I. Its Place in the History of Science

We should have to search long before finding a better start- ing-point for the consideration of the union of magic with the science of the Roman Empire, and of the way in which that union influenced the middle ages, than Pliny's Natural History} The foregoing sentence, with which years ago I opened a chapter on the Natural History of Pliny the Elder in my briefer preliminary study of magic in the intel- lectual history of the Roman Empire, seems as true as ever; and although I there considered his confusion of magic and science at some length, I do not see how I can make the present work well-rounded and complete without including in it a yet more detailed analysis of the contents of Pliny's book.
Pliny's Natural History, which appeared about yy A. D. and is dedicated to the Emperor Titus, is perhaps the most
which is superior to both the Ger- man editions in its explanatory notes and subject index, and which also apparently antedates them in some readings suggested for doubtful passages in the text. Three modes of dividing the Natural History into chapters are indicated in the editions of Janus and Detlefsen. I shall employ that found in the earlier editions of Hardouin, Valpy, Lemaire, and Ajasson, and preferred in the English translation of Bostock and Riley.
* "Farewell, Nature, parent of all things, and in thy manifold multiplicity bless me who, alone of the Romans, has sung thy praise."
' For the Latin text of the Naturalis Historia I have used the editions of D. Detlefsen, Berlin, 1866-1882, and L. Janus, Leipzig, 1870, 6 vols, in 3 ; 5 vols, in 3. There is, however, a good English translation of the Natural History, with an introductory essay, by J. Bostock and H. T. Riley, Lon- don, 1855, 6 vols. (Bohn Library),
II PLINY'S NATURAL HISTORY 43
important single source extant for the history of ancient civilization. Its thirty-seven books, written in a very com- pact style, constitute a vast collection of the most miscel- laneous information. Whether one is investigating ancient painting, sculpture, and other fine arts ; or the geography of the Roman Empire; or Roman triumphs, gladiatorial con- tests, and theatrical exhibitions; or the industrial processes of antiquity; or Mediterranean trade; or Italian agriculture; or mining in ancient Spain; or the history of Roman coin- age; or the fluctuation of prices in antiquity; or the Roman attitude towards usury; or the pagan attitude towards im- mortality ; or the nature of ancient beverages ; or the relig- ious usages of the ancient Romans ; or any of a number of other topics ; one will find something concerning all of them in Pliny, He is apt both to depict such conditions in his own time and to trace them back to their origins. Further- more he repeats many detailed incidents of interest to the political or narrative historian of Rome as well as to the student of the economic, social, artistic, and religious life of antiquity. Probably there is no place where an isolated point is more likely to be run down by the investigator, and it is regrettable that exhaustive analytical indices of the work are not available. We may add that, although the work is supposedly a collection of facts, Pliny contrives to introduce many moral reflections and sharp comments on the luxury, vice, and unintellectual character of his times, suggesting Juvenal's picture of degenerate Roman society and his own lofty moral standards.
Indeed, Pliny's title, Naturalis Historia, or at least the ^g ^ common English translation of it, "Natural History," has repository
, . . . , ,. . , . , , 1,1 of ancient
been criticized as too limited m scope, and the work has been natural described as "rather a vast encyclopedia of ancient knowl- science. edge and belief upon almost every known subject." ^ Pliny himself mentions in his preface the Greek word "encyclopedia" as indicative of his scope. Nevertheless, his work is primarily an account of nature rather than of civili- *Bostock and Riley (1855), I, xvi.
