CHAPTER XXX

GERBERT AND THE INTRODUCTION OF ARABIC ASTROLOGY
Arabic influence in early manuscripts — A preface and twenty-one chapters on the astrolabe — Are they parts of one work? — Their rela- tion to Gerbert and the Arabic — Hermann's De mensiira astrolabii — Attitude towards astrology in the preface — Question of Gerbert's atti- tude towards astrology — His posthumous reputation as a magician — An anonymous astronomical treatise; its possible relation to Gerbert —Contents of its first two books — Attitude towards astrology — The fourth book — Citations : Arabic names — Mathematica of Alchandrus or Alhandreus — An account of its contents — Astrological doctrine — Nativities and name-calculations — Interrogations and more name-calcu- lations— Alchandrus or Alhandreus not the same as Alexander — Alkandrinus or Alchandrinus on nativities according to the mansions of the moon — Albandinus — Geomancy of Alkardianus or Alchandianus — An anonymous treatise or fragment of the tenth century.
The usual view has been that western Latin learning Arabic was not affected by Arabic science until the twelfth or ||| g^j-ly even the thirteenth century. We shall see in other chapters manu-
. . , scripts.
that the translations of the Aristotelian books of natural philosophy were current rather earlier than has been recog- nized, that in medicine a period of Neo-Latin Salernitan tradition can scarcely be distinguished from one of Arabic influence, and that in chemistry owing to the misinterpre- tation of the date of Robert of Chester's translation of the book of Morienus Romanus — in which Robert says that the Latin world does not yet know what alchemy is — Ber- thelot in his history of medieval alchemy placed the intro- duction of Arabic influence half a century too late. In the present chapter we shall see that the voluminous work of translation of Arabic astrologers which went on in the twelfth century — and to which another chapter will later be devoted — was preceded in the eleventh and even tenth cen- turies by numerous signs of Arabic influence in works of
697
698
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
A preface and
twenty- one chap- ters on the as- trolabe.
astronomy and astrology and also by translations of Arabic authors. I was somewhat startled when I first found works by Arabic authors and use of astronomical terminology drawn from the Arabic in a manuscript of the eleventh cen- tury in the British Museum ^ and Wickersheimer was simi- larly surprised at the traces of Arabic influence in a similar but still earlier manuscript of the tenth century at Paris. ^ Bubnov, however, had already noted this Paris manuscript as a proof that Arabic books were being translated into Latin in Gerbert's time,^ and one of Gerbert's letters, written in 984 to a Lupitus of Barcelona (Lupito Barch'inonensi), ask- ing him to send Gerbert a book on "astrology" which he had translated, points in the same direction. In the pres- ent chapter we shall discuss the contents of the early manu- scripts just mentioned and of some others which seem to have some connection either with Gerbert or the introduc- tion of Arabic astrology into Latin learning.
In an eleventh century manuscript at Munich * the as- trological work of Firmicus is preceded by writings in a different hand upon the astrolabe. One of these, in its pres- ent state an anonymous fragment, is a stilted and florid in- troduction to a translation from the Arabic of a work on the astrolabe.^ Another is a treatise on the astrolabe in twenty-one chapters and containing many Arabic names. ^
* Additional 17,808, a narrow folio in vellum with all the trea- tises written in the same large, plain hand with few abbrevia- tions. A considerable part of the MS is occupied by the work on music of Guido of Arezzo (c. 995-1050). This MS is not noted by Wickersheimer or by Bubnov, although it includes treatises on the abacus and the astrolabe which are perhaps by Gerbert.
'BN 17,868, from the chapter of Notre Dame of Paris, 21 leaves. Wickersheimer (1913). 321-3, states that it has all the marks of the writing of the tenth century : Delisle so dated it. Bubnov (1899), LXVII, regards fols. I4r et seq. as by a slightly
older hand than the first portion.
'Bubnov (1899), 124-6, note.
^CLM 560, described in Bub- nov, Gerberti opera mathematica, 1899, p. xli.
^ Ibid., fols. i6r-i9, Fragmen- tum libelli de astrolabio a quodam ex Arabico versi. Incipit, "Ad in- timas summe phylosophie disci- plinas et sublimia ipsius perfec- tionis archisteria." Printed by Bubnov (1899), pp. 370-75-
' Incipit "Quicumque astronomi- am peritiam disciplinae" ; the printed editions insert a discere after astronomiam, but it has not been there in the MSS which I have seen and is not needed. Printed by Pez, Thesaurus Anec- dotorum NotAss. Ill, ii, 109-30,
XXX GERBERT AND ARABIC ASTROLOGY 699
Bubnov lists three other copies of the introductory fragment, and they are all in manuscripts where the second treatise is also included;^ it, however, is often found in other manu- scripts where the anonymous fragment does not appear, and it must be admitted that its omission is no great loss.
