CHAPTER XXVIII

ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE OF THE NINTH CENTURY
Plan of the chapter — ^Works of Alkindi — On Stellar Rays, or The Theory of the Magic Art — Radiation of occult force from the stars — Magic power of words — Problem of prayer — Figures, characters, and sacrifice — Experiment and magic — Alkindi's medieval influence — Divination by visions and dreams — Weather prediction — Alkindi as an astrologer — Alkindi on conjunctions — Alkindi and alchemy — Astro- logical works of Albumasar — The Experiments of Albumasar — Albumasar in Sadan — Book of Rains — Costa ben Luca's translation of Hero's Mechanica — Latin versions of his Epistle concerning Incanta- tion— Form of the epistle — Incantations directly affect the mind alone — Men imagine themselves bewitched — How are amulets effective? — Citations from the lapidary of the Pseudo-Aristotle — From Galen and Dioscorides — Occult virtue — On the Difference between Soul and Spirit — The nature of spiritus — Thought explained physiologically — Views of other medieval writers — Thebit ben Corat — The Sabians — Thebit's Re- lations to Sabianism — Thebit as encyclopedist, philosopher, astronomer — His occult science — Astrological and magic images — Life of Rasis — His 232 works — Charlatans discussed — His interest in natural science — Rasis and alchemy — Titles suggestive of astrology and magic — Conclusion.
In this chapter we shall consider a number of learned men pian who wrote in Arabic or other oriental languages in the ninth ^jj^^^gj. and early tenth century : Alkindi, Albumasar, Costa ben Luca, Thebit ben Corat, and Rasis — to mention for the pres- ent only the brief and convenient form of their names by which they were commonly designated in medieval Latin learning. Not all of these men were Mohammedans; not one was an Arab, strictly speaking; but they lived under Mohammedan rule and wrote in Arabic. We shall note especially those of their works which deal with occult science and which were plainly influential upon the later medieval Latin learning. Indeed, most of the works of which we shall treat seem to be extant only in Latin translation. This
641
6+2
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
Works of
Alkindi.
chapter aims at no exhaustive treatment of Arabic science and magic in the ninth century, but merely, by presenting a few prominent examples, to give some idea of it and of its influence upon the middle ages. In subsequent chapters we shall have occasion to mention many other such medieval translations from Arabic and other oriental languages.
One of the great names in tlie history of Arabic learn- ing is that of Alkindi (Yalcub ibn Ishak ibn Sabbah al- Kindi), who died about 850 or 873 A, D.^ Comparatively few of his writings have come to us, however, although some two hundred titles prove that he covered the whole field of knowledge in his own day. He translated the works of Aristotle and other Greeks into Arabic, and wrote upon philosophy, politics, mathematics, medicine, music, astron- omy, and astrolog}-, discriminating little between science and superstition in his enthusiasm for extensive knowledge. The first treatise of his to appear in print was an astrological one on weather prediction in Latin translation.^ In 1875 Loth printed an Arabic text of his treatise on the theory of conjunctions. More recently Nag}- has edited Latin versions of some of his philosophical opuscula, and Bjornbo has published an optical treatise by him entitled De spectaculis. On Stellar In a manuscript of the closing fourteenth century are
■^^^y^?^,, , contained several sets of errors of Aristotle and various
I lie 1 neory
of the Arabs, also others condemned at Paris in 1348 and 1363, ^^ ^ ' dX Oxford in 1376. and so on. Among these are listed the
*G. Flugel, Alkindi, genannt der Philosoph der Araher, ein Vorbild seiner Zeit, Leipzig, 1857.
F. Dieterici, Die Naturan- scliouung und N^aturphilosophie der Araber im zehnten Jahrhun- dert, Berlin, 1861.
O. Loth, Al-Kindi als Astrolog. in Morgenldndisehe Forschungcn. Festschrift fiir Fleisclter, Leip- zig. 1875. pp. 263-309.
A. Nagy, Die philosophischen Abhandlungen des Al-Kindis, 1897 in Beitr'dge z. Gesch." d. Philos. d. Mittclalt., II, 5.
A. A. Bjornbo and S. VogI, Al-
kindi, Tidevs, und Pseudo-Euclid, Drei Optische IVerke, Leipzig, 1911, in Abhandl. z. Gesch. d. Math, ll'iss.. XXVI, 3.
For further bibUography see the last-named work and Stein- schneider (1905) 23-4, 47, (1906)
31-33-
The Apology of Al Kindy (Sir Wm. Muir. London, 1882) is a defense of Christianity by another writer of about the same time.
' Astrorum iudicis Alkindi, Ga- phar de pluviis imbribus et ventis ac aeris tnutatione, ex officina Petri Liech tenstein : Venetiis, 1507.
XXVIII
ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE
643
Errors of Alkindi in the Magic Art} The allusion is to a treatise by Alkindi, variously styled The Theory of the Magic Art or On Stellar Rays, which is found in Latin version in a number of medieval manuscripts,^ but v^hich has never been published or described at all fully.
Alkindi begins the treatise by asserting the astrological Radiation doctrine of radiation of occult influence from the stars. The diversity of objects in nature depends upon two things, the diversity of matter and the varying influence exerted by the rays from the stars. Each star has its own peculiar force and certain objects are especially under its influence, while the movement of the stars to new positions and "the colhsion of their rays" produce such an infinite variety of combinations that no two things in this world are ever found alike in all respects. The stars, however, are not
*Amplon. Quarto 151, fols. 17- 19.
'In the 1412 catalogue of Am- plonius, Math. 48 was "Theorica Alkindi de radiis stellicis seu ar- cium magicarum vel de phisicis li- gaturis" ; and at present Amplon. Quarto 349, 14th century, fols. 47v, 65V, 66r-v, i6r-v, 29r, con- tains "Liber Alkindi de radiis Omnes homines qui sensibilia / Explicit theorica artis ma^is isic). Explicit Alkindi de radiis stellicis."
Harleian 13, 13th century, given by John of London to St. Augus- tine's Abbey, Canterbury (Si 166, James, 330-1), fols. 166-74, "de radiis stellicis Omnes homines qui sensibilia / explicit Theoria Artis Magice Alkindi."
Digby 91, i6th century, fols. 66-80, Alkindus de radiis stella- rum, "Omnes homines qui sen- sibilia sensu percipiunt. . . ."
Digby 183, end 14th century, fols. 38-45.
Selden supra y6 (Bernard 3464), fols. 47r-6ov, "Incipit theoreita artium magicarum. Capitulum de origine scientie. Omnes homi- nes qui sensibilia sensu percip- iunt. . . ." ; Selden 3467, #4.
Canon. Misc. 370, fols. 240-59,
"Explicit theoria magice artis sive libellus Alkindi de radiis stel- latis anno per me Theod. scriptus Domini 1484. . . ."
Rawlinson C-117, 15th century (according to Macray, but since the MS once belonged to John of London it is more likely to be 13th century), fols. 157-69, "Incip- it theorica Alkindi et est de causis reddendis circa operationes karacterum et conjurationes et suffumigationes et ceteris huius- modi quae pertinent ad artem magicam. 'Omnes homines qui sensibilia.' . . ."
BN nouv. acq. 616, 1442 A.D., Liber Jacobi Alchindi de radiis.
CU Trinity 936 (R. 15, 17) 17th century, Alkyndus de Radiis.
Ste. Genevieve 2240, 17th cen- tury, fol. 32 (?) — since the trea- tise is listed between two others which begin at fols. 68 and 112, respectively — "Alkyndus de radiis ; de virtute verborum."
Steinschneider (1906), 22, has already listed four of these MSS, but was mistaken in thinking Cot- ton Appendix VI, fols. 63v-70r, "Explicit lacob alkindi de theo- rica planetarum," the same trea- tise as The Theory of the Magic Art.
644 MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
the only objects which emit rays; everything in the world of the elements radiates force, too. Fire, color, and sound are examples of this. The science of physics considers the action of objects upon one another by contact, but the sages know of a more occult interaction of remote objects sug- gested by the power of the magnet and the reflection of an image in a mirror. All such emanations, however, are in the last analysis caused by the celestial harmony, which governs by necessity all the changes in this world. Thus the men of old, by experiments and by close scrutiny of the secrets of both superior and inferior nature and of the disposition of the sky, came to comprehend many hidden things in the world of nature and were able to discover the names of those who had committed theft and adultery. The bor- Alkindi has thus prepared the reader's mind for the con-
between sideration of phenomena beyond the realm of ordinary science physical action. At the same time he has approached the occult by arguing on the analogy of natural phenomena and he has laid down as a fundamental scientific premise what we now regard as a superstition of astrologers. In other words, he is not unaware of a difference in method and character between physics and astrology, between sci- ence and superstition, yet he tries to formulate a scientific basis for what is really a belief in magic. Magic Although Alkindi does not, as I recall, use the word
of ^ords. iTiagic, he next argues in favor of what is commonly called the magic power of words. He affirms that the human imagination can form concepts and then emit rays which will affect exterior objects just as would the thing itself whose image the mind has conceived. Muscular movement and speech are the two channels by which the mind's conceptions can be transformed into action. Frequent experiments have proven clearly the potency of words when uttered in exact accordance with imagination and intention, and when ac- companied by due solemnity, firm faith, and strong desire. The effect produced by words and voices is heightened if they are uttered under favorable astrological conditions,
xxviii ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE 645
Some go best with Saturn, others wtih the planet Jupiter, some with one sign of the zodiac and others with another. The four elements are variously affected by different voices ; some voices, for instance, affect fire most powerfully. Some especially stir trees or some one kind of tree. Thus by words motion is started, accelerated, or impeded; animal life is generated or destroyed; images are made to appear in mirrors; flames and lightnings are produced; and other feats and illusions are performed which seem marvelous to the mob.