44 MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
zation, and much of its information concerning such mat- ters as the arts and business is incidental. Most of its books bear such titles as Aquatic Animals, Exotic Trees, Medi- cines from Forest Trees, The Natures of Metals. After an introductory book containing the preface and a table of con- tents and lists of authorities for each of the subsequent books, the second book treats of the universe, heavenly bodies, meteorology, and the chief changes, such as earth- quakes and tides, in the land and water forming the earth's surface. After four books devoted to geography, the sev- enth deals with man and human inventions. Four more fol- low on terrestrial and aquatic animals, birds, and insects. Sixteen more are concerned with plants, trees, vines, and other vegetation, and the medicinal simples derived from them. Five books discuss the medicinal simples derived from animals, including the human body; and the last five books treat of metals and minerals and the arts in which they are employed. It is thus evident that in the main Pliny is concerned with natural science, and that, if his work is a mine of miscellaneous historical information, it should even more prove a rich treasure-house — "quoniam, ut ait Do- mitius Piso, thesauros oportet esse non libros" ^ — for an in- vestigation concerned as intimately as is ours with the his- tory of science.
The Natural History is a great storehouse of misinfor- mation as well as of information, for Pliny's credulity and lack of discrimination harvested the tares of legend and magic along with the wheat of historical fact and ancient science in his voluminous granary. This may put other his- torical investigators upon their guard in accepting its state- ments, but only increases its value for our purpose. Per- haps it is even more valuable as a collection of ancient er- rors than it is as a repository of ancient science. It touches upon many of the varieties, and illustrates most of the char- acteristics, of magic. Moreover, Pliny often mentions the Magi or magicians and discusses "magic" expressly at some
*NH. Preface.
11 PLINY'S NATURAL HISTORY 45
length in the opening chapters of his thirtieth book — one of the most important passages on the theme in any ancient writer.
PHny the Elder, as we learn from his own statements in Piin/s the Natural History and from one or two letters concerning ^^^^c"*- him written by his nephew, Pliny the Younger, whom he adopted, went through the usual military, forensic, and offi- cial career of the Roman of good family, and spent his life largely in the service of the emperors. He visited vari- ous Mediterranean lands, such as Spain, Africa, Greece, and Egypt, and fought in Germany. He was in charge of the Roman fleet on the west coast of Italy when he met his death at the age of fifty-six by suffocation as he was trying to rescue others from the fumes and vapors from the erup- tion of Mount Vesuvius.
Of Pliny's writings the Natural History is alone extant. His but other titles have been preserved which serve to show his writings, great literary industry and the extent of his interests. He wrote on the use of the javelin by cavalry, a life of his friend Pomponius, an account in twenty books of all the wars waged by the Romans in Germany, a rather long work on oratory called The Student, a grammatical or philo- logical work in eight books entitled De dubio sermone, and a continuation of the History of Aufidius Bassus in thirty- one books. Yet in the dedication of the Natural History to the emperor Titus he states that his days were taken up with official business and only his nights were free for literary labor. This statement is supported by a letter of his nephew telling how he used to study by candle-light both late at night and before daybreak. Pliny the Younger narrates sev- eral incidents to illustrate how jealous and economical of every spare moment his uncle was. He would dictate or have books read to him while lying down or in the bath, and on journeys a secretary was always by his side with books and tablets. If the weather was very cold, the amanuensis wore gloves so that his hands might not become too numb to write. Pliny always took notes on what he read, and at
46
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
History.
his death left his nephew one hundred and sixty notebooks written in a small hand on both sides. His own Such were the conditions under which, and the methods
description ^y which, Pliny compiled his encyclopedia on nature. No Natural single writer either Greek or Latin, he tells us, had ever be- fore attempted so extensive a task. He adds that he treats of some twenty thousand topics gleaned from the perusal of about two thousand volumes by one hundred authors.^ Judging from his bibliographies and citations, however, he would seem to have utilized more than one hundred au- thors. But possibly he had not read all the writers men- tioned in his bibliographies. He affirms that previous stu- dents have had access to but few of the volumes which he has used, and that he adds many things unknown to his ancient authorities and recently discovered. Occasionally he shows an acquaintance with beliefs and practices of the Gauls and Druids. Thus his work assumes to be something more tlian a compilation from other books. He says, how- ever, that no doubt he has omitted much, since he is only human and has had many other demands upon his time. He admits that his subject is dry (sterilis materia) and does not lend itself to literary exhibitions, nor include matters stimu- lating to write about and pleasant to read about, like speeches and marvelous occurrences and varied incidents. Nor does it permit purity and elegance of diction, since one must at times employ the terminology of rustics, foreigners, and even barbarians. Furthermore, "it is an arduous task to give novelty to what is ancient, authority to what is new, interest to what is obsolete, light to what is obscure, charm to what is loathsome" — as many of his medicinal simples undoubtedly are — "credit to what is dubious."