Although the fragment precedes the other treatise in Are they only one manuscript mentioned by Bubnov, there is reason on?work? to think that they belong together, since both are concerned with the Wazzalcora or planisphere or astrolapsus of Ptolemy, and since the plan outlined by the writer of the introduction is followed in the treatise of twenty-one chap- ters except that it ends incompletely. Bubnov recognized this, yet did not unite them as a single work.^ In 984 Ger- bert wrote to a Lupito Barchinonensi asking Lupitus to send him a work on "astrology" which Lupitus had trans- lated.^ If Lupitus was of Barcelona, his translation was probably from the Arabic, and as such translations were presumably not common in the tenth century, it is natural to wonder if he may not be the above-mentioned anonymous translator. This Bubnov suggested in the case of the intro- ductory fragment,* but the treatise in twenty-one chapters he placed among the doubtful works of Gerbert,^ because a monastic catalogue composed before 1084 speaks of a work of Gerbert on the astrolabe, while six manuscripts of the
(1721) and incorrectly ascribed as in other MSS of "Regulae ex
by him to Hermannus Contractus, libris Ptolomei regis de com-
because it often occurs in the positione astrolapsus." Yet Bub-
MSS together with another trea- nov says, p. cxvi, "Catalogues of
tise on the astrolabe by a "Heri- Additional MSS (omnia volumi-
mannus Christi pauperum perip- na inspexi, quae ante a. 1895 edita
sima et philosophiae tyronum sunt)." BM Egerton 823, 12th
asello imo limace tardior assecla." century, fol. 4r. BN 7412, 12th
Of this last we shall have more and 13th centuries, fols. 1-9,
to say presently. The edition of "Waztalkora sive tract, de utili-
Pez reappears in Migne, PL vol. tatibus astrolabii." Professor D.
143. Bubnov (1899), 114-47, gives B. Macdonald suggests that
a new edition, and at pp. 109-13 a Waztalkora is for rasmu-l-kura,
listof the MSS of the work, in "the describing of the sphere in
which, however, he fails to note lines."
the following: and they are also * (1899), p. 370.
absent from his general index of '(1899), p. 374.
153 codices at pp. xvii-xc. BM * Ep. 24.
Additional MS 17808, nth cen- * (1899), p. 370.
tury, fols. 73v-79r, under the title * P. 109.
700
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
Their re- lation to Gerbert and the Arabic.
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, although none earlier to his knowledge, ascribe this very treatise of twenty-one chap- ters to Gerbert. Bubnov believed that whoever the author of the treatise in twenty-one chapters was, he had utilized the full work of the anonymous translator. But this seems a rather unnecessary refinement. For what has become of that translation? Why is only its wordy and rhetorical preface extant? If the writer of the twenty-one chapters destroyed its text after plagiarizing it, why did he not also make away with the preface? It seems more plausible that the twenty-one chapters are the original translation from the Arabic, and that many makers of manuscripts have copied it alone and omitted the wordy and rather worthless preface of the translator. If, as Bubnov suggested, the treatise in twenty-one chapters is Gerbert's revision and polishing up of Lupitus' translation,^ why did he not pre- fix a new introduction of his own? And why should anyone try to polish up the style of so rhetorical a writer as he who penned the extant anonymous introduction?
If we accept this anonymous introduction as the preface to the twenty-one chapters, Gerbert would be the most likely person to ascribe both to, unless we argue that he could not make a translation from the Arabic and that his letter asking to see a translation from the Arabic by Lupitus is a proof of this. If Gerbert is not the author, Lupitus would perhaps be the next most likely person, but the hint contained in Gerbert's letter is all that points to Lupitus, and indeed the only mention that we have of him. If the translator is some third unknown person, at least he is not later than the eleventh century. If, on the other hand, we regard the introduction of the translator and the twenty- one chapters as by different persons, who perhaps had no connection with each other, and Gerbert's letter of 984 as having nothing to do with either, we have the moi 2 evidence of an early and widespread interest in astronomy and
* Bubnov (1899), 370 . . . "Hoc manum habuit, retractavit dicen- opusculum ex Arahico versum ad dique genere expolivit."
XXX GERBERT AND ARABIC ASTROLOGY 701
knowledge of Arabic in the western Latin learned world.
One reason why the treatise on the astrolabe in twenty- Her- one chapters is so seldom found in the manuscripts preceded "i^nnsDe
,^ . r r mensura
by the introduction of the translator may be that it is more astrolabU. often found with and preceded by another treatise on the astrolabe, sometimes entitled De mensura astrolabii, and attributed to a Hermann who modestly calls himself "the offscouring of Christ's poor and the butt of mere tyros in philosophy." ^ This treatise tells how to construct an astro- labe, thus filling in the deficiency left by the incomplete end- ing of the treatise in twenty-one chapters, which fails to carry out fully this last item in the plan of the introductory fragment. A note in one manuscript, reproduced in part by Macray in his catalogue of the Digby Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, states that the treatise in twenty-one chapters is by Gerbert and that when a certain Berengarius read it, he found it told how to exercise the art but not to make the instrument and asked Hermann to tell him how to make one. Hermann therefore composed the work in question, dedicated it to Berengarius, and prefixed it to Ger- bert's treatise.^ Of late there has been a tendency to identify this Hermann with Hermann of Dalmatia, the twelfth cen- tury translator from the Arabic,^ rather than with Her- mann the Lame, the chronicler, who died in 1054, but if Bubnov is correct in dating two manuscripts ^ containing
^ Printed by Pez. Thesaur. Hermann le Dalmate et les pre-
Anecdot. Noviss. Ill, ii, 95-106. micres traductions latines des
"Herimannus Christi pauperum traites arabes d'astronomic au
peripsima et philosophiae tyronum moyen age, Paris, Picard, 1891,
asello imo limace tardior assecla." 11 pp. Clerval adduced only one
The MSS are numerous. MS in support of his contention
^ Digby 174, fol. 210V ; also and took up the untenable position
noted by Bubnov (1899), p. 113. that Arabic astronomy was un-
Hermann's dedicatory prologue, known in Latin until the twelfth
however, does not give his century. He also did not dis-
friend's name in full, but reads tinguish between the different
in this MS, "B. amico suo." works on the astrolabe.