Alkindi even ventures to touch upon the subject of Problem prayer. He states that the rays emitted by the human mind ° ^^^^ and voice become the more efficacious in moving matter, if the speaker has fixed his mind upon and names God or some powerful angel. Human ignorance of the harmony of nature also often necessitates appeal to a higher power in order to attain good and to avoid evil. Faith, and ob- servance of the proper time and place and attendant circum- stances have their bearing, however, upon the success or failure of prayer as well as of other utterances. And there are some authorities who would exclude spiritual in- fluence entirely in such matters and who believe that words and images and prayers as well as herbs and gems are completely under the universal control exercised by the stars.
The treatise concludes by discussing the virtues of fig- Figures, ures, characters, images, and sacrifices in much the same ^nd way as it has treated of the power of words. We are as- sacrifice, sured that "The sages have proved by frequent experiments that figures and characters inscribed by the hand of man on various materials with intention and due solemnity of place and time and other circumstances have the effect of motion upon external objects." Every such figure emits rays hav- ing the peculiar virtue which has been impressed upon it by the stars and signs. There are characters which can be employed to cure disease or to induce it in men or ani- mals. Images constructed in conformity with the con-
646
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
stellations emit rays having something of the virtue of the celestial harmony. Alkindi also defends the practice of animal sacrifice. Whether God or spirits are placated there- by or not, none the less the sacrifice is efficacious, if made with human intent and due solemnity and in accordance with the celestial harmony. The star and sign which are dominant when any voluntary act of this sort is begun, rule that work to its finish. The material and forms employed should be appropriate to the constellation, or the effect pro- duced will be discordant and perverted.
It will have been noted that Alkindi more than once asserts that his conclusions have been demonstrated experi- mentally. Thus we have one more example of the connec- tion, supposititious or real, between magic and experimental method.
The doctrine here set forth by Alkindi of the radiation of force and his explanation of magic by astrology were both to be very influential conceptions in Latin medieval learning. We shall find Roger Bacon, for example, re- peating the same views in almost the same language con- cerning stellar rays and the power of words, and it is appropriate that in two manuscripts his utterances are placed together with those of Alkindi.-"-
Alkindi's treatise De somno et visione, as we have it in the Latin translation by Gerard of Cremona,^ accepts clair- voyance and divination by dreams as true and asks why we see some things before they happen, why we see other things which require interpretation before they reveal the future, and why at other times we foresee the contrary of what is to be.^ His answer is that the mind or soul has innate
* In Digby 91 Roger Bacon on Perspective is followed by Al- kindi on the rays of the stars, while in Digby 183 a marginal note to Alkindi's treatise reads "Nota hoc quod est extractum de libro Rogeri Bakun de celo et mundo, capitulo de numero celo- rum," and following the work of Alkindi we have Bacon on the
retardation of old age and per- haps also de radiis solaribus.
» Edited by Nagy ( 1897) . A MS of the late 12th or early 13th cen- tury which Nagy fails to note is Digby 40, fols. iSv-25, de somno et visionibus.
' Nagy, p. 18, "Quare autem vi- deamus quasdam res antequam sint? et quare videamus res cum
XXVIII
ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE
647
natural knowledge of these things, and that "it is itself the seat of all species sensible and rational." Vision is when the soul dismisses the senses and employs thought, and the formative or imaginative virtue of the mind is more active in sleep, the sensitive faculties when one is awake.
While by some persons, at least, opinions of Alkindi in his Theory of the Magic Art were regarded as erroneous, Albertus Magnus in his Speculum astronomiae listed among works on judicial astrology with which he thought that the church could find no fault "a book of Alchindi" which opened with the words Rogatiis fui} This is a work on weather prediction which still exists in a number of manuscripts ^ and was printed in 1 507 at Venice, and in 1540 at Paris, together with a treatise on the same theme by Albumasar, of whom we shall say more presently.^
interpretatione significantes res antequam sint? et quare videamus res facientes nos videre contra- rium earum?"
" Spec, astron. cap. 7. Mora fully the Incipit is, "Rogatus fui quod manifestem consilia phil- osophorum. . . ."
" Digby 68, 14th century, f ols. 124-35, Liber Alkindii de impres- sionibus terre et aeris accidentibus. CU Clare College 15 (Kk. 4, 2), c. 1280, fols. 8-13, "In nomine dei et eius laude Epistola Alkindi de rebus aeribus et pluviis cum ser- mone aggregate et utili de arabico in latinum translata."
Steinschneider (1906) 32 gives the title as De imprcssionibus aeris, and suggests that it is the same as a De pluviis or De nubibus, which seems to be the case, as they have the same In- cipit— Steinschneider (1905) 13 — as does a De imbribus in Digby 176, 14th century, fols. 61-63. Steinschneider also suggested that BN 7332, De imprcssionibus planetarum was probably the same treatise; and this is shown to be true by the Explicit of Al- kindi's treatise in another MS, Cotton Appendix VI, fol. 6j,w, "Explicit liber de imprcssionibus
planetarum secundum iacobum al- kindi." See also BN 7316, 7328, 7440, 7482. _
The opening words of an anony- mous Tractatus de meteorolo- gia in Vienna 2385, 13th century, fols. 46-49, show that it is the Alkindi. A very similar treatise on weather prediction, De subra- diis planetarum or De pluviis, is ascribed to Haly and exists in three Digby MSS (67, fol. I2v; 93, fol. 183V; 147, fol. ii7v) and in some other MSS noted by Steinschneider. It belongs, I suspect, together with a brief Haly de dispositione aeris (Dig- by 92, fol. 5) which Steinschnei- der listed separately.
^ Some notion of the number of these astrological treatises on the weather may be had from the following group of them in a single MS.
Vienna 2436, 14th century, fols. 134-6, "Finitur Hermanni liber de ymbribus et pluviis" 136-8, lohannes Hispalensis, Trac- tatus de mutatione aeris
139, Haomar de pluviis
139-40, Idem de qualitate aeris et temporum
140, de pluvia, fulgure, tonitruis et vento
on con- junctions.
648 MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
Alkindi A majority, indeed, of the works by Alkindi extant in
astrologer. Latin translation are astrological.^ Several were translated by Gerard of Cremona, and one or two by John of Spain and Robert of Chester,^ Geomancies are attributed to Alkindi in manuscripts at Munich.^ Loth notes concern- ing Alkindi's astrology what we have already found to be the case in his theories of radiation and magic art and of divination by dreams; namely, that while he believes in astrology unconditionally, he tries to pursue it as a science in a scientific way, observing mathematical method and physical laws — as they seemed to him — while he attacked the vulgar superstitions which were popularly regarded as astrology. Alkindi The astrological treatise by Alkindi, of which Loth
edited the Arabic text, is a letter on the duration of the empire of the Arabs. This bit of political prediction was, as far as Loth knew, the first instance of the theory of conjunctions in Arabian astrology. The theory was that lesser conjunctions of the planets, which occur every twenty years, middling conjunctions which come every two hun- dred and forty years, and great conjunctions which occur only every nine hundred and sixty years, exert a great in- fluence not only upon the world of nature but upon po- litical and religious events, and, especially the great con- junctions, open new periods in history. Thus, as Loth says, the conjunction is for the macrocosmos what the horoscope is for man the microcosmos ; the one forecasts the fate of
140-1, Dorochius, De hora pluvie Achalis de Baldac philosophi de
et ventorum caloris et f rigoris f uturorum scientia ; Corpus Chris-
141, Idem, De hora pluvie ti 254, fol. 191, "de aspectibus" — 141-2, Alkindus, alias Dorochius, a fragment from a 14th century
De aeris qualitatibus MSS.
142, Idem, De imbribus * MSS of Robert's translation
143, Jergis, De pluviis of Alkindi's Judgments are nu- 198, 206, lacobus Alkindus, Liber merous in the Bodleian library :
de significationibus planeta- Digby 91, fol. 80-; Ashmole 179;
rum et eorum naturis, alias 209; 369; 434; and extracts from
de pluviis." it in other MSS. It opens,
* Their titles are listed by "Quamquam post Euclidem."
Steinschncider (1906) 99; 31-3. ^ CLM 392, 15th century, fol.