It is a great comfort to Pliny, however, in his immense task, when many laugh at him as wasting his time over worthless trifles, to reflect that he is being spurned along with Nature.^ In another passage ^ he contrasts the blood
His devo tion to science.
NH, Preface.
NH, xxn, 7.
NH, n, 6.
II PLINY'S NATURAL HISTORY 47
and slaug'hter of military history with the benefits bestowed upon mankind by astronomers. In a third passage ^ he looks back regretfully at the widespread interest in science among the Greeks, although those were times of political disunion and strife and although communication between different lands was interrupted by piracy as well as war, whereas now, with the whole empire at peace, not only is no new scientific inquiry undertaken, but men do not even thoroughly study the works of the ancients, and are intent on the acquisition of lucre rather than learning. These and other passages which might be cited attest Pliny's devotion to science.
In Pliny we also detect signs of the conflict between Conflict. science and religion. In a single chapter on God he says ^"^^ pretty much all that the church fathers later repeated at religion, much greater length against paganism and polytheism. But his discussion would hardly satisfy a Christian. He asserts that "it is God for man to aid his fellow man,- and this is the path to eternal glory," but he turns this noble sentiment to justify deification of the emperors who have done so much for mankind. He questions whether God is concerned with human affairs; slyly suggests that if so, God must be too busy to punish all crimes promptly; and points out that there are some things which God cannot do. He cannot commit suicide as men can, nor alter past events, nor make twice ten anything else than twenty. Pliny then concludes : "By which is revealed in no uncertain wise the power of Nature, and that is what we call God." In many other pas- sages he exclaims at Nature's benignity or providence. He believed that the soul had no separate existence from the body, ^ and that after death there was no more sense left in body or soul than was there before birth. The hope of per- sonal immortality he scorned as "puerile ravings" produced by the fear of death, and he believed still less in the possibility of any resurrection of the body. In short, natural law, me-
NH, II, 46. iuvare mortalem. . , ."
'NH, II, 5. "Deus est mortali ' NH, VII, 56.
48 MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
chanical force, and facts capable of scientific investigation would seem to be all that he will admit and to suffice to satisfy his strong intellect. Yet we shall later find him hav- ing the greatest difficulty in distinguishing between science and magic, and giving credence to many details in science which seem to us quite as superstitious as the pagan beliefs concerning the gods which he rejected. But if any reader is inclined to belittle Pliny for this, let him first stop and think how Pliny would ridicule some modern scientists for their religious beliefs, or for their spiritualism or psychic re- search. Pliny not It is desirable, however, to form some estimate of Pliny's
naturalfst. fitness for his task in order to judge how accurate a picture of ancient science his work is. He does not seem to have had much detailed training or experience in the natural sci- ences himself. He writes not as a naturalist who has ob- served widely and profoundly the phenomena and opera- tions of nature, but as an omnivorous reader and volumin- ous note-taker who owes his knowledge largely to books or hearsay, although occasionally he says "I know" instead of **they say," or gives the results of his own observation and experience. In the main he is not a scientist himself but only a historian of science or nature; after all, his title, Natural History, is a very fitting one. The question, of course, arises whether he has sufficient scientific training to evaluate properly the work of the past. Has he read the best authors, has he noted their best passages, has he under- stood their meaning? Does he repeat inferior theories and omit the correcter views of certain Alexandrian scientists? These questions are hard to answer. On his behalf it may be said that he deals little with abstruse scientific theory and mainly with simple substances and geographical places, mat- ters in which it seems difficult for him to go far astray. Scientific specialists were not numerous in those days, any- way, and science had not yet so far advanced and ramified that one man might not hope to cover the entire field and do it substantial justice. Pliny the Younger was perhaps
II
PLINY'S NATURAL HISTORY 49
authori- ties.