^ See Clerval, Hermann le * Munich CLM 14836, f ols. i6v-
Dalmate, Paris, 1891, in Compte 24r. BM Royal 15-B-IX, fol.
rendu du Congres scientiiique Sir-: in both cases followed by
international des catholiques, the treatise of twenty-one chap-
Sciences Historiques, 163-9. Also, ters. I believe, published separately as
702
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
Attitude towards astrology in the preface.
Hermann's treatise on the astrolabe in the eleventh century, they could not be the work of Hermann the translator of the next century.^ Moreover, in the thirteenth century the trea- tise seems to have been regarded as the work of Hermann the Lame.^ The author's self-depreciatory description of himself is also a mark of Hermann the Lame, who in another treatise addressed to his friend Herrandus and discussing the length of a moon calls himself "of Christ's poor a vile abortion." ^
In the treatise of twenty-one chapters, which simply tells how to use the astrolabe, there is naturally no refer- ence to judicial astrology. But in the introduction of the anonymous writer to his translation from the Arabic of a work on the astrolabe there is mention of the influence of the stars. Their "concord with all mundane creatures in all things" is regarded as established by "secret institution
* Professor Haskins has an- nounced as in preparation an article on Hermann the translator which will perhaps solve the difficulties.
^ In a Berlin manuscript of the twelfth century (Berlin 956,_ fol. ii) there is added a note in a thirteenth century hand recount- ing the legend that this Hermann was the son of a king and queen and that, his mother having been asked before his birth whether she would prefer a handsome and foolish son or a learned and shamefully ugly one and she hav- ing chosen the latter alternative, he was born hunchbacked and lame. It was from this MS of the treatise on the astrolabe that Pertz edited the legend in the Monumenta Germaniae {Scrip- tores, V, 267). Rose (1905), P- 1 179, calls the writer of this note Berengar, too, asking anent the opening words of the note, "De isto hermanno legitur in historia," "Aus welcher historia hat der Schreiber (Berengarius) seine Fabeln?" The note at the close of the treatise in Digby 174, fol. 21OV, gives a different version of the legend, stating that Hermann
was a good man and dear to God and that one day an angel offered him his choice between bodily health without great wisdom and the greatest science with corporal infirmity. Hermann chose the latter and afterwards became a paralytic and gouty.
' This treatise, in which Her- mann expresses amazement that Bede has so underestimated the duration of the moon, immediately precedes the one on the astrolabe in BN nouv. acq. 229, a German MS of the twelfth century, fols. I7r-i9r (formerly pp. 265-269). After the treatise on the astrolabe follows a third work by Hermann, "de quodam horologio," fols. 25V- 28r. Then follows the treatise in twenty-one chapters on the astro- labe.
These citations alone are suf- ficient to demonstrate the error of Clerval's assertion: (1891), 165. "On ne pent invoquer aucune preuve serieuse en faveur d'Her- mann Contract. Jacques de Ber- game et Tritheme . . . sont les premiers qui aient attribue au moirue de Constance les traites en question."
XXX GERBERT AND ARABIC ASTROLOGY 703
of divinity and by natural law" and testified to by scientists.^ Not only is the effect of the moon on tides adduced as usual as an example, but God is believed to have set the seal of His approval upon "this discipline," when He made miracu- lous use of the stars and heavens to mark the birth and passion of His Son. The writer, however, stigmatizes as a "frivolous superstition" the doctrine of the Chaldean ge- nethlialogi, "who account for the entire life of man by as- trological reasons" and "try to explain conceptions and na- tivities, character, prosperity and adversity from the courses of the stars." Something nevertheless is to be conceded to them, provided all things are recognized as under divine disposition. But their doctrine is an Q.gg which is not to be sucked unless rid of the bad odors of error. ^ The trans- lator urges the importance of a knowledge of astronomy in determining the date of church festivals and canonical hours. He cites Josephus concerning Abraham's instruction of the Egyptians in arithmetic and astronomy, but regards Ptolemy as the most illustrious of all astronomers and the astrolabe as the invention of his "divine mind." The translator wishes his readers to understand that he is offering them nothing new but only reviving the discoveries of the past, and that he is simply presenting what he finds in the Arabic.