We may note EN 6978, 14th cen- 80-; 489, i6th century, fols, 207-21.
tury, Incipit epistola Alkindi
XXVIII
ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE
649
the individual ; the other, that of society. Loth knew of no Latin translation of Alkindi's letter, and medieval writers in Latin cite Albumasar usually as their authority on the sub- ject of conjunctions. But Loth held that Albumasar, who was a pupil of Alkindi, merely developed and popularized the astrological theories of his master, and Loth showed that Albumasar embodied our letter on the duration of the Arabian empire in large part in his work On Great Con- junctions without mentioning Alkindi as his authority.
Although a believer in astrology to the point of magic, Alkindi and not unacquainted with metals as his work On the Prop- alchemy. erties of Swords shows, Alkindi regarded the art of alchemy as a deception and the pretended transmutation of other metals into gold as false.^ He affirmed this especially in his treatise entitled. The Deceits of the Alchemists, but also in his other writings.^
Something further should be said concerning the Astrologi- astrological treatises of Albumasar (Abu Ma'shar Ja'far of Albu-^ ben Muhammad al-Balkhi) whence also his briefer appella- ™asar. tions, Japhar and D ja'far. He died in 886 and has been called the most celebrated of all the ninth century Bagdad astrologers, although he has also been accused of plagiarism, as we have seen. In 1489 at Augsburg Erhard Ratdolt published three of his works, the Greater Introduction to Astronomy in eight books, the Flowers — which Roger Bacon cites as severely condemning physicians who do not study astrology ^ — and the eight books concerning great con- junctions and revolutions of the years. Of these the Intro- duction was translated both by John of Spain and Hermann of Dalmatia, but the former translation, although found in many manuscripts, remains unprinted. The Flores is found in numerous manuscripts and was reprinted in 1495. The
'O. Loth (187s), pp. 271-2; at 280-2 he gives the Latin of the passage in question from Albu- masar, following the Arabic of Alkindi at 273-9.
* E. Wiedemann in Journal f.
praktische Chemic, 1907, p. y3. et seq.; cited by Lippmann (1919) p. 399-
^ Bridges, Opus Mains, I, 262, note.
6so
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
work on conjunctions and revolutions was printed again in 15 1 5 and also exists in many manuscripts.^ A French trans- lation which Hagins the Jew, working for Henri Bate of Malines, made in 1273 of "Le livre des revolutions de siecle," of whose six chapters he translated only four,^ probably applied to a part of this work.
Albertus Magnus in the Speculum astronomiae, in listing irreproachable works of astronomy and astrology, mentions a "Book of Experiments" by Albumasar instead of the Con- junctions and Revolutions along with his Flowers and Intro- duction.^ This book of experiments by Albumasar is often met with in the manuscripts. It is a different and shorter work than that in eight parts on Conjunctions, but itself
^ Steinschneider (1905), p. 47.
" HL 21, 499-503.
^Spec. astron. cap. 6. He gives the Incipit of the Experiments of Albumasar as "Scito horam introi- tus" which serves to identify it with the following :
Amplon. Quarto 365, 12th cen- tury, fols. 1-18, liber experimen- torum.
Ashmole 369-V, 13th century, fols. 103-23V, ". . . . incipit liber in revolutione annorum mundi. Perfectus est liber experimento- rum . . ."
Ashmole 393, isth century, fol. 95v, "Item Albumasar de revolu- tionibus annorum mundi sive de experimentis . . ."
BN 16204, 13th century, pp. 302- 333. "Revolutio annorum mundi . . . Perfectus est liber experi- mentorum Albumasar . . ."
Arsenal 880, 15th century, fol. i-.
Arsenal 1036, 14th century, fol. 1 04V.
Dijon 1045, iSth century, fol. 81-.
Other MSS containing Experi- ments of Albumasar but where I am not sure of the wording of the Incipit are :
Laud. Misc. 594, I4-I5th cen- tury, fol. 123-, Liber experimen- torum.
Harleian i, fols. 31-41, de ex- perimentis in revolutione anno- rum mundi.
CLM SI, 1487, and 1503.
Vienna 2436, 14th century, fol- lowing John of Spain's translation of the Introductorium magnum at fols. 1-85 and a Liber magnarum coniunctionum at fols. 144-98, comes at fol. 242, "Liber experi- mentorum seu Capitula stellarum oblata regi magno Sarracenorum ab Albumasore." The Incipit here is "Dispositio est ut dicam ab ariete sic initium" but the treatise is incomplete.
In some MS at Oxford which I cannot now identify the Flores of Albumasar close with the state- ment that the book of Experi- ments will follow. A different hand then adds "The following work is Albumazar on the revo- lutions of years," while a third hand adds the explanation, "And according to some authorities it and the book of experiments are one," which is the case.
In some MSS, however, another treatise on revolutions accom- panies the Experiments. In Amplon. Quarto 365 it is fol- lowed at fols. 18-27 by Sentencie de revolucione annorum, while in Laud. Misc. 594 it is preceded at fol. 106 by Liber Albumasar de revolutionibus annorum, collectus a Aoribus antiquorum philosopho- rum, which is the same as the Flores.
XXVIII
ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE
6si
deals with the subject of revolutions. It is not, however, to be confused with still another work by Albumasar on revolutions as connected with nativities.^
Another work on astrology with which the name of Albu- Albumasar is connected is cited by medieval writers, notably Sadan^^ Peter of Abano,^ as Albumasar in Sadan (or Sadam), and is also found in Latin manuscripts where it is also called "Excerpts from the Secrets of Albumasar." ^ Stein- schneider regarded the Latin translation as a shortened or incomplete version of an Arabic original entitled al-Mudsa- karef, or Memorabilia by Abu Sa'id Schadsan, who wrote down the answers of his teacher to his questions."* There is also a Greek text, entitled Mysteries, which differs con- siderably from the Latin and of which Sadan perhaps made use.^ The Latin version might be described as a miscel- laneous collection of astrological teachings, anecdotes, and actual cases of Albumasar gathered up by his disciples and somewhat resembling Luther's Table-Talk in form.
We have already alluded to the treatise on weather pre- Book of diction by Albumasar which was printed with a similar *'^*"'^-
' The distinction between these various works is made quite clear in BN 16204, 13th century, where at pp. 1-183 is John of Spain's translation of the Liber introduc- torius maior in eight parts ; at 183-302 the Conjunctions, also in eight parts ; at 302-333 the Revo- lutio annorutn mundi or Liber experitncntorum ; at 333-353 the Flores, and at 353-369 the De revo- lutione annorutn in revolutione nattT/itatum, which opens "Omne tentpus breve est operandi . . . " At the same time the Explicit of this treatise bears witness to the ease with which these works of Albumasar are confused, for it was at first written, "Explicit liber albumcLsar de revolutione anno- rutn tnundi," and some other hand has crossed out this last word and substituted "natizntatis."
'Conciliator, Diff. 156.
'Laud. Misc. 594, i4-i5th cen- tury, fols. 137-41, Liber Sadan, sive
Albumasar in Sadan. "Dixit Sadan, Audivi Albumayar dicen- tem quod omnis vita viventium post Deum est sol et luna / Expliciunt excerpta de secretis Albumasar."
Cat. cod. astrol. Graec. V, i, 142, quotes from a 15th century MS, "Expliciunt excerpta de sec- retis Albumasaris per Sadan dis- cipulum cuius (eius?) et vocatur liber Albumasaris in Sadan."
The treatise, according to Steinschneider (1906), 36-8, is also found in Amplon. Quarto 352.
CLM 826, 14th century, written and illuminated in Bohemia, fols. 27-Z2, Tractatus de nativitatibus, "Dixit Zadan : audivi Albumazar dicentem . . .'[
■"Steinschneider (1906), 36-38.
" Cat. cod. astrol. Graec. V, 1, 142. In Vienna MS 10583, 15th century, 99 fols., we find a "de revolutionibus nativitatum" by Albumasar "greco in latinum."