a partial judge, but he described the Natural History as "a work remarkable for its comprehensiveness and erudition, and not less varied than Nature herself." ^
One thing in Pliny's favor as a compiler, besides his per- His use of sonal industry, unflagging interest, and apparently abundant supply of clerical assistance, is his full and honest statement of his authorities, although he adds that he has caught many authors transcribing others verbatim v^ithout acknowledg- ment. He has, however, great admiration for many of his authorities, exclaiming more than once at the care and dili- gence of the men of the past who have left nothing untried or unexperienced, from trackless mountain tops to the roots of herbs.^ Sometimes, nevertheless, he disputes their as- sertions. For instance, Hippocrates said that the appear- ance of jaundice on the seventh day in fever is a fatal sign, "but we know some who have lived even after this." ^ Pliny also scolds Sophocles for his falsehoods concerning amber.* It may seem surprising that he should expect strict scientific truth from a dramatic poet, but Pliny, like many medieval writers, seems to regard poets as good scientific authorities. In another passage he accepts Sophocles' statement that a certain plant is poisonous, rather than the contrary view of other writers, saying "the authority of so prominent a man moves me against their opinions." ^ He also cites Menander concerning fish and, like almost all the ancients, regards Homer as an authority on all matters.^ Pliny sometimes cites the works of King Juba of Numidia, than whom there hardly seems to have been a greater liar in antiquity.'^ He stated among other things in a work which he wrote for Gains Caesar, the son of Augustus, that a whale six hun- dred feet long and three hundred and sixty feet broad had
♦Letter to Macer, Ep. Ill, 5, ed. ''Yet C. W. King, Natural His-
Keil. Leipzig, 1896. tory of Precious Stones, p. 2, de-
'NH, Vn, i; XXIII, 60; XXV, plores the loss of Juba's treatise,
I ; XXVII, I. which he says, "considering his
*XXVI, 76. position and opportunities for
*XXXVlI, II. exact information, is perhaps the
•XXI, 88. greatest we have to deplore in
•XXXII, 24. this sad catalogue of desiderata."
so
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
His
lack of arrange- ment and classifica- tion.
His
scepticism and credulity.
entered a river in Arabia.^ But where should Pliny turn for sober truth ? The Stoic Chrysippus prated of amulets ; ^ treatises ascribed to the great philosophers Democritus and Pythagoras ^ were full of magic; and in the works of Cicero he read of a man who could see for a distance of one hun- dred and thirty-five miles, and in Varro that this man, stand- ing on a Sicilian promontory, could count the number of ships sailing out of the harbor of Carthage.*
The Natural History has been criticized as poorly ar- ranged and lacking in scientific classification, but this is a criticism which can be made of many works of the classi- cal period. Their presentation is apt to be rambling and discursive rather than logical and systematic. Even Aris- totle's History of Animals is described by Lewes ^ as un- classified in its arrangement and careless in its selection of material. I have often thought that the scholastic centuries did mankind at least one service, that of teaching lecturers and writers how to arrange their material. Pliny seems rather in advance of his times in supplying full tables of contents for the busy emperor's convenience. Valerius So- ranus seems to have been the only previous Roman writer to do this. One indication of haste in composition and failure to sift and compare his material is the fact that Pliny some- times makes or includes contradictory statements, probably taken from different authorities. On the other hand, he not infrequently alludes to previous passages in his own work, thus showing that he has his material fairly well in hand.
Pliny once said that there was no book so bad but what some good might be got from it,® and to the modern reader he seems almost incredibly credulous and indiscriminate in
*NH. xxxn, 4.
*XXX, 30.