^Bubnov (1899) 372. "Habet etiam conceptiones et nativitates, etiam ex divinitatis archana insti- hominumque mores, prospera seu tutione et physica lata ratione cum adversa ex cursu siderum ex- omnibus mundanis creaturis con- plicare conantur. Quod illorum cordiam in rebus omnibus, secun- tamen frivolae superstitiositati dum phisiologos non parvam con- concedendum est, dum omnia gruentiam. . . ." Bubnov unfortu- divinae dispositioni commen- nately used only one of his four danda sint. Illud est ovum a ]\ISS in printing this text, and nullo forbillandum (Bubnov sug- there often seems to be something gests the reading furcillandum in wrong with it or with his punc- parentheses, but sorbillandum tuation. This criticism applies seems to me the obvious reading), more especially to the passage nisi prius foetidos inscitiae ex- quoted in the following footnote. halaverit ructus et feces mun-
^ Ibid., "Et ut Chaldaicas re- dialium evomerit studiorum."
ticeam gentilogias {sic) qui om- The passage is rather incoherent
nein humanam vitam astrologicis as it stands, but I hope that I
attribuunt rationationibus et have correctly interpreted its
quosdam constellationum efYectus meaning. Der xii signa disponunt, quique
704
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
Question
of Ger-
bert's
attitude
toward
astrology.
His pos- thumous reputation as a magician.
If Gerbert could be shown to be the translator who wrote this introduction, it would be a more valuable bit of evi- dence as to his attitude toward astrology than anything that we have at present. His surely genuine mathematical works, as edited by Bubnov, consist solely of a short geometry and a few of his letters in which mathematical topics, mainly the abacus, are touched upon. His contemporary and dis- ciple, the historian Richer, tells in the well-known passage ^ how Borellus, "the duke of Hither Spain," took Gerbert as a youth from the monastery at Aurillac in Auvergne back with him across the Pyrenees and entrusted his education to Hatto, bishop of Vich, in the north-eastern part of the peninsula. Whether Gerbert studied Arabic or not Richer does not state. Since he is still described as adolescens when the duke and bishop take him with them to Italy and leave him there with the pope, one would infer that he prob- ably had not engaged in the work of translation from the Arabic. Another almost contemporary writer, alluding very briefly to Gerbert, makes him visit Cordova, but is perhaps mistaken.^ Richer does, however, state that Berbert es- pecially studied mathesis, a word which, as various medieval writers inform us, may mean either mathematics or divina- tion. Apparently Richer uses it in the former sense, for later he mentions only Gerbert's achievements in arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy.^ But Robert, king of France, 987-1031, whose teacher Gerbert had been, seems to refer to him as "that master Neptanebus" in some verses,* a name which certainly suggests an astrologer, as well as an instructor of royalty, if not also a magician.
But Gerbert's reputation for magic seems to start with William of Malmesbury in the first half of the twelfth cen- tury, who makes him flee by night from his monastery to Spain to study "astrology" and other arts with the Saracens,
* III, 43-45. Bulletin Hispanique, Annates de
' Ademarus Cabannensis, who la Faculte des Lettres de Bor-
died about 1035 (Bubnov, 1899, deaux, XXII, 4, p. 329.
382-3). For Gerbert's sources in 'III, 48-53.
Barcelona see J. M. Burnam, "A * "Plurima me docuit Neptane-
Group of Spanish Manuscripts," in bus ille magister" (Bubnov, 381).
XXX GERBERT AND ARABIC ASTROLOGY 705
until he came to surpass Julius Firmicus in his knowledge of fate. There too, according to William of Malmesbury, "he learned what the song and flight of birds portend, to summon ghostly figures from the lower world, and what- ever human curiosity has encompassed whether harmful or salutary." William then adds some more sober facts con- cerning Gerbert's mathematical achievements and associates.^ Michael Scot in his Introduction to Astrology in the early thirteenth century speaks of a master Gilhertiis who was the best nigromancer in France and whom the demons obeyed in all that he required of them day and night be- cause of the great sacrifices which he offered and his prayers and fastings and magic books and great diversity of rings and candles. Having succeeded in borrowing an astrolabe for a short time he made the demons explain its purpose, how to operate it, and how to make another one. Later he reformed and became bishop of Ravenna and pope.^ In a manuscript early in the thirteenth century is a statement that Gerbert became archbishop and pope by de- mon aid and had a spirit enclosed in a golden head whom he consulted as to knotty problems in composing his commen- tary on arithmetic. When the demon expounded a certain very difficult place badly, Gerbert skipped it, and hence that unexplained passage is called the Saltus Gilberti.^
In a manuscript in the Bodleian library which seems to Ananony- have been written early in the twelfth century^ is an as- ^onomkal tronomical treatise in four books which Macray suggested treatise; might be the Liber de planeti^ et mundi climatihus which relation to Ethelwold, bishop of Winchester from 963 to 984, is said to have composed.^ The present treatise indeed embodies
^De rebus gestis re gum Anglo- many figures in red, 76 leaves.
rum, II, 167-8. For the Incipits of the four books
^ Bodleian 266, fol. 25r. and their prologues see Macray's
^ Bubnov (1899), 391. On Ger- Catalogue of the Digby MSS.
bert as a magician see further J. "Another indication of mathe-
J. I. Bollinger, Die Papst-Fabeln matical activity in tenth century
des Mittclalters, Munich, 1863, pp. England is provided by some old
155-59- verses in English in Royal 17-A-
* Digby 83, quarto in skin, well I, f ols. zw-t,, which state that
written in large letters with few Euclid's geometry was introduced
abbreviations and illustrated with into England "Yn tyme of good
Gerbert.