652 MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
work by Alkindi in 1507 and 1540, and also often accom- panies it in the manuscripts. In this "book of rains accord- ing to the Indians" ^ Albumasar is variously disguised under the names of Gaphar, Jafar, and lafar and is called an Indian, Egyptian, or Babylonian.^ In his Latin transla- tion of it Hugo Sanctellensis tells his patron, the "antistes Michael" that the treatise was written by Gaphar, an ancient astrologer of India, and has since been abbreviated by a Tillemus or Cilenius or Cylenius Mercurius.^ To Japhar is also attributed a Minor Isagoga to astronomy in seven lec- tures or sernwnes, which Adelard of Bath is said to have translated from the Arabic.^
We turn next to Costa ben Luca, or Qusta ibn Luqa, of Baalbek, and especially to his treatise On Physical Ligatures, or more fully, The Epistle concerning Incantations, Adjura- tions, and Suspensions from the Neck. The scientific im- portance of Costa ben Luca may be seen from the circum- stance that the Mechanica of Hero of Alexandria, of which the Greek text is for the most part lost, has been preserved in the Arabic translation which Costa prepared in 862-866
* BN 7316, 15th century, #13, iudicia prout Indorum . . ."
liber imbrium secundos Indos ... ^ The text printed in 1507 and
authore Jafar; so too BN 7329, 1540 is Hugo's translation. So
15th century, #6; BN 7316 S16, is Bodleian 463 (Bernard 2456)
de mutatione temporum secun- 14th century, fols. 2or-24r, "In-
dum Indos, seems, however, to be cipit liber imbrium editum a lafar
another anonymous treatise on astrologo et a lenio et mer-
the same subject. Perhaps the curio (Cilenio Mercurio) correc-
following, although not so listed to." See also Savile 15 (Bernard
in the catalogue, is by Albumasar. 6561), Liber imbrium ab antiquo
Digby 194, fol. 147V- "Sapientes Indorum astrologo nomine Jafar
Indi de pluviis indicant secundum editus, deinde a Cylenio Mercurio
lunam, considerantes ipsius man- abbreviatus.
siones / quum dominus aspectus ■• Digby 68, 14th century, fol.
aspicit dominum vel est ei con- 116- "Ysagoga minor Japharis ma-
junctus." thematici in astronomiam per Ad-
^ Corpus Christi 233, I3-I5th helardum Bathoniencem ex Ara-
century, fol. 122- "Japhar philo- bico sumpta. Quicunque philoso-
sophi ct astrologi Aegyptii. Cum phie scienciam altiorem studio
multa et varia de nubium congre- constanti inquireris . . ."
gatione precepta Indorum traxit Sloane 2030, fols. 83-86V, ac-
auctoritas . . ." cording to Haskins in EHR
Cod. Cantab. Ii-I-13, "Incipit (1913), but my notes, which it is
liber Gaphar de temporis muta- now too late to verify, suggest
tione qui dicitur Geazar Babilo- that it is a fragment occupying
niensis. Universa astronomiae less than a page at fol. 87.
XXVIII
ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE
653
for the caliph al-Musta. Several manuscripts of this Arabic text are still extant at Cairo, Constantinople, Leyden, and London, and it has been twice printed.^
The vi^ork in which we are more especially interested has Latin ver- also been printed in editions of the works of Galen, of Con- l\^^^ 9^ ,
. ' • his Eptstle
stantinus Africanus, of Arnald of Villanova, and of Henry Cornelius Agrippa.^ The treatise is also attributed to Rasis in the library at Montpellier.^ Its inclusion among Galen's works is a manifest error; in the edition of Agrippa it is appended as The Letter of an Unknown Author (Epistola incerti authoris) ; while Arnald is represented as translating the work from Greek — a language of which he was ignorant — into Latin. He could read Arabic, however, and per- haps rendered the treatise from that language.* But it had certainly been translated before his time,, the end of the thir- teenth century, and presumably by Constantinus Africanus, cioi 5-1087, since it not merely appears in his printed works but is found together with an imperfect copy of his Pantegni in a manuscript of the twelfth century.^ In a fifteenth cen- tury manuscript Unayn or Honein ben Ishak is named as the author of our treatise, but this seems to be a mistake.® Albertus Magnus in the middle of the thirteenth century cites our treatise both in his Vegetables and Plants,'^ where he alludes to "the books of incantations of Hermes the philosopher and of Costa ben Luca the philosopher, and the books of physical ligatures," and in his Minerals,^ where
* By Carra de Vaux in lournal asiatique, pe scrie, I, 386, II, 152, 420, with a French translation ; and by Nix, Leipzig, 1900, with a German translation, also printed separately in 1894.
^ Galen, ed. Chart. X, 571 ; Con- stantinus Africanus, ed. Basel, 1536, pp. 317-21 ; Arnald of Vil- lanova, Opera. Lyons, 1532, fol. 295, and also in other editions of his works ; H. C. Agrippa, Occult Philosophy, Lyons, 1600, pp. 637- 40.
"HL XXVIII, 78-9.
* Idem.
"Additional 22719, 12th century,
fol. 200V, "Quesivisti fili karissime de incantatione adjuratione cplli suspensione . . ." In view of tkis and the citations of the work by Albertus Magnus who wrote be- fore Arnald of Villanova, I can- not agree with Steinschneider (1905), pp. 6 and 12, in denying that Constantinus translated the work and in ascribing the trans- lation exclusively to Arnald.
"Florence II, III, 214, 15th century, fols. 72-4, "Liber Unayn de incantatione. Quesisti fili karis- sime . . ."
' De vegetahilibus, V, ii, 6.
^Mineral. II, ii, 7, and II, iii, 6.
654
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
Form of the epistle.
Incanta- tions directly afifect the mind alone.
the Liber de ligaturis physicis, as he calls it, is the source whence he has borrowed statements concerning gems as- cribed to Aristotle and Dioscorides.
Our treatise is in the form of a reply by Costa ben Luca to someone whom he addresses as "dearest son" and who has asked him what validity there is in incantations, adjura- tions, and suspensions from one's neck, and what the books of the Greeks and Indians have to say upon these matters. The wording of Costa's epistle varies considerably in the printed editions owing probably to careless interpretation of the manuscripts or careless copying by the earlier scribes, but its general tenor is the same.
Costa first affirms that all the ancients have agreed that the virtue of the mind affects the state of the body. Galen in particular is cited as to the effect of passions upon health and the advisability of the physician's cheering the minds of gloomy patients even by resort to deception to a limited extent, if it seems necessary. A perfect mind generally goes with a perfect body and an imperfect mind with an imper- fect body, as is seen in the case of children, old men, and women, or in the inhabitants of the intemperate zones, either torrid Ethiopia or the frozen north. Here one text specifies Scotland (Scotie) ; another, Schytie, which is per- haps intended for Scythia. Costa therefore argues that if anyone believes that an incantation will help him, he will at least be benefited by his own confidence. And if a person is constantly afraid that incantations may be directed against him, he may easily fret himself into a fever. This, Costa thinks, was what Socrates had in mind when he described incantations as "words deceiving rational souls by their in- terpretation or by the fear they produce or by despair." According to Albertus Magnus, who embodies a good deal of Costa's Epistle in his Minerals, Socrates said more fully that incantations, or perhaps better, enchantments, were made in four ways, namely, by suspending or binding on objects, by imprecations or adjurations, by characters, and by images; and that they dement rational souls so that they
XXVIII ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE 655
fall into fear and despair or rise to joy and confidence; and that through these accidents of the mind bodies are altered either in the direction of heahh or of chronic infirmity.^ Costa states that the medical men of India believe that in- cantations and adjurations are beneficial. But he says noth- ing to indicate that they, much less the Greeks or himself, have faith in the efficacy of incantations or words to work changes in matter per se or directly, nor does he say any- thing to indicate that demons may be summoned and given orders by this method. Perhaps his discussion of incanta- tions is a trifle constrained and not sufficiently outspoken, but it is moderate and scientific and shows a fair degree of scepticism for that period, especially when we compare it with Alkindi's attitude towards the power of words.
Costa ben Luca's attitude towards sorcery seems the Men same as towards incantations. He concludes his discussion [^itm^ of this point by a story of "a certain great noble of our selves be- country" who had convinced himself that he had been be- witched and consequently became impotent. After vainly endeavoring to convince him that this was simply due to his imagination, Costa decided that there was nothing to do but humor him in his delusion. He therefore showed him a passage in The Book of Cleopatra which prescribed as an aphrodisiac the anointing of the entire body with the gall of a crow mixed with sesame.^ The noble followed the prescription and had so much faith in it that his imaginary complaint disappeared.
Finally Costa considers the question of the validity of How are amulets, or ligatures and suspensions, which we have heard efifective? Socrates class with incantations, adjurations, characters, and images. Costa says that he has read in many works by the ancients that objects suspended from the neck are potent not through their natural, but their occult properties. He will not deny that this may be so, but is inclined as before
^Mineral. II, iii, 6 (ed. Borgnet, word: it is sizamelon in one text, V, 55-6). sesameleon in another.
*I am not certain as to this
6s6
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
Citations from the lapidary of the Pseudo- Aristotle.
From Galen and Dioscor- ides.
Occult virtue.
to attribute the result rather to the comforting effect which such things have upon one's mind. He proceeds, however, to list a number of suspensions recommended by ancient writers.
First he cites from "Aristotle in the Book of Stones," a spurious treatise of which we shall have more to say in the chapter on Aristotle in the middle ages, a number of ex- amples of the marvelous powers of gems worn suspended from the neck or set in a ring upon the finger. One augments the flow of saliva, another checks the flow of blood. The stone hyacinth enables its bearer to pass safely through a pestilent region, and makes him honored in men's thoughts and procures the granting of his petitions by rulers. The emerald wards off epilepsy, "wherefore we often prescribe to nobles that their children should wear this stone hung about the neck lest they incur this infirmity."