' Bouche-Leclercq (1899), p. 519, notes, however, that Aulus Gellius (X, 12) protested against Pliny's credulity in accepting such works as genuine and that "Colu- melle (VH, 5) cite un certain Bolus de Mendes comme I'auteur des vTOfiinifjLaTa attribucs a Dcmoc-
rite." Bouche-Leclercq adds, how- ever, "Rien n'y fit: Democrite devint le grand docteur de Ut magie."
'NH, vn, 21.
'G. H. Lewes, Aristotle; a Chapter from the History of Science, London. 1864.
* Letters of Pliny the Younger, in, 5, ed. Keil, Leipzig, 1896.
II PLINY'S NATURAL HISTORY 51
his selection of material, and to lack any standard of judg- ment between the true and the false. Yet he often assumes an air of scepticism and censures others sharply for their credulity or exaggeration. " 'Tis strange," he remarks a propos of some tales of men transformed into wolves for nine or ten years, "how far Greek credulity has gone. No lie is so impudent that it lacks a voucher." ^ Once he ex- presses his determination to include only those points on which his authorities are in agreement.^
On the whole, while to us to-day the Natural History a guide tc seems a disorderly and indiscriminate conglomeration of ^"j^^^"g fact and fiction, its defects are probably to a great extent those of its age and of the writers from whom it has bor- rowed. If it does not reflect the highest achievements and clearest thinking of the best scientists of antiquity — and be it said that there are a number of the Hellenistic age of whom we should know less than we do but for Pliny — it probably is a fairly faithful epitome of science and error concerning nature in his own time and the centuries pre- ceding. At any rate it is the best portrayal that has reached us. From it we can get our background of the confusion of magic and science in the Hellenistic age, and then reveal against this setting the development of them both in the course of the Roman Empire and middle ages. Pliny gives so many items upon each point, and is so much fuller than the average ancient or medieval book of science, that he serves as a reference book, being the likeliest place to look to find duplicated some statement concerning nature by a later writer. This of course shows that such a statement did not originate with the later writer, but is not a sure sign that he copied from Pliny ; they may both have used the same authorities, as seems the case with Greek authors later in the empire who probably did not know of Pliny's work.
In the middle ages, however, Pliny had an undoubted His direct influence.^ Manuscripts of the Natural History are h^fluence.
*NH, VIII, 34. des Plinius im Mittelalter, in
* XXVIII, I. ^ Sitsh. Bayer. Akad. Philos-Philol.
*Ruck. Die Naturalis Historia Classe (1908) pp. 203-318. For
52
MAGIC AND EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCE chap.
numerous, although in a scarcely legible condition owing to corrections and emendations which enhance the obscurity of the text and perhaps do Pliny grave injustice in other re- spects.^ Also many manuscripts contain only a few books or fragments of the text, so that it is possible that many medieval scholars knew their Pliny only in part.^ This, however, can scarcely be argued from their failure to in- clude more from him in their own works; for that might be due to their knowing the Natural History so well that they took its contents for granted and tried to include other material in their own works. In a later chapter we shall treat of The Medicine of Pliny, a treatise derived from the Nat- ural History. Pliny's phrase rerum natura figures as the title of several medieval encyclopedias of somewhat similar scope. And his own name was too well known in the middle ages to escape having a work on the philosopher's stone ascribed to him.^
citations of Pliny by writers of the late Roman empire and early middle ages, see Panckoucke, Bibliotheque Latin e -Frang aise , vol. CVI.
^Concerning the MSS see Det- lefsen's prefaces in each of his first five volumes and his fuller dissertations in Jahn's Neue Jahrb., 77, 653ff, Rhein. Mus., XV, 265ff; XVIII, 227ff, 327.
Detlefsen seems to have made no use of English MSS, but a folio of the close of the 12th cen- tury at New College, Oxford, contains the first nineteen books of the Natural History and is described by Coxe as "very well written and preserved."
Nor does Detlefsen mention Le Mans 263, I2th century, containing all 37 books except that the last