7o6
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
a Letter of Ethelwold to Pope Gerbert on squaring the circle.^ It seems, however, that this letter on squaring the circle was really written by Adelbold, bishop of Utrecht from loio to 1027.^ Adelbold speaks of himself in the let- ter as a young man ^ and of course wrote it before Ger- bert's death in 1003, and very probably before Gerbert be- came Pope Silvester II in 999. But he could scarcely have written the letter early enough to have it included in a work written by Ethelwold who died in 984. Our astro- nomical treatise in four books is therefore not by Ethel-
kyng Adelstones day." Usually the first Latin translation of Euclid is supposed to have been that by Adelard of Bath in the early twelfth century. Halliwell (1839), 56.
*Digby 83, fol. 24, "Epistola Ethelwodi ad Girbertum papam. Domino summo pontifici et phi- losopho Girberto pape athelwoldus vite felicitatem. . . ." Gerbert of course did not become pope until long after Ethelwold's death, but this Titulus and Incipit are open to suspicion anyway, since if Ger- bert had become pope he should have been addressed as Pope Sil- vester. The article on Ethelwold (DNB) states that "a treatise on the circle, said to have been writ- ten by him and addressed to Gerbert, afterwards Pope Silves- ter II, is in the Bodleian Library (1684, Bodl. MS. Digby 83, f. 24)." William of Malmesbury mentioned "Adelboldum episco- pum, ut dicunt, Winterbrugen- sem" as the author of the letter to Gerbert, quoted by Bubnov (1899), 388.
' It has always been so printed : by Pez, Olleris, Curtze, and Bub- nov, and seems to be ascribed to him in most MSS, for which and other evidence pointing to the bishop of Utrecht as author see Bubnov (1899), 300-309, 41-45, 384, etc. Bubnov, however, failed to note Digby 83 either in connec- tion with this letter or at all in his long list of mathematical MSS (XVII-CXIX). It may
therefore be well to note that the letter as given in Digby 83 differs considerably from the version printed by Bubnov. It in general omits epistolary amenities which do not bear directly on the mathe- matical question in hand, notably the entire first paragraph of Bub- nov's text and the close of the second and third paragraphs. It also abbreviates portions of the fifth paragraph and the last sen- tence of the eighth and last para- graph. On the other hand after the first sentence of the fifth para- graph of Bubnov's text it inserts the following passage which seems to be missing in Bubnov's text of the letter : "Si quis ergo vult invenire quadraturam circuli dividat lineam in VII partes spatiumque unius septime partis semotim ponat. Deinde lineam in VII divisam in duo distribuat et spatium alterius duorum sep- aratim ponat. Post hoc lineam in VII partitam triplicet cui tripli- cate spatium unius septime quod semoverat adiciat. Ipsa denique totam in IIII partiatur quarum quarta angulis directis per lineam quadrangulam metiatur. Ad ulti- mum sumpto spatio alterius duo- rum quod prius reposuerat de- posito puncto in medio quad- ranguli eodem spatio circumducat circinum (circulum) et sic in- veniet circuli quadraturam."
* Bubnov (1899), 41-42, "quod tantum virum quasi conscolasti- cum iuvenis convenio."
XXX GERBERT AND ARABIC ASTROLOGY 707
wold, unless the letter be a later interpolation, but it is pos- sibly by Adelbold or by Gerbert.^ Its opening words, "Qui- cumque mundane spere rationem et astrorum legem . . . ," are similar to those of the treatise on the uses of the astro- labe which has often been ascribed to Gerbert, "Quicumque astronomice peritiam discipline . . ." ^
Our treatise then may be by Gerbert or It may be a Contents specimen of the astronomy of the eleventh or early twelfth two books, century. As it appears to be little known and never to have been published, it may be well to give a brief summary of its contents. An introductory paragraph outlines some of the chief points with which the treatise will be con- cerned, such as the twelve signs of the zodiac, their positions, "most varied qualities," the reasons for their names, and the diverse opinions of gentile philosophers and Catholics as to their significations; the four elements; and the seven planets. In the text which follows, these topics are con- sidered in rather the reverse order to that in which they were named in the preface. After some discussion of "the founders of astronomy and the doctors of astrology," the first book is occupied with a description of the sphere or heavens. The second book is largely geographical, begin- ning with the question of the size of the earth, the zones, the ocean, and how to draw a T map. This geographical digression the author justifies in the prologue to his third book by the statement that often the position of the stars can be determined from the location of countries, and that
* Bubnov does not include it in fol. 17V, after which most of the
his edition of the mathematical few remaining leaves of the MS,
works of Gerbert, but as we have which has only 21 leaves in all,
seen he was unaware of the exist- are blank. There is some simi-
ence of this MS, i.e., Digby 83. larity of contents, but the Paris
^And also to the Incipit of a MS is more astrological. Pos-
treatise in a tenth century MS at sibly, however, it is a different
Paris, BN 17,868, fol. I4r, "Qui- part of, or rather extracts from
cumque nosse desiderat legem the same work, since we shall see
astrorum. . . ." The treatise or reasons for thinking that the text
fragment in this Paris MS seems in Digby 2>2 is incomplete. to end at fol. I7r, or at least at
7o8
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
Attitude towards astrology.