Costa also cites some recommendations of ligatures and suspensions from Galen, such as curing stomach-ache by suspending coral about the neck or abdomen, or the dung of wolves who have eaten bones, which should preferably be bound on with a thread made from the wool of a sheep eaten by that wolf. To Dioscorides are attributed such amulets as the teeth of a mad dog who has bit a man, which will safeguard their wearer from ever being so bitten — and it would be somewhat of a coincidence, if he were — and the seed of wild saffron which, held in the hand or worn about the neck, is good for the stings of scorpions. The Indians are cited for what is a recipe rather than an amulet : stercum elephantiniim cum melle mixtum et in i/ulva midieris podtum numquam permittit concipere. And some say that a woman who spits thrice in a frog's mouth will not conceive for a year. A number of other examples are given without mention of any particular authority. Some of them, indeed, are very familiar and could be found in many authors, and we shall meet them in other contexts.
Costa concludes by saying that he himself has not tested these statements extracted from the works of the ancients,
xxviii ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE 657
but that neither will he deny them, since there exist in nature many strange phenomena and inexplicable forces. We would not believe that the magnet attracts iron, if we had not seen it. Similarly lead breaks adamant which iron can- not break. There is a stone which no furnace can consume and a fish which paralyzes the hand of the person catching it. These strange properties act in some subtle and mighty fashion which is not perceptible to our senses and which we cannot account for by reasoning.^ But it is noteworthy that as in discussing incantations Costa said nothing of demons, so he fails to ascribe occult virtue to the influence of the stars.
Another treatise by Costa ben Luca, On the Difference On the
between Soul and Spirit," has little to do with occult science, ^^ff^^^^ ' ' ^ ' between
but gives too good a glimpse of medieval notions in the Soul and field of physiological psychology to pass it by. It was trans- lated into Latin by John of Spain for Archbishop Raymond of Toledo in the twelfth century,^ and is found in many manuscripts, often together with the works of Aristotle.* Probably by a confusion of the names Costa ben Luca and Constantinus ^ it was printed among the latter's works,®
* "Quorum enim actio ex pro- or 14th century mostly: BN 6319, prietate est non rationibus, unde Itii; 6322, Sri; 6323, S6; 6323A; sic comprehendi non potest. Ra- 6325, #17; 6567A; 6569; 8247; tionibus enim tantum comprehen- 16082; 16083; 16088; 16142; 16490. duntur que sensibus subministran- ° Specific illustrations of such tur. Aliquando ergo quedam sub- confusions between the two names stantie habent proprietatem ratione in the MSS are: BN 6296, 14th incomprehensibilem propter sui century, ttis, "... authore filio subtilitatem et sensibus non sub- Lucae Medici Constabolo" ; Brus- ministratum propter altitudinem sels, Library of Dukes of Bur- sui magnam." I doubt if these gundy 2784, 12th century, "Con- last three words refer to the in- staben" ; Sloane 2454, late 13th fluence of the stars. century, "Liber differentiae inter
^ Liber de differentia spiritus animam et spiritum quern Con-
et animae, or De differentia inter stantinus Luce amico suo scrip-
animam et spiritum. The pro- tori Regis edidit."
logue opens : "Interrogasti me — ° Constantinus Af ricanus, Ope-
honoret te Deus ! — de differen- ra, Basel, 1536, pp. 307-17, "Qui
tia . . ." voluerit scire differentiam, que est
* Steinschneider (1866), p. 404; inter duas res .../.. . Hec (1905), p. 43, "wovon ich das igitur de differentiis spiritus et Original in Gotha 1158 erkannte." anime tibi dicta sufficiant, valeto."
■"So in Corpus Christi 114, late Edited more recently by S 13th century, fol. 229, and at Paris Barach, Innsbruck, 1878, pp. 120- in the following MSS of the 13th 39.
658 MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
and indeed we find very similar views in his Pantegni ^ and in his treatise On Melancholy. The work has also been as- cribed to Augustine,^ Isaac,^ Avicenna,^ Alexander Neckam, Thomas of Cantimpre, and Albertus Magnus.^ A different work with a similar title and somewhat similar contents is the De spiritu et anima, which is printed with the works of Augustine ® but which cites such later authors as Boe- thius, Isidore, Bede, Alcuin, St. Bernard, and Hugh of St. Victor, to whom also it has been attributed.'^ Thomas Aquinas called it the work of an anonymous Cistercian.^ But to return to our treatise. The na- Costa ben Luca has, as we have hinted, some diverting
^spkitus passages in the fields of physiological psychology. He be- lieves in the existence of spiritus, which is not spirit in one of our senses of that word, but "a subtle body," unlike the soul which is incorporeal. This subtle spiritus perishes when separated from the body and it operates most of the vital processes of the body such as breathing and the pulse, sensa- tion and movement. The two former processes are operated by spiritus "arising from the heart and borne in the pulsat- ing veins to vivify the body." The two latter processes are caused by spiritus which arises from the brain and operates through the nerves. Thus spiritus is the cause of life in the body and it leaves this mortal frame with our dying gasp. The clearer and more subtle this spiritus is, the more readily it lends itself to mental processes, while the more perfect the human body, the more perfect the spiritus and the human mind. Hence the intellectual powers of children and women are inferior, and the same is true of races sub- jected to excessive heat or cold like the Ethiopians or Slays.
* Theorica, III, 12. de differencia spiritus et anime."
* Corpus Christi 154, late 13th " So says Coxe, anent Corpus century, pp. 356-74, ascribed to Christi 114, and Steinschneider Augustine in both Titulus and (iQOS), P- 43-
Explicit. ° Migne, PL 40, 779-^32.
^ S. Marco 179, 14th century, ' By Trithemius ; but earlier so
fols. 57-9, 83, Liber Ysaac de dif- cited by Vincent of Beauvais
ferentia spiritus et animae. (PL 40, 779-80). See also Exon.
* CU Gonvillc and Caius 109, 23, 13th century, fol. ig6v. 13th century, fols. i-6v, "Avicenna "Migne, PL 40, 779-80.
XXVIII
ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE
659
Here we have the same views repeated as in the Epistle con- cerning Incantation. Some physicians and philosophers think that there are two vessels in the heart and that there is more spiritus than blood in the left hand vessel and more blood than spiritus in the right hand vessel. The spiritus in the brain becomes more subtle and apt to receive the virtues of the soul by its passage from one cavity of the brain to another. The less subtle spiritus the brain uses for the five senses; Costa speaks of "hollow nerves" from the brain to the eye through which the spiritus passes for the purpose of vision. The most subtle spiritus is employed in the higher mental processes such as imagination, memory, and reason.
Costa ben Luca gives an amusing explanation of how these processes take place in the brain. The opening be- tween the anterior and posterior ventricles of the brain is closed by a sort of valve which he describes as "a particle of the body of the brain similar to a worm." When a man is in the act of recalling something to memory, this valve opens and the spiritus passes from the anterior to the pos- terior cavity. Moreover, the speed with which this valve works or responds dififers in different brains, and this fact explains why some men are of slow memory and why others answer a question so much sooner. The habit of inclining the head when deep in cogitation is also to be explained as tending to open this valve. However, the relative subtlety of the spiritus is another important factor in intel- lectual ability.
Other medieval writers differed somewhat from these views of Costa ben Luca as to the nature of spiritus and the cavities of the brain. For instance, Constantinus Africanus in his treatise On Melancholy states that the spiritus of the brain is called the rational soul, which is inconsistent with the distinction drawn between soul and spirit in the other treatise. In the eleventh century both Constantinus in his Pantegni and Anatomy or De humana
Thought explained phj'sio- logically.
Views of other medieval writers.
66o MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
natura,^ and Petrocellus the Salemitan in his Practica; ^ in the twelfth century both Hildegard of Bingen ^ and the Pseudo-Augustinian Liber de spiritu et anima; ^ in the thirteenth century both Bartholomew of England, who seems to cite Johannitius (Hunain ibn Ishak) on this point,^ and Vincent of Beauvais agree that the brain has three main cavities. The first is phantastic, from which the senses are controlled, where the sensations are registered, and where the process of imagination goes on. The middle cell is logical or rational, and there the forms received from the senses and imagination are examined and judged. The third cell retains such forms as pass this examination and so is the seat of memory.® The Pseudo-Augustine, however, represents it further as the source of motor activity. Con- stantinus and Vincent of Beauvais, who quotes him in the thirteenth century, further distinguish the phantastic cavity as hot and dry, the logical cell as cold and moist, and the seat of memory as cold and dry. Moreover, the phantastic cell which multiplies forms contains a great deal of spiritus and very little medulla, while the cell of memory which re- tains the smaller number of forms selected by reason con- tains much medulla and little spiritus. Thus the general point of view of these other authors resembles that of Costa ben Luca despite the divergence from him in details. They perhaps also owe something to Augustine, who in his genuine works speaks of the three cells of the brain but makes the
* Both passages were excerpted ® Similarly E. G. Browne (1921), by Vincent of Beauvais, Specu- p. 123, writing of Arabian medi- lum naturale, XXIX, 41. cine and Avicenna, says, "Corre-
" De Renzi (1852-9) IV, 189; sponding with the five external
Petrocellus is very brief on the senses, taste, touch, hearing,
cells of the brain. smelling, and seeing, are the five
'Singer (1917), pp. 45 and 51, internal senses, of which the first
has noted that Hildegard's de- and second, the compound sense
scription of the brain as divided (or 'sensus communis') and the
into three chambers is anteceded imagination, are located in the an-
by the Liber de humana natura terior ventricle of the brain; the
of Constantinus, and contained "in third and fourth, the co-ordinat-
the writings of St. Augustine." ing and emotional faculties, in the
* PL 40, 795, cap. 22. mid-brain ; and the fifth, the mem- '^De proprietatibus rerum, III, cry, in the hind-brain." Galen had
10 and 16; V, 3. somewhat similar ideas.
