nulli igitur hominum liceat banc paginam nostra; constitutionis, pro- hibitionis, seu prsEccpti infriugere seu ausu tcmerario conlraire. Datum Komie ad sanctum Petrum,