if the habitat of peoples is known one can more easily arrive at the effect of the stars. ^
This suggests that the author believes in astrological in- fluence, and in the two following books he states a number of astrological doctrines, not, however, as his own convic- tions but as the opinions of the genethliaci or astrologers, or "those who will have it that prosperity and adversity in human life are due to these stars." ^ On the other hand, he seldom subjects the astrologers to any adverse criticism. Indeed, early in the third book, he states that the belief of the genethliaci that human wealth and honors, poverty and obscurity, depend upon the stars, pertains to another subject than that which he is at present discussing; namely, prog- nostication, concerning which he will treat fully in later chapters. But I cannot see that he fulfills this promise in the present manuscript, which seems to end rather abruptly,^ so that possibly there is something missing. In the previous passage, however, he immediately proceeded to admit that the sun and moon greatly affect our life and to tell further how it is connected with_ the other five planets. In the star of Saturn the soul is said to busy itself especially with rea- soning and intelligence, logic and theory. Jupiter is prac- tical and represents the power of action. Mars signifies ani- mosity; Venus, desire; Mercury, interpretation. Men have proved the moon's moist influence by sleeping out-of-doors and finding that more humor collected in their heads when they slept in the moon-light than when they did not.* After mentioning the twelve signs, "through which the aforesaid planets revolving exert varied influences, and even, according to the genethliaci, make a good man in some nativities and a bad man in others," ^ the author goes on to tell which
^ At least such seems to me to be the meaning of the passage, fol. 2ir, "Quippe cum aliquando per situm gentium ipsarum positionem stellarum demonstrati simus pre- cognita populorum habitatione rei effectus ad faciliorem curret eventus."
' Fol. 22X.
^ Fol. 76r, the closing words are, "Quod autem de dementis diximus idem de temporibus deque humoribus intellige sicut hec figura evidentissime desig- nat." But the figure is not given.
* Fol. 27v.
''Fol. 31V, "per que predict! planete revoluti diversa in diver-
XXX
GERBERT AND ARABIC ASTROLOGY
709
signs are masculine and which are feminine, to relate them to the four cardinal points and to the four elements, to de- fine the twenty-eight mansions and their distribution among the twelve signs and seven planets,^ and to tell how the planets differ in quality.^ All this is providing at least the basis for astrological prediction.
The fourth book of the treatise is mainly taken up with The descriptions and figures of the constellations, concerning ijoojj which the author often repeats the fables of antiquity. After discussing the six ages of the world, the author in- tended to insert a figure on what is the next to last page of the present text to show "the harmony of the elements, climates of the sky, times of the year, and humors of the human body," for, as he goes on to say, man is called a microcosm by the philosophers. This missing figure or figures would have been analogous to those which Wickers- heimer investigated in the early medieval manuscripts in the libraries of France.
Our author does not make many citations, but among Citations; them are Eratosthenes,^ Aratus, Ptolemy, Macrobius, and names. Martianus Capella. Some of these authors are perhaps known to him only indirectly, and he seems to make use of Isidore and Pliny without mentioning them. He shows, however, an acquaintance with foreign languages, listing the seven heavens as "oleth, lothen, ethat, edim, eliyd, ha- chim, atarpha," and giving Greek, Hebrew, and "Saracen" names for the seven planets, as well as a "Similitudo," or corresponding metal, and "Interpretatio," or quality such as "Obscurus, Clarus, Igneus." * He also gives the Arabic names for the twenty-eight mansions into which the circle of the zodiac subdivides.^ We now turn to another treatise, found in tenth and eleventh century manuscripts, in which Arabian influence is apparent.
sis possunt et etiam secundum genethliacos bonum quidam in quibusdam malum vero in quibus- dam quidam nativitatibus homi- nem astruunt,"
^ Fol. 32r.
' Fol. 36r.
* Fol. 59r, "Herastotenes."
■* Fol. 2ir-v.
" Fol. 32r,
710
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
The
Mathe- matica of Alchan- drus or Alhan- dreus.
William of Malmesbury, writing in the first half of the twelfth century concerning Gerbert's studies in Spain, says, probably with a great deal of exaggeration, that Gerbert surpassed Ptolemy in his knowledge of the astrolabe, Alan- draeus in his knowledge of the distances between the stars, and Julius Firmicus in his knowledge of fate.^ It is rather remarkable that a work ascribed to Alhandreus or Alcandrus, "supreme astrologer," should be found in two manuscripts of the eleventh century ^ in both of which occurs also the work on the astrolabe which is perhaps by Gerbert, while in one is found also the Mathesis of Julius Firmicus Ma- ternus. Alchadrinus or Archandrinus is cited in Michael Scot's long Introduction to Astrology as the author of a "book of fortune making mention of the three fades of the signs and the planets ruling in them," and Michael adds that a similar method of divination is employed in general among the Arabs and Indians as can be seen in the streets and alleys of Messina where "learned women" answer the ques- tions of merchants.^ Peter of Abano in his Lucidator as- tronomiae,'^ written in 13 lo, mentions Alchandrus as a suc- cessor of Hermes Trismegistus in the science of astronomy but as flourishing before the time of Nebuchadnezzar. Al- chandrus was probably scarcely as ancient as that, but the treatise ascribed to him also exists in Latin in a manuscript of the tenth century,^ and seems to be a translation from
^De rebus gestis regum Anglo- rum, II, 167.