XXVIII ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE 66i
hind-brain the center of motor activity, and the mid-brain the seat of memory.^
Thabit ibn Kurrah ibn Marwan ibn Karaya ibn Ibrahim Thebit ibn Marines ibn Salamanos (Abu Al Hasan) Al Harrani ^orat or Thabit ben Corrah ben Zahrun el Harrani, or Tabit ibn Qorra ibn Merwan, Abu'l-Hasan, el-Harrani, or Thabit ben Qorrah or Thabit ibn Qurra, or Tabit ibn Korrah, or Thabit ben Korra, as he is variously designated by modern scholars ; - or Thebit ben Corat, or Thebith ben Corath, or Thebit filius Core, or Thebites filius Chori, also Tabith, Te- bith, Thabit, Thebeth, Thebyth, and Benchorac, ben corach, etc., as we find it in the medieval Latin versions — Thebit ben Corat seems the prevalent medieval spelling and so will be adopted here — was born at Harran in Mesopotamia about 836, spent much of his life at Bagdad, and lived until about 901.^ He wrote in Arabic as well as Syriac, but was not a Mohammedan, and Roger Bacon alludes to him as "the supreme philosopher among all Christians, who has added in many respects, speculative as well as practical, to the work of Ptolemy." "* As a matter of fact, he was a heathen or pagan, a member of the sect of Sabians, whose chief seat was at his birth-place, Harran.
The Sabians appear to have continued the paganism The and astrology of Babylonia, but also to have accepted the Agathodaemon and Hermes of Egypt,^ and to have had relations with Gnosticism and Neo-Platonism. They seem to have laid especial stress upon the spirits of the planets,^ to whom they made prayers, sacrifices, and suffumigations,^ while days on which the planets reached their culminating-
* De Gencsi ad litteram, VII, 18 tain whether the length of his
(PL 34, 364). life is given in lunar or solar
^The fullest treatment of him years: see Chwolson, I, 532-3,
will be found in D. A. Chwolson, 547-8. _ Die Ssabier und der Ssabismns, ''Bridges, I, 394.
Petrograd, 1856, 2 vols., passim. ^ Carra de Vaux, Azncenne,
For a list of his v^orks see Stein- Paris, 1900, p. 68. Schneider. Zeitschrift f. Math., "Chwolson, II, 406, 422, 431,
XVIII, 331-38. 440, 453, 610, 703.
'There is some difficulty with 'Ibid.. I. 741; II, 7, 258, 386,
these dates or their Arabic equiv- 677, etc. alents, because we are not cer-
Sabians.
662
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
Thebit's relations to Sabi- anism.
points were celebrated as festivals.^ They observed the houses and stations of the planets, their risings and settings, conjunctions and oppositions, and rule over certain hours of the day and night,^ Some planets were masculine, others feminine ; some lucky, others unlucky ; ^ they were related to different metals ; * the different members of the human body were placed under different signs of the zodiac;^ and in general each planet had its own appropriate figures and forms, and ruled over certain climates, regions, and things ® in nature. Most of this, however, is astrological commonplace whether of pagans, Mohammedans, or Chris- tians. Nor were the Sabians peculiar in associating in- tellectual substances or spirits with the planets.'^ It was only in worshiping these and denying the existence of one God and in their practice of sacrificial divination that they could be distinguished as heathen or pagan. However, they seem to have devoted a rather unusual amount of attention to astrology and other forms of magic such as oracular heads, ^ magic knots and figures,® and seal-rings carved with peculiar animal figures. These last they often buried with the dead for a time in order to increase their virtue. -^^ Thebit, at any rate, seems to have prided himself upon being a descendant of pagan antiquity. In a passage prais- ing his native town he said, "We are the heirs and posterity of heathenism," ^^ and he described with veneration a ruined Greek temple at Antioch,^^ He had, however, some religious disagreement with the Sabians of Harran and was finally forced to leave. ^^ He met a philosopher who took him to Bagdad where he became one of the Caliph's astronomers ^* and founded there a Sabian community to his own taste.
'Chwolson, II, 386-97, 500, 525, 530, 676.
"Ibid., I, 737, 'Ibid., II, 30, 373. *Ibid., II, 411, 658, 839. Ubid., II, 253. "Ibid., I, 738. 'Ibid., I, 733-4, ^Ibid., II, 19, 148, 150. ''Ibid., II, 21, 138-9, "^Ibid., I, 526; II, 141,
" Quoted by Bishop Gregory Bar-hebraeus in his Syrian Chron- icle: Chwolson, I, 177-80.
"Chwolson, I, 195; II, 623,
"Ibid., I, 482-3.
" Again there seems to be un- certainty as to dates, since the Arabic sources name a caHph who was not contemporary with the philosopher in question : Chwol- son, I, 548-9,
XXVIII
ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE
663
His numerous religious writings show the value which he attached to various Sabian usages and rites : ceremonials at burials, hours of prayer, rules of purity and impurity and concerning the animals to be sacrificed, readings in honor of the difTferent planets.^
Thebit was a writer of encyclopedic range and trans- lated from the Greek ^ into Arabic or Syriac such authors as Apollonius, Archimedes, Aristotle, Euclid, Hippocrates, and Galen. He "was famed above all as a philosopher," ^ but most of his philosophical works are lost, but some geo- metrical treatises by him are extant, and a work on weights appears in Latin translation.'* A group of four astronomical treatises by him also occurs with fair frequency in medieval manuscripts.^ On the basis of these specimens of his as- tronomy Delambre was not moved to assign him any great place in the history of the science ; ^ Chwolson objects that they are too brief to do him justice,''^ but they are probably the cream of his own contributions to the subject or the middle ages would not have translated and preserved them so sedulously.
Whatever Thebit's contributions to positive knowledge may or may not have been, there is no dispute as to the fact that he was given to occult science and even superstition. His attitude towards alchemy, indeed, is doubtful, as a work of alchemy is ascribed to him in one manuscript of
'Chwolson, I, 485. Chwolson ® Harleian 13, fol. 118- Thebit
perhaps lays himself open a little de motu octave spere; fol. I20v-
to the charge of arguing in a cir- cle, since Thebit's writings are his main source concerning Sabian- ism.
^ Ibid., I, 553-64, for a list of his translations of, extracts from, and commentaries upon Greek works.
^Ibid., I, 484.
■•BN 10260, i6th century, "In- cipit liber Karastoni de ponderi- bus .../... editus a Thebit filio Core." Also in BN ysyyB, 14- 15th century, S3; 7424, 14th cen- tury, S6; Vienna 5203, 15th cen- tury, fols. 172-80. For other MSS see Bjornbo (1911) 140.
Liber Thebith ben Corath de his qui indigent expositione ante- quam legitur Almagestum ; 123- Liber Thebit de ymaginatione spere et circulorum eius diver- sorum ; 124V- Liber Thebith de quantitatibus stellarum et plane- tarum.
Also in Harl. 3647, #11-14; Tanner 192, 14th century, fol. 103- ; BN 7195, 14th century, S12- 15; Magliabech. XI-117, 14th cen- tury; CUL 1767 (li. Ill, 3) 1276 A. D., fols. 86-96; and many other MSS.
'Delambre (1819) 73.
' Chwolson, I, 551.
Thebit as ency- clopedist, philoso- pher, as- tronomer.
His occujt science.
664
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
the fourteenth century and some notes against the art in another.^ But of his adhesion to astrology there is no doubt," and Chwolson notes his interest in the mystic power of letters and magic combinations of them.^ But the one outstanding example of his occult science is his treatise on images, which seems to have been a favorite with the Latin middle ages, since it appears to have been translated into Latin twice, by Adelard of Bath ^ and by John of Seville,^
*BN 6514, #10, Thebit de alchy- mia; Amplon. Quarto 312, written before 1323 A. D., fol. 29, Notule Thebith contra alchimiam.
^A work on judgments is as- cribed to him in a Munich MS, CLM 588, 14th century, fol. 189- Thebites de iudiciis; followed by, 220- Liber iudicialis Ptolomei, 233- Libellus de iudiciis, and 238- Modus iudicandi. The treatise on fifteen stars, fifteen herbs, and fifteen stones, which as we have seen is usually ascribed to Hermes or Enoch, is attributed to Thebit in at least one MS, BN 7^37, page 129-.