^'Addit. 17808, fols. 85V-99V, "Mathematica Alhandrei summi astrologi. Luna est frigide nature «t argentei coloris / oculis descrip- tio talis subiciatur" : and CLM 560, fols. 61-87, which I have not seen but which from the descrip- tion in the catalogue is evidently the same treatise and has the same Incipit, although no author or title seems to be given.
^Bodleian 266, fol. 179V, "libel- lum fortune faciens mentionem de tribus faciebus signorum et planetis regnantibus in eisdem . . . mulieres docte."
*BN 2598, isth century, fol.
io8r.
"BN 17868, fols. 2r-i2v. "In- cipit liber Alchandrei" ( Wicker s- heimer) or Alchandri (Bubnov) "philosophi. Luna est frigide nature et argentei coloris." In a passage of Addit. 17808, fol. 86v, where the years from the beginning of the world are being reckoned, the year of writing is apparently given as 1040 A. D., but the existence of the treatise in BN 17868 shows that it was writ- ten before 1000. Also there is something wrong with the pas- sage mentioned in Addit. 17808 — as is very apt to be the case with such figures in medieval MSS — for the number of years from the
XXX
GERBERT AND ARABIC ASTROLOGY
711
the Arabic. In any case it is full of Arabic and Hebrew words, and professes to cite the opinions of Egyptians, Ishmaelites, and Chaldeans in general as well as those of Ascalu the Ishmaelite and Arfarfan or Argafalan or Ar- gafalaus ^ the Chaldean in particular. Since the name Al- chandrus or Alhandreus is found so far as I know in no historian or bibliographer of Arabian literature or learning,^ we shall treat somewhat fully of the work and its author here.
The "Mathematic of Alhandreus, supreme astrologer," as it is entitled in one manuscript, opens somewhat abruptly with a terse statement of the qualities of the planets. Two estimates of the number of years between creation and the birth of Christ are then given, one "according to the He- brews," the other "according to others." ^ There follow letters of the Greek alphabet with Roman numerals express- ing their respective numerical values, perhaps for future ref- erence in connection with some sphere of life or death. Next is considered the division of the zodiac into twelve signs for which Hebrew as well as Latin names are given. The move- ments of the planets through the signs are then discussed, and it is explained in the usual astrological style that Leo is the house of the sun. Cancer of the moon, while two signs are assigned to each of the other five planets. Every planet is erect in some one sign and falls in its opposite, and any planet is friendly to another in whose house it is erect and hostile to another in whose house it declines. Presently the author treats of "the order of the planets according to nature and their names according to the Hebrews," ■* and then of their sex and courses, which last leads to considerable
An ac- count of its con- tents.
beginning of the world to the birth of Christ is given as 4970 and then the sum of the two as 6018 instead of 6010 years, while at fol. 85V other estimates are given of the number of years be- tween the Creation and the In- carnation.
* The spellings of such proper names vary in the different MSS
or even in the same one.
' Steinschneider (1905) 30, briefly notes "Alcandrinus," how- ever. See below, p. 715 of the present chapter.
"Addit. 17808, fol. Ssv; BN 17868, fol. 2r.
' Addit. 17808, f ols. 86r-87r ; BN 17868, fol. 3v.
712
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
digressions anent the solar and lunar calendars.^ Then the twelve signs are related to the four "climates" and elements.
All this implies a favorable attitude to astrology, and the author has already expressed his conviction more than once that human affairs are disposed by the seven planets accord- ing to the will of God.^ Since man like the world is com- posed of the four elements it is no false opinion which per- suades us that under God's government human affairs are principally regulated by the celestial bodies.^ To make this plainer the author proposes to insert an astrological figure "which Alexander of Macedon composed most diligently," and which presumably would have been of the microcosmus or Melothesia type, but the space for it remains blank in the manuscript. Next comes a paragraph on the sex of the signs and their rising and setting, and then lists of the hours of the day and night governed by the signs and by each planet for all the days of the week.^
Then we read, "These are the twenty-eight principal parts or stars (i.e. constellations) through which the fates of all are disposed and pronounced indubitably, future as well as present. Anyone may with diligence forecast goings and returnings, origins and endings, by the most agreeable aid of these horoscopes
" 5
* Addit. 17808, fols. 87v-88r.
^'BN 17868, fol. 2r; Addit. 17808, fol. 8sv; "luxta que quia omnia humana secundum nutum dei disponuntur per septem plane- tas que subter (subtus) feruntur eorum nobis potestas innuitur" : BN 17868, fol. 3r; Addit. 17808, fol. 86v, "Per has autem vii plane- tas quia ut diximus et adhuc pro- babimus humana fata disponuntur regulam certam demus qua in quo signo queque sit pronoscatur." Only in a third passage does he attribute such views to the mathe- matici; Addit. 17808, _ fol. 88v, "Cum sint signa xii in zodiaco cumque iuxta mathematicos et secundum horum diversissimos potestates fata omnium ita volente sapientissimo domino disponan- tur "
These twenty-eight parts are
'Addit. 17808, fol. Spr, "Que quum ita discernuntur non falsa opinio persuasit istis humana principaliter gubernante domino moderari cum itaque ut mundus homo unusquisque ex his iiii com- paginetur elementis."
"Addit. 17808, fol. 89V. But the lists are left incomplete and a blank leaf, which is also left un- numbered, follows in the MS.
'BN 17868, fol. 5r: Addit. 17808, fol. QOr, "Hec sunt xxviii principales partes vel astra per que omnium fata disponuntur et indubitanter tam futura quam presentia prenuntiantur a quo- cumque itus reditus ortus occasus horum horoscoporum iocundis- simo auxilio diligenter providen- tur."
XXX GERBERT AND ARABIC ASTROLOGY 713
of course the sub-divisions of the zodiac into mansions of the sun or moon which we have already encountered, and Arabic names are given for them beginning with Alnait, the first part of the sign Aries. First, however, we are in- structed how to determine under which one of them anyone was bom by a numerical calculation of the value of his name and that of his natural mother similar to that of the spheres of life and death except that it is based upon He- brew instead of Greek letters.^ Then follow statements of the sort of men who are born under each of the twenty-eight mansions, their physical, mental, and moral characteristics, and any especial marks upon the body, — either birth-marks or inflicted subsequently by such means as hot irons and dog-bite, — their health or sickness, term of life, and manner of death, — which in the case of Alnait, the first mansion, will be "by the machinations or imaginations of the magic arts." ^ Also the number of their children is roughly pre- dicted.
Next is discussed the course of the planets through the Interroga- signs, the houses of the planets, and their positions in the more
signs at creation.^ The author then turns to the influence name-cal- ° . culations.
of the planets upon men and gives another method of nu- merical calculation of a man's name in order to determine which planet he is under. ^ Under the heading "Excerpts from the books of Alexander, the astrologer king," ^ direc- tions are given for the recovery of lost or stolen articles and descriptions of the thief are provided for the hour of each planet. The letter of Argafalaus to Alexander instructs how to read men's secret thoughts as Plato the Philosopher used to do, and how to tell what is hidden in a person's hand by means of the hours of the planets.^ After some fur- liber primus. Incipit liber secun- dus." And then begins the letter of Argafalaus with the words, "Regi macedonum Alexandre as- trologo et universa philosophia perfectissimo Argafalaus servuus suus condicione et nacione in- genuus caldeus, professione vero secundus ab illo astrologus."
*BN 17868, fol. 5v.
=" BN 17868, fol. 6r.
'BN 17868, fol. 9r-;
; Addit.
17808, fols. 94V-95V.
■"BN 17868, fol. lor;
Addit.
17808, fol. 96r.
°Addit. 17808, fol. 97r.
"Addit. 17808, fol. 97V.
In BN
178GS, fol. iir, we read, '
"Explicit
714
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
ther discussion of astrological interrogations the manuscript at the British Museum closes with the Breviary of Alhan- dreus, supreme astrologer/ for learning anything unknown by a method of computation from Hebrew and Arabic let- ters.
Someone may wonder if the names Alhandreus and Al- chandrus may not be mere corruptions of Alexander who is cited and quoted even more than has yet been indicated,^ and if some careless head-line writer has not inserted the name Alchandri or Allmndrei instead of Alexandri in the Tittdus. But this would leave the statements of William of Malmesbury and of Peter of Abano to be explained away. Or, if it is argued that the name of Alhandreus should be attached only to the Breviary, it must be remembered that in the earliest manuscript, which does not contain the Breviary, the treatise is none the less called the Book of Alchandreus. As a matter of fact there is found also in the manuscripts a "Mathematica Alexandri summi astro- logi," ^ but while the title is the same, the contents are dif- ferent from the "Mathematica Alhandrei summi astrologi."
However, the treatise itself is found together with the
*Addit. 17808, fol. 99r-v. This does not appear in BN 17868 which goes on to discuss various astrological influences of the 12 hours of the day and of the night. After this there is a space left blank in the middle of fol. I2v: then more is said concerning hours of the planets and inter- rogations until at the bottom of fol. I3r comes the letter of Phethosiris to Nechepso. But no definite ending is indicated either of the letter of Argafalaus or the Liber Secundus of Alchandrus.
In a MS now missing but listed in the late 15th century catalogue of the MSS in the library of St. Augustine's Abbey, Canterbury (No. 1 172, James 332) was a "Breviarium alhandredi su'm as- trologi et peritissimi de soia (scienda?) qualibet ignota nullo decrete." This was one of the MSS donated to the monastery
by John of London.
BN 4161, i6th century, #5, Bre- viarium Alhandriae, summi As- trologi, de scientia qualiter ignota nullo indicante investigari possit.
'Addit. 17808, fol. 89r, "figu- ram quam super hac re Alexander Macedo composuit diligentissime posterius describemus" ; fol. 95r, "Hinc Alexander macedo dicit eclipsin solis et lune certissima ratione colligi" ; fol. g6r. "Aut iuxta alexandrum macedonem draco quasi octava planeta."
'Ashmole 369, late 13th cen- tury, fols. 77-84V. "Mathematica Alexandri summi astrologi. In exordio omnis creature herus huranicus inter cuncta sidera XII maluit signa fore .../... nam quod lineam designat eandem stel- 1am occupat. Explicit." A fur- ther discussion of the contents of this work will be found below in