'I, 551.
* Lyons 328, fols. 70-74, Liber prestigiorum Thebidis (Elbidis) secundum Ptolemeum et Herme- tem per Adhelardum bathonien- sem translatus, opening, "Qui- cunque geometria atque philosopia peritus astronomiae expers fuerit ociosus est." In this MS the treatise closes with the words, "ut prestigiorum artifex facultate non decidat." This seems to be the only MS known where the translation is ascribed to Adelard of Bath. It seems to have once been part of Avranches 235, 12th century, where the same title is listed in the table of contents. Haskins, in EHR (1911) 495, fails to identify the work, calling it "a treatise on horoscopes." It is to be noted, however, that Al- bertus Magnus in listing bad nec- romantic books on images in the Speculum astronomiae (cap. xi, Borgnet, X, 641) gives the same Incipit for a liber praestigiorum by Hermes, "Qui geometriae aut philosophiae peritus, expers astro-
nomiae fuerit . . .** Undoubtedly the two were the same.
® Of John of Seville's translation the MSS are more numerous. The following will serve as a repre- sentative. Royal 12-C-XVIII, 14th century, fols. I0v-i2r, "Dixit thebyth bencorat et dixit aristo- teles qui philosophiam et geomet- riam exercet et omnem scien- tiam legit et ab astronomia va- cuus fuerit erit occupatus et vacuus quod dignior geometria et altior philosophia est ymaginum scientia. / Explicit tractatus de imaginibus Thebith Bencorath translatus a lohanne Hyspalensi atque Limiensi in Limia ex Ara- bico in Latinum. Sit laus dec maximo."
This is the version cited by Michael Scot in his Liber Intro- duct orius (Bodleian 266, fol. 200) where he gives the Incipit, "Dixe- runt enim thebith benchorath et aristoteles quod si quis philoso- phiam . . . ," etc., substantially as above.
But now comes a good joke on Albertus, who has listed among good astronomical books of images (Speculum astronomiae, cap. xi, Borgnet, p. 642) the work of "Thebith eben chorath" open- ing "Dixit A. qui philosophi- am . . ." which of course is that just mentioned. Thus he con- demns one translation of the same book and approves the other ; is he perhaps having some fun at the expense of the opponents of both astrology and necromancy?
It will be noted that it is Aris- totle, rather than Hermes or Ptdiuny, who is cited at the start ii; jo'.iu of Seville's translation. I
XXVIII
ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE
66s
since the manuscripts of it are numerous/ and it also was printed,^ and since Thebit is cited as an authority on the subject of images by such medieval writers as Roger Bacon, Albertus Magnus,^ the author of Picatrix,^ Peter of Abano,^ and Cecco d'Ascoli.^
The work begins by emphasizing the need of a knowl- edge of astronomy in order to perform feats of magic (praestigia) . The images described are astronomical or astrological and must be constructed under prescribed con- stellations in order to fulfill the end sought. Often, how- ever, they are human forms rather than astronomical figures. It is not necessary to engrave them upon gems; Thebit ex- pressly states that the material of which they are made or
therefore am uncertain whether Chwolson has our Jreatise in mind, when he speaks of Thebit's commenting upon "eine pseudo- hermetische Schrift iiber TaHs- mane u.s.w." In the printed text of 1559 Aristotle and Ptolemy are cited in the first paragraph, but in the MSS Aristotle is cited twice.
^ Some other MSS differ slight- ly from the foregoing in their opening words, but perhaps not enough to sjuggest a third transla- tion:
Ashmole 346, i6th century, fols. 113-15V, "Incipit liber de ymagi- nibus secundum Thebit. In no- mine pii et misericordis Dei. Dixit Thebit qui geometric aut philosophic expers fuerit."
Bodleian 463 (Bernard 2456), written in Spain, 14th century, fols. 75r-75v, "Dixit thebit ben- corat Ar. qui legit phylosophiam et geumetriam et omnem scien- tiam et alienus fuerit ab astrono- mia erit impeditus vel occupatus."
The following MSS ascribe the translation to John of Spain and have the usual opening words, "Dixit Thebit ben Corat, Dixit Aristoteles, qui philosophiam, etc."
Digby 194, 15th century, fol. I45V-.
S. Marco XI-102, 14th century, fols. 150-53.
Berlin 963, 15th century, fol.
140- "Dixit thebit ben corach Cum volueris operari de ymagi- nibus," but then at fol. 199, w.ith the usual Incipit.
Harleian 80 has the first part missing but ends, fol. 76r, like John's translation.
Still other MSS are:
Harleian 3647, 13th century,
Sloane 3S46, fols. 86V-93; 3847; and 3883, fols. 87-93 : all three 17th century.
Amplon. Quarto 174, 14th cen- tury, fols. 120-1.
BN 7282, 15th century, #4, in- terprete Joanne Hispalensi.
Berlin 964, 15th century, fols.
213-5-
Vienna 2378, 14th century, fols. 41-63.
CLM 27, I4-I5th century, fols. 7'^-77', 59, 15th century, fols. 239- 43.
Florence II-iii-214, 15th century, fols. 1-4, "Incipit liber Thebit Benchorac de scientia omigarum et imaginum. (D) ixit Aristot- tiles qui."
^De tribus imaginibus magicis, Frankfurt, 1559.
^Mineral. II, iii, 3.
* Magliabech. XX-2Q, fol. I2r; Sloane 1305, fol. igr.
" Conciliator, Diff. X., fol. 16GH, in ed. Venice, 1526.
° Commentary on the Sphere, cap. 3.
Astrologi- cal and magic images.
666 MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
upon which they are engraved is unimportant, and that lead or tin or bronze or gold or silver or wax or mud or any- thing you please will do. The essential thing and "the per- fection of mastery" is careful conformity to astrological conditions. This science of images is indeed, as Aristotle and Ptolemy have testified, the acme of astrology. Never- theless, after the image has been properly constructed, there is usually some non-astrological ceremony to be executed in connection with it which savors of magic. Often the image is to be buried, not however in a grave as in the case of the ancient curses upon lead tablets, but in the house of someone concerned. Once two images are to be placed facing each other and wrapped in a clean cloth before burying them. Instructions are also given as to the direction in which the person burymg the image should face. Also forms of words are prescribed which are to be repeated as the image is buried. Once the name of the person whom it is desired to injure is to be written with "names of hate on the back of the image." Among the objects supposed to be achieved by such images are driving off scorpions, de- stroying a given region, causing misfortunes to happen to others, recovery of stolen objects, success in business or politics, protection from possible injury at the hands of the king, or the causing of an enemy's death by bringing him into disfavor with the monarch. The treatise closes, {it least in the printed text, with an admission of its essen- tially magic character by saying, "And this is what God the highest wished to reveal to his servants concerning magic, that His name may be honored and praised and ever exalted through the ages." But no mention is made of demons, unless an instruction to name one image "by a famous name" alludes to some spirit.
We shall now conclude the present survey with some account of Rasis and his writings, with the exception of a number of books of experiments ascribed to him, but which it is impossible to separate from those ascribed to Galen
XXVIII ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE 667
and other authors, and of which we shall treat later under the head of such experimental literature.
The full name of Rasis or Rhazes was Abu Bakr Life of Muhammad ibn Zakariya ar-Razi/ the last word indicating his birthplace in Persia. The date of his birth is uncertain, perhaps about 850. He died in 923 or 924.^ For the facts of his life we are dependent upon two Arabic writers of the thirteenth century ^ who do little except tell one "good" story after another about him, or quote his famous sayings, most of which sound as if culled from the works of Galen. When about thirty years of age Rasis came to Bagdad and is said to have been attracted to the study of medicine by hearing how an inflamed and swollen forearm which gave great pain was marvelously cured by the application of an herb, which came to be called "the vivifier of the world." In the early years of the tenth century Rasis served as physi- cian in the hospital at Bagdad. According to Withington he has been called "the first and most original of the great Moslem physicians." He also was interested in philosophy and alchemy, as his writings will show.
There has come down to us a list of some 232 works His 232 ascribed to Rasis. ^ Some of them are probably merely dif- '"^^o''^^- ferent wordings of the same title, others are very likely chapters repeated from his longer works, but at any rate they serve to give us some idea of his interests and the
^Also given as Muhammad ibn the general account of the life
Zakariya (Abu Bakr) ar-Razi and and works of Rasis which fol-
Abu Bekr Mohammed ben Zac- lows I am indebted to G. S. A.
hariah. _ Ranking's "The Life and Works
* Withington in his Medical His- of Rhazes," pp. 237-68, in Trans-
tory, 1894, gives the date as 932, actions of the Seventeenth Inter-
perhaps by a misprint. national Congress of Medicine,
/Ibn Abi Usaibi'a (1203-1269, Section XXIII, London, 1913. himself a physician and son of "The list is reproduced by
an oculist) "Sources of Informa- Ranking (1913) in Arabic and
tion concerning Classes of Phy- Latin, largely on the basis of a
sicians," compiled at Damascus, MS at the University of Glasgow,
1245-1246, ed. by Midler, Cairo, which contains a Latin transla-
1882; and Ibn Khallikan (1211- tion by a Greek priest, who died
1282), "Obituaries of Men of in 1729, of the Arabic work of
Note," written between 1256 and Usaibi'a, or part of it, mentioned
1274. _ in the previous note : Hunterian
For these titles and most of Library, MS 44, fols. i-igv.
668 MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
ground he covered, although of course some may be in- correctly attributed to him. Editions of the Latin trans- lations of some of his chief medical works were printed before the end of the fifteenth century at Milan in 1481 and Bergamo in 1497.-^ These contain the famous Liber Alman- soris or Liber El-Mansuri dictus with its ten subordinate treatises: (i) introduction to medicine and discussion of human anatomy, (2) the doctrine of temperaments and humors and a discussion of the art of physiognomy,^ with a chapter on how to select slaves, (3) diet and drugs, (4) hygiene, (5) cosmetics, (6) rules of health and medicines for travelers, (7) surgery or "the art of binding up broken bones and concerning wounds and ulcers," (8) poisons, (9) treatment of diseases from head to foot, (10) fevers. Fol- lowing this in both editions come his works on Divisions, on diseases of the joints, on the diseases of children, and his Aphorisms or six books of medicinal secrets. Other writings by Rasis found in one or both of the printed edi- tions are a brief treatise on Surgery, Cautery, and Leeches,^ the book of Synonyms, the table of antidotes, and some others which we shall have occasion to mention later. His treatise on the pestilence or on smallpox and measles was printed many times from the fifteenth to sixteenth century. Char- In the list of 232 titles are three works which all seem
discussed ^^ ^^^^ °^ ^^^ same point and are perhaps different descrip- tions of one treatise, or else show that this was a favorite theme with Rasis. The idea in all three seems to be that no physician is perfect or can cure all diseases of all patients,
*I have examined both these duced separately: see Wolfenbiit-
editions at the British Museum ; tel 2885, 15th century, f ol. i,
Withington does not mention Phisonomia Rasis, fol. 2, Phiso-
them in his History of Medicine, nomia Aristetehs, Rasis et Philo-
but cites editions of the Conti- menis, summorum magistrorum
nens, Venice, 1542, and Opera in philosophia.
Parva, 1510, and a modern edi- ^ It occupies but a little over
tion (1858) by the Sydenham So- three pages in the 1481 edition,
ciety of On the Small Pox and Since in the middle of the treatise
Measles. The pages are not we read "Magister rasis fecit cau-
numbered in the edition of 1481, terizari quidem artheticum . . . ,"
so that I shall not be able to give etc., it is perhaps by a disciple
exact references to them. rather than Rasis himself.
' This was sometimes repro-
XXVIII
ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE
669
that this is why many persons go to charlatans, and why sometimes quacks, old-wives, and popular practice succeed in certain cases where the most learned doctors have failed.^
Other titles show that Rasis was interested in natural His science and not merely in the practice of medicine. Besides n"afj"l *" what would appear to have been a general treatise entitled, science. Opinions concerning^ Natural Things, he wrote on optics, holding that vision was not by rays sent forth from the eye, and discussing some of the figures in the work on optics ascribed to Euclid. In a letter he inquired into the reason for the creation of wild beasts and venomous reptiles ; and in a third treatise wrote of the magnet's attraction for iron and of vacuums.^ His interest in natural philosophy of a rather theoretical sort is indicated by an Explanation of the book of Plutarch or commentary on the book of Timaeus.^ Other titles attest his experimental tendency.^
Eight titles deal with alchemy ^ and show that Rasis Rasis regarded transmutation as possible. One is a reply to alchemy. Alkindi who held the opposite opinion.^ None of these writings seem to be extant in Arabic, however, and the Latin works of alchemy ascribed to Rasis are generally regarded as spurious. The thirteenth century encyclopedist, Vincent
* 79, Dissertatio de causis quae plerorumque hominum anifnos a praestantissimts ad viliores quos- que medicos solent deAectere.
124, Liber, Quod nicdicus acu- tus no'n sit ille qui possit omnes curare morbos quoniam hoc non est in hominum potestate . . . ,
125, Epistola, Quod artifex om- nibus mim-eris absoluttis in qua- cumque arte non existat nedum, in medicina speciatitn: et de causa cur invperiti medici, vulgns, et etiam mulieres in civitatibus, foe- liciores sint in sanandis quihusdam morbis quant znri doctissimi et de excusatioiie medici hoc propter.
There appears to be a German translation by Steinschneider of this work by Rasis on the suc- cess of quacks and charlatans in Virchow's Archiv f. Patholo- gische Anatomie,XXX\l, 570-S6.
'' Ranking (1913), #180, 15, 138, 163.
^ Ibid., tfi37; also 145, Supple- mentuni libris Plutarchi.
* Ibid. $126, Liber, De probatis et experientia compertis in arte medica; per modtim syntagmatis est digcstus. #205, Liber, Quod in morbis qui determinari atque explicari non possunt oporieat ut medicus sit assiduus apud aegro- tantem et debeat uti experimentis ad illos cognoscendos. Et de me- dici ifuctatione.
^ Ibid. S25, 26, 32-35> 38, 40. I should guess that 201, Arcanum arcanorum de sapientia, was the same as 35, Arcanum arcanorum.
^ Ibid. ^40, Responsio ad philo- sophum cl-Kendi eo quod artem al-Chymi in impossibili posue- rit.
670 MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
of Beauvais, made a number of citations from the treatise De salibus et aluminibus attributed to Rasis, but Berthelot ^ regarded this work as later than Rasis and it is not found among our eight titles. The Lumen luminis, which is as- cribed to Rasis ^ and seems to have been translated by Michael Scot ^ in the early thirteenth century, is also mainly devoted to these two substances, salts and alums. A Book of Seventy is ascribed to Rasis as well as to Geber. Berthe- lot was inclined to think that a Book of Secrets perhaps went back to Rasis. At least some good stories are told by Arabic chroniclers of Rasis' connection with alchemy. One is to the effect that he abandoned the art as a result of a sound beating to which the caliph subjected him when he failed to transmute metals at order. Another states that in preparing the elixir he injured his eyes with its vapors and was cured by a physician who charged him a fee of five hundred dinars. Rasis paid the doctor's bill, but, re- marking that at last he had discovered the true alchemy and the best art of making gold, devoted the remainder of his life to the study and practice of medicine.^ Titles sug- Rasis also wrote treatises on mathematics and the stars asSoIo^^ but it is not always easy to infer their contents from the and magic, titles which have alone reached us or to tell when mathe- matica means astrology. In one work he seems to have shown the excellence and utility of mathematica, but to have confuted those who extolled it beyond measure.^ In a letter he denied that the rising and setting of the sun and other planets was because of the earth's motion and held that it was due to the movement of the celestial orb.^ In another letter he discussed the opinion of natural philoso- phers concerning the sciences of the stars and whether or
* Berthelot (1893), I, 68 and latus a magistro michahele scotto
286-7. On the alchemy of Rasis philosopho." Printed by J. Wood
see further in this same volume Brown (1897), p. 240 et seq.
the chapter, L'Alchimie de Rasis * Lippmann (1919), P- 400, cit-
et du Pseudo-Aristote. ing the Biographies of Albaihaqi
'BN 6514 and 7156. (1105-1169).
'Riccardian 119, fol. 35v, "Inci- "Ranking, #8.
pit liber luminis luminum trans- 'Ibid. #107.
XXVIII ARABIC OCCULT SCIENCE 671
not the stars were living beings.^ Rasis also discussed the difference between dreams from which the future can be forecast and other dreams.^ The title, Of exorcisms, fasci- nations, and incantations, under which, according to Negri's Latin translation Rasis discussed the causes and cures of diseases by these methods and magic arts, should, in Ran- king's opinion, be more accurately translated as The Book of Dimsions and Branches.^ A work On the Necessity of Prayer is also included in the list of 232 works ascribed to Rasis,* while a Lapidary produced for Wenzel II of Bohemia (1278-1305) cites Rasis On the mrtues of words and characters.^
Herewith we conclude our present survey of Arabian Conclu- occult science especially in the ninth century, although in the following chapters we shall frequently encounter its influence. We have found the occult science closely asso- ciated with natural science and difficult to sever from it. In the authors and works reviewed we have found both scepticism and superstition, both rationalism and empiricism. But perhaps the most impressive point is that even super- stition pretends to be or attempts to be scientific.
* Ranking, #134. Other titles 'Ibid. fii3.
in mathematics and astronomy ^ Ibid. S51.
are: 73, Liber de sphaeris et men- * Ibid. #158, De 'necessitate pre-
suris compendiosis; 128, De scp- cationis.
tern planetis et de sapientia; 155, " Printed as the Lapidary of
De quadrato in mathesi epistola; Aristotle, Merseburg, 1473, p. 2. also 109 